4745. Orodes, the king of the Parthians, sent ambassadors to Syria to Crassus. They were find out why Mesopotamia was invaded and demand the reasons why he started this war. Orodes also sent Surana with an army to recover those places that had been taken or revolted. He personally made an expedition into Armenia, least Artabazes the son of Tigranes, who reigned there and was afraid of his own Kingdom, would send any help to the Romans. {Dio, l. 40.}
4746. The ambassadors of Orodes came to Crassus in Syria as he was drawing his forces from of their winter quarters, (although Florus relates that this was done in Mesopotamia when Crassus was camped at Nicephorium.) The reminded him of the league that they had made with Pompey and Sulla and by this declared to him that if this army was sent against the Parthians by the people of Rome that then they would have no peace with the Romans. If Crassus had brought this war against the Parthians for his own private gain and had seized his cities, then their king would use him more favourably considering Crassus' old age and he would send back his soldiers to the people of Rome. Crassus was blinded by the king's treasures and did not reply nor did he pretend to excuse the war. Crassus said that he would answer them at Seleucia. {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l 40.} Then Vageses, the chief of the ambassadors, smiled, and struck the palm of his right hand with the fingers of his left and said that hairs would sooner grow there then that Crassus would see Seleucia. So the ambassadors returned and told King Orodes that he must prepare for war.
4747. In the meantime, certain soldiers who had been left in garrison in Mesopotamia, barely escaped with great danger and brought Crassus news. The told of the approach formidable multitude of the Parthians, what kind of weapons they used and how they fought. They spoke from experience! This so discouraged the Romans that some of the captains were of opinion that Crassus should stay and hold a council, about the whole business. Cassius, the treasurer of Crassus was one who urged this. The soothsayers also tried to deter him but Crassus would not listen to any of them.
4748. Crassus was mainly by Artabazes, the king of the Armenians, who came into his camp with 6000 cavalry who were said to be the king's own guard. He promised him another 10,000 men at arms, and 30,000 foot soldiers whom he would pay. He also persuaded Crassus that he should invade Parthia through Armenia and that he would abundantly supply his army. The march that way would be safer because of the unevenness of the country and so not so much in danger of the large numbers of Parthian cavalry. Crassus neglected this most wise counsel and thanked the Armenian. He sent him back and told him that he would march through Mesopotamia where he had left many good soldiers of the Romans.
4749. When he came to Zeugma, on the bank of Euphrates River, he ignored many bad prodigies which Plutarch and Dio mentioned. The main one was this, as it is noted in Julius Obsequens, in his book of prodigies. He stated that:
``A sudden wind snatched the standard from the standard bearer, and it sank in the water. A sudden darkness of the sky that fell and hindered their crossing.''
4750. In spite of this Crassus was determined to go on. Florus, {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} stated this:
``When the army had passed Zonguia, sudden whirlwind threw the standard into Euphrates River where it sank.''
4751. Crassus also ignored the council of Cassius. He advised him that he should refresh his army in some of the cities where he had a garrison, until he heard some definite news of the Parthians. Otherwise, he should march along the river to Seleucia and so the ships would supply him with food and would follow the camp. The river would keep the enemy from surrounding him.
4752. As Crassus was considering these things, Auganus or Abgarus Osroenus dissuaded him from this good advice. He is correctly named by Dio. Florus {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} called him Mazares the Syrian and the copies of the Breviary of Sextus Rufus vary. He was called Mazarus, Marachus, Macorus and also Abgarus. In Plutarch, he was called Ariamnes, a captain of the Arabians. Although in some copies of Plutarch and in those from which the Parthica of Appian are taken, he is called Acbarus. This man was formerly in league with the Romans in Pomepy's time but now followed the Parthians. Although he was on the Parthian's side, he pretended that he was a good friend to Crassus and liberally gave much money to him. He found out all Crassus' plans and told them to the Parthians. When Crassus was determined to march to Seleucia, and from there to go to the city of Ctesiphon, Auganus persuaded Crassus that he follow that plan because it would take too long. Instead, he should lead his army directly against Sillax and Surena, two of Orodes his captains. (He would leave Euphrates River behind him which was his only supply line and fortification for him.)
4753. He then led his army through a vast sandy desert plain that lacked water and any green herb. Crassus began to suspect treason, especially when Artabazes sent ambassadors to him and told him that he could send him no forces because he was fighting a major war for Orodes had now wasted the country of the Armenians. He very earnestly advised Crassus to come into Armenia and to join forces with him that together they might fight with Orodes. If he was not pleased to do this then he should be sure to avoid those places that were most suitable for cavalry. Crassus angrily rejected this advice and did not write to the king. He told them that he had no time to think about Armenia but that on his return he would punish Armenian for its treachery. Abgarus left immediately before his treachery was discovered. He had persuaded Crassus that he might surround the enemies and rout them.
4754. They had not gone far when a few scouts returned (for the rest were killed by the enemy) and told them that there were huge forces, who courageously marched on toward them. At this Crassus was astonished and all the army was paralysed with fear. Crassus at the first followed Cassius' advice and set his battle formation wide. Presently he changed his mind, and he contracted his forces and made it square and deep. He gave the leading of one wing to Cassius and the other to his son C. Publius. He led the battle in the middle. As soon as they came to the Balissus River, most of the commanders tried to persuade him to camp and to lodge there all night. In the meantime, they should send scouts to see what forces the enemy had and how they were armed. Crassus ignored this good advice because his son and some of his cavalry were eager for a fight. So he commanded them that would eat and drink. They should do it standing and keep their ranks. Before this could be done by all, he marched on with a disorderly march, not in formation and quietly until the enemies were seen.
4755. Surenas did not show all his forces at first nor the brilliance of their arms. He placed his troops in a convenient place to terrify the Romans. When they tried with their lances to make the Romans break rank, they could not. As soon as they saw the depth of the Roman forces and that the soldiers kept their ranks, they retired. When they seemed to be in disorder, they surrounded the Romans before the Romans realised it. After Crassus commanded his light cavalry to attack them, they had not marched very far when they were showered with arrows and were forced to retire to the main body of troops. This was the beginning of the fear and disorder of the Romans especially when they saw the force of the weapons that broke through everything and caused many nasty wounds.
4756. The Parthians left them and began to shoot with their arrows on every side at the whole body of the army. No arrow fell in vain. They hit with so great a force that it made either an horrible wound or most commonly resulted in death. The Parthians continued shooting even when they withdrew from the Romans. The Romans were encouraged that when they had shot all their arrows, then the battle would be fought by hand to hand combat. However, they soon knew that there were many camels loaded with arrows from which they that had first shot all their arrows, went to get more. Crassus began to despair and knew that there would be no end of their shooting until they were all killed with their arrows. Thereupon, he ordered his son to endeavour by all means to join battle with the enemy before they were surrounded.
4757. The young Crassus took with him 1300 cavalry (1000 of which he had received from Caesar), 500 archers, and eight ensigns of the next footmen who had bucklers. He charged the Parthians who fled on purpose to draw him a good way off from his father. Then they turned around and shot them through with their arrows on every side. Publius, (whom Orosius commended as a most famous and excellent young man, {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13., Eutropius, l. 6.}) commanded a gentleman to thrust him through the side because he could not use his hand that was shot through. Censorinus, a senator and orator is said to have died in a similar way. Magabacchus, who was valiant man both in body and mind, thrust himself through, as did the rest of the nobility. The rest fled to an hill and were killed in the fight by the spears of the Parthians. There were 500 said to be taken prisoners.
4758. They cut off Publius' head and marched toward Crassus who was expecting the return of his son during the time the enemy did not press them so hard. However, messenger came upon messenger and said that Publius was totally defeated unless he was immediately helped with a very strong force. Crassus planned to march with the whole army when the enemies came upon him. They made a terrible noise and had become more fierce because of the victory. They brought the head of his son upon a spear. That spectacle broke the hearts of the Romans, in spite of Crassus' endeavours to encourage his men to wipe the joy from the enemy of their victory and to revenge their cruelty. The battle was renewed but the Romans were wounded on every side again with their arrows. Many died miserably. For those who desperately thought that they might escape the arrows, charged with large lances the enemy who were forced into a small area. With one thrust, they struck through two bodies. This continued as night approached and the Parthians retired. They bragged that they would allow Crassus one night to bemoan his son.
4759. That same night Octavian and Crassus called together the centurions and soldiers. Crassus was overwhelmed with sorrow for the army's defeat and the death of his son. He kept himself in the dark with his head covered. They feared what was yet to come and forced the rest of the army to consider fleeing. The army in all places began to break camp without any sound of trumpet. When those that were weak knew they were being abandoned, there was great tumult and confusion and all the camp was filled with howling and lamentations. Then fear and terror seized those that marched because they thought the enemy would be aroused by this noise and come and attack them. Indeed the enemy did know that they were leaving but did not pursue them. Three hundred light cavalry under their Captain Egnatius came to Carrae late in the night. He called to the watch and ordered them to tell Coponius, the governor, that Crassus had had a major battle with the Parthians. That is all he said and marched quickly to Zeugma. Coponius, assumed by the vagueness of the message that this was not good news. He presently armed his men and met Crassus who marched slowly because of his wounded men. He received him with his army into the city.
4760. As soon as it was day, the Parthians went to the Roman camp and there killed 4000 that were left there. Many also of their cavalry men were captured as they were wandering in the plain. Among these there were four cohorts who were led by Vargunteius, a lieutenant, and had lost their way in the night. These retired to an hill which the Parthians quickly surrounded. They killed them all in a fight, except twenty soldiers. These broke through the midst of the enemy and came safely to Carrae. Orosius also mentions this slaughter of Vargunteius. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.}
4761. Surenas was uncertain whether Crassus and Cassius were at Carrae or fled to some other place. He sent certain men to Carrae that he might know the truth under a pretence of making a league with the Romans if they would surrender Mesopotamia. The Romans approved of this because they were in a desperate condition. The Parthians demanded a time and place for the meeting of Crassus and Surenas. When Surenas knew that the enemy was shut up in Carrae, the next day he came before it with his whole army and besieged the place. He commanded the Romans that if they wanted any truce that they should deliver Crassus and Cassius as prisoners. Hereupon, the Romans were exceedingly sorrowful that they were so cheated. They gave up all hope of any help from the Armenians and they thought how they might escape by flight.
4762. This council was to be kept secret from any of the Carrenians, however, Crassus told it to Andromachus, who was the most perfidious of all men. Crassus used him for their guide on his march. Thereupon the Parthians knew all their councils because of the treachery of Andromachus. Since it was not the custom nor safe for the Parthians to fight at night, Crassus went out by night. Lest the enemy should not be able to catch up, Andromachus led them, sometimes one way and sometimes another. Finally he led them into deep bogs and places that were full of ditches. There were some who suspected Andromachus' often turnings and would not follow him for Cassius had retired to Carrae and from there with 500 men made his way into Syria. Others, who got trustworthy guides, took the way of the Synaca Mountains and before day, they retired into a safe place. These were almost five thousand men, under Octavian, a valiant man and their commander.
4763. The day overtook Crassus, who was entangled in those difficult places and bogs because of the treachery of Andromachus. He got through those areas with much difficulty along with four cohorts of legionary soldiers, a few cavalry and five lictors. When the enemy approached, he fled to another hill, within 1.5 miles of Octavian. It was not so well fortified nor too steep for horses. It was below the Synaca Mountains and joined to it with a long neck of land that stretched through the middle of the whole plain. Hence Octavian could easily see the danger that Crassus was in. Therefore he first, with a few others came to his aid. The rest chided one another and followed him and drove the enemy from the hill. He received Crassus into the middle of them and covered him with their shields and encouraged him. No weapon of the Parthians could touch the body of their general until they had killed those who defended him to the last man.
4764. Surenas saw that the Parthians were not so courageous as they should be and that it was a dangerous thing to fight with desperate men, especially when they fought from higher ground. If night should overtake them then the Romans could not be taken. They would keep to the mountains and go to the Armenians and so might by their means, renew the war as Dio stated. Surenas plotted another treacherous deed. He let some prisoners go free who had overheard some of the barbarians say on purpose that their king was not altogether against making peace with the Romans and that he would use Crassus with all the civility that might be if he could make peace. In the meanwhile, the barbarians stopped fighting and Surenas with some noble men, came near the hill with his bow unbent. He held out his right hand and invited Crassus to make a league with him. He told him that he had experienced of the force of the Parthians but now, if he wanted, he would experience his humanity. Crassus did not go to him because he was afraid of him and saw no reason for this sudden change of heart.
4765. However, the soldiers demanded peace even with harsh words to Crassus. He tried to persuade and reason with them that if they could hold out for the rest of the day, then that night they could march through the mountainous places. They should not abandon the hope of safety that was so near them. They began to rebel and beat their harnesses and began to threaten him. He was afraid and he went toward the enemy but turned around to his own men and said:
``Yea, if Octavian and Petronius and all you Roman commanders that are here with me, see what violence is done to me, yet, if ever any of you shall get away safely, say that Crassus was deceived by his enemies and not delivered up by his own citizens.''
4766. This he might seem to have said as he were trying by this friendly speech if he could assuage their obstinate minds, while he provided for their honour. However, Octavian and the rest did not remain on the hill but went down with him. Crassus forbid the lictors who wanted to follow him for his honour's sake.
4767. The first who came from the barbarians were two half-breed Greeks. They dismounted from their horses and greeted him in Greek and desired that he would send some ahead to see if Surenas and the rest that came to the parley, had arrived safely. Crassus sent the two Roscii that were brothers whom Surenas detained. Surenas came on horseback but Crassus was walking. He commanded that an horse should be brought to him and that he should go to the river side to write the articles of the peace. Because the Romans were not very mindful of their covenants, Surenas gave him his right hand. When Crassus sent for an horse, Surenas told him there was no great need, for the king has given you one. Soon an horse with a golden bridle was brought to him. The grooms mounted Crassus and followed him behind and lashed the horse. First, Octavian took hold of the bridle and after him, Petronius, one of the colonels. Then the rest of the Romans came around him to steady the horse and to take him from them that pressed around Crassus on every side.
4768. At first they were jostling and thrusting one the other, at last they started fighting. Octavian drew his sword and killed a groom, one of the barbarians. Another struck Octavian from behind and killed him. Petronius had no weapon and was being hit on his coat of mail. He got off his horse and was not harmed. Promanaethros or Manarthes by name, a Parthian, killed Crassus. Others said that he cut off his head and right hand when he lay dead. Dio leaves it in doubt whether he was killed by his own men lest he fall alive into the enemies' hands or whether he was killed by the enemies. Livy stated: {Livy, l. 106.}
``He was taken and resisted lest he be captured alive and he was killed. He was allured to a parley by a sign given by the enemy. He would have quickly fallen into their hands unless the resistance of the tribunes, had not stirred the barbarians to prevent the flight of the general.''
4769. Florus stated {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} and Sextus Rufus followed him, in his Breviary to Valentinian the Emperor and said:
``Crassus himself was allured to a parley and might have been taken alive except for the resistance of the tribunes, he escaped and while he fled, he was killed.''
4770. Surenas, the general of the Parthians, took Crassus by treachery, and killed him at Sinnaca, a city of Mesopotamia {Strabo, l. 16. p. 747.} although he would rather have taken him alive. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.} Velleius Paterculus stated that he was killed with most of the Roman army. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46.} Pliny stated that all the Lucanian soldiers were killed with him of which there were many in the army. {Pliny, l. 2. c. 56.} Jornandes wrote that they lost almost eleven legions and their general. {Jornandes, de regno. succession.} It is said that the number of those that were killed were 20,000. Only 10,000 were taken alive by the enemy according to Plutarch and Appian. Of the 100,000 in the army, 10,000 barely escaped into Syria. {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 438.} This happened in the month of June. {Ovid, Fastorusm, l. 6.} Dio, {Dio, l. 40.} said it was in the middle of summer. He also added that at this time, the Parthians recovered all their country again that lay within the Euphrates River.
4771. The survivors of the Roman army shifted for themselves. They were scattered by flight into Armenia, Cilicia and Syria, there was scarcely a man alive to bring the news of the overthrow. {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} As soon as this major defeat was known, many provinces of the east would have revolted from the alliance and protection of the people of Rome, unless Cassius had gathered together a few soldiers from them who fled. He went to Syria and began to grow proud with great virtue and moderation. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.} This is the same Cassius who would not accept the command that the soldiers offered to him at Carrae from hatred to Crassus. Crassus also willingly yielded to him when he knew the greatness of his loss. He was now compelled by necessity, to assume the government of Syria. {Dio. l. 40.} He was also the treasurer of Crassus who kept Syria under Roman control and was also the same C. Cassius who together with Brutus, later killed Julius Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46, 56, 58.}
4772. Surenas sent the head and the right hand of Crassus to Orodes in Armenia. He spread a rumour by his messengers at Seleucia, that he had taken Crassus alive. He dressed up Caius, a captive who looked very much like him and so made a ridiculous show which in disgrace they called a triumph. {Plutarch, in Crassus}
4773. In the meantime Orodes was reconciled to Artabazes or Artarasers the Armenian, and betrothed his sister to his son, Pacoras. They made feasts and revels during which many Greek verses were sung, for Orodes understood Greek and was a scholar. Artavasdes had written tragedies and speeches and histories. Jason, the tragedian of Trallis, was there singing some verses from the Bacchis of Euripides. Agave Syllaces came into the dining room and threw the head of Crassus before them. Pomaxaethres or Maxarthes rose from supper and took it for himself since he thought it belonged more to him than any other. {Plutarch, in Crassus}
4774. Among other indignities, some report that the Parthians poured molten gold down the mouth of Crassus and insulted him with words. Florus recorded this about what happened: {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.}
``The head and right hand of Crassus was brought to the king and they made sport of him. They poured molten gold down his open mouth so that he whose mind was on fire with the desire of gold while he was alive, his dead and bloodless carcass might be burnt with gold.''
4775. Sextus Rufus, in his breviary and Jornandes, say similar things about this.
4776. Not long after, Surenas was punished for his perjury. He was killed by Orodes who envied his honour. {Plutarch, in Crassus}
4777. At Rome, M. Cicero was made augur in the place of young Crassus, who was killed in the Parthian war. {Plutarch, in Cicero}
4778. With the death of Crassus, one head of Varro's triumvirate was cut off and the foundation laid for the civil wars between Pompey and Caesar. After Crassus was killed who was above them both, it remained for Caesar to eliminate Pompey who was above him so that he would be the greatest. {Plutarch, in Caesar, Pompey}
Nec quenquam iam ferre potest, Casarve priorem, Pompeiusve parem. {Lucan, l. 1.}
Caesar would no superior fear, Nor Pompey any equal bear.
3952a AM, 4661 JP, 53 BC
4779. During the interim the senate decreed that neither any consul nor any praetor should have by lot any foreign province until after the fifth year of his magistracy. A little later Pompey confirmed this. {Dio, l. 40.} Interrex, Servius Sulpitius, on the fifth of March in an intercalary month (about the beginning of the Julian December) appointed Pompey as consul. {Ascon. Pedian., in orat. Milonian.}
3952b AM, 4662 JP, 52 BC
4780. The Parthians invaded Syria with a small army because they thought the Romans lacked soldiers and a general. Therefore, Cassius easily repulsed them. {Dio, l. 40.}
4781. Cassius came to Tyre and arrived also in Judea. When he came the first time, he captured Tarichaea and led away about 30,000 Jewish prisoners. He executed Pitholaus because he had sided with Aristobulus' faction at the persuasion of Antipater who could do whatever he wished with Pitholaus. For Antipater saw he was in great standing with the Idumeans and sought by courtesies and friendship of others who were in power. He especially made an alliance with the king of the Arabians, to whose custody he committed his children during the war that he had with Aristobulus. Cassius had forced Aristobulus, the son of Alexander, to be at peace. He moved his camp to the Euphrates River to keep the Parthians from crossing over. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6., Antiq., l. 14. c. 12.}
3953 AM, 4663 JP, 51 BC
4782. When M. Marcellus and C. Sulpitius were consuls, the league was renewed with the Rhodians. It provided that one people shall not make war on the other but send mutual help to each other. The Rhodians also swore that they would have the same enemies that the senate and the people of Rome would have. {P. Lentulus with Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.} {Appian, Civil War, l. 4. p. 627, 630.} By this means Posidonius Apameensis, who had a school at Rhodes, seemed to have come to Rome when M. Marcellus was consul. {Suidas, in voc. poshdansos} He was a very noble philosopher, mathematician and historian. Cicero {Cicero, divination, l. 2} mentioned a globe he made.
``If anyone should carry this globe into Scythia or Britain, which was recently made by a close friend of mine, whose each turning performs the same actions of the sun and moon and the other five planets do in the heavens each day, who in that barbarous land would doubt but that this was a most exact representation?''
4783. By the decree of the senate and by the law of Pompey which was made the year before, none could obtain either a consular or praetorian province, unless he had been consul or praetor five years before. M. Calphurnius Bibulus, who had been consul seven years earlier and M. Tullius Cicero who had been consul eleven years before and yet had never been sent into any province, where assigned provinces by lot. Bibulus was given Syria {Dio, l. 40.} and Cicero had Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 2.} Cicero wrote that he was now appointed proconsul to Appius Pulcher, the captain general, whom he was to succeed. (For the army had given him the title of captain general because he had done well in the wars in Cilicia) Cicero also indicated that this happened against his will and he never desired that he should be forced to go to govern in his province by the decree of the senate. Cicero had for his lieutenants, his brother, Quintus Tullius, C. Pomponius, L. Tullius and M. Anneius. His quaesters were L. Messinius and Cn. Volusius.
4784. Plutarch, {Plutarch, in Cicero} stated that he had in his army 12,000 foot soldiers and 1600 cavalry. Cicero said that he had the command of only two legions and those were so undermanned {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 15.} that they were barely able to defend one town as M. Coelius stated. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 8. epist. 5.}
4785. Ten days before June (as the year was then accounted at Rome which happened on the sixth day of the Julian March) Cicero left for his province and came to Brundusium. There he met with Q. Fabius, the lieutenant of Appius Claudius Pulcher, whom he was to succeed. He told him that he needed a greater force to govern that province and almost all were of the opinion that the legions of Cicero and Bibulus should be supplied from Italy. The consul, Servius Sulpicius, positively denied this request but yet there was such a general consent of the senate that Cicero and Bibulus should quickly be sent, that he was forced at last to yield and so it was done. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 3. epist. 3.}
4786. Before the civil war of Caesar and Pompey (Julian March 7th), a little after noon, there was an almost total eclipse of the sun, of ten and an half digits (88%). Dio said {Dio, l. 40.} the whole sun was eclipsed. Lucan wrote: {Lucan, l. 1.}
----Titan hides (When mounted in the midst of heaven he rides) In clouds his burning chariot, to enfold The world in darkness quite: day to behold No Nation hopes.----
4787. Cicero sailed from Brundusium and came to Actium, the sixteen days before July, (the 29th day of the Julian March.) He journeyed by land and came to Athens six days before July. (Julian April 8th) {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 4. epist. 9. & 10.} The day before he came there, Memmius, who was condemned for unlawful bribery for an office and banished, had gone to Mitylene. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 4. epist. 11.}
4788. In the month of the Julian April, Ptolemy Auletes died. M. Coelius mentions this in a letter to M. Cicero written from Rome on first of August (the 15th day of the Julian May) {Cicero, Letter to his Friends, l. 8. epist. 4.} C. Marcellus was chosen consul for the next year. News was brought to Rome and it was known for certain that the king of Alexandria was dead. Of his two sons and two daughters, he left the oldest son and daughter as heirs. So that this might be so, Ptolemy in the same will, did humbly beseech the people of Rome by all the gods and by the league that he had made with them at Rome, to make sure the will was carried out. One copy of his will was sent to Rome by his ambassadors so that it might be placed in the treasury and the other was left and kept sealed up at Alexandria. {Caesar, Civil War, l. 3.}
4789. His will directed that his oldest son, Ptolemy, after the ancient custom of the Egyptians should be married to Cleopatra his oldest daughter and that both of them should rule the kingdom. However, they should be under the guardianship of the people of Rome. {Dio, l. 42.} Cleopatra speaks to Caesar concerning this: {Lucan, l. 10.}
I am not the first woman that have swayed The Pharian sceptre: Egypt has obeyed A queen; not sex excepted: I desire Thee read the will of my deceased sire Who left me there a partner to enjoy My brother's crown and marriage bed---
4790. The copy of this will was brought to Rome. Because of public practices, it could not be put in the treasury and was deposited with Pompey. {Caesar, Civil War, l. 3.} Eutropius stated Pompey was made tutor to the new king because he was so young. {Eutropius, l. 6.}
4791. M. Cicero stayed a few days at Athens, on the 6th of July {Julian April 19th) he sailed {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 8.} from the harbour of Piraeum. He was carried by a certain wind to Zorera which detained him there until the 7th. On the 8th of July (April 25th) he came to the village of Cios and went from there to Gyaros, Scyaros and Delos. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 12.} The 18th of July, (Julian May 5th) he came to Ephesus. He sailed slower because the Rhodian ships were frail. He was met by a very large crowd and the Greeks very willingly offered themselves to him as if he had been the praetor of Ephesus. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 13.} Q. Thermus was at Ephesus. He was the praetor of the Asian governments (which were separated from the province of Cilicia.) He met with Cicero about a matter of his lieutenant, M. Anneius, who had a dispute with the Sardineans. Cicero wrote many letters to him later. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 13. epist. 53, 54, 55, 56, 57., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.} P. Silius was praetor of Bithynia at that time. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 13. epist. 61.}
4792. P. Nigidius expected Cicero at Ephesus and returned to Rome from his embassy. He was a very learned man. Cratippus also came there from Mitylene to see and greet Cicero. Cratippus was at that time the chiefest of all the peripatertics as Cicero states in the preface to Plato's Timaeus, as he translated into Latin by himself.
4793. Cicero left Ephesus and travelled to Tralli by a very dry and dusty way. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 14.} Fives days before the month of August (Julian May 10th) he arrived at Tralli where L. Lucilius met him with letters from Appius Pulcher. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 5.} By these he knew that a rebellion of the soldiers was averted by Appius and that the soldiers were all payed to the ides of July. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 3. epist. 14.}
4794. The day before the month of August (Julian May 14th) when Sulpitius and Marcellus were consuls, Cicero came to Laodicea into a province which was almost destroyed by Appius. That day marked the first day of his term of office that was assigned to him by the senate. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 15. 16, 20, 21, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 6., l. 15. epist. 2, 4.} Cicero was told by the Cypriot ambassadors who came to meet him at Ephesus, that Sceptius, the governor of Appius in Cyprus, besieged the senate in their senate house in Salamine with some cavalry troops. He hoped to starve the senators out. The same day Cicero first entered the province, he sent letters that the cavalry should immediately leave the island. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21. & l. 6. epist. 1.}
4795. He saw by the time of the year, he must soon go to the army. After he had stayed three days at Laodicea, (while the money was received which was owed him from the public treasury) on the fifth of August (Julian May 17th) he journeyed to Apamea. He stayed there four or five days, three at Synnada and five at Philomelium. At that town, there was a large gathering of people. He freed many cities from the most heavy tributes, exorbitant usuries and large debts. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 5. & l. 15. epist. 4., ad Attic., l. 5. epist 15, 16, 20.}
4796. Appius Claudius was allowed to stay thirty days in the province after his successor arrived. This was according to the law of Cornelius Sulla, the dictator. During those days he sat in judging at Tarsus and Cicero judged at Apamea, Synnada and Philomelium. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 6, 8., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 16, 17.}
4797. M. Bibulus, the proconsul sailed from Ephesus about the 13th of August (Julian May 25th) and came to his province, Syria, by a very prosperous wind. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 3.} When the Senate had allowed him to raise soldiers in Asia, he did not do it. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1.} The auxiliaries of the allies were through the sharpness and injustice of the government of the Romans, either so weakened that they could be of little help or so alienated from them that little could be expected from them. It did not seem wise to trust the allies for troops. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1.}
4798. Before Cicero arrived in the province, the army was scattered through a rebellion. Five cohorts had no lieutenant, or colonel or centurions. He stayed at Philomelium while the rest of the army was in Lycaonia.
4799. Cicero commanded his lieutenant, M. Anneius, that he should conduct those five cohorts to the rest of the army. He should rally the whole army in one place and camp at Iconium in Lycaonia. When Anneius had exactly done this, Cicero came into the camp six days before September. (Julian June 7th) A few days before, according to the decree of the senate, he had received a good band of newly raised soldiers, a number of cavalry and voluntary auxiliaries of free people from the kings who were their allies. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.}
4800. Dejotarus, the son, who was declared king by the senate, took Cicero's sons with him into his kingdom, while Cicero made war in the summer time. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 15. epist. 17, 18.} Plutarch stated {Plutarch, de Stoicorum repugnantiis} that Dejotarus, the father, killed all his other sons so that he might establish the kingdom on this one son. Both the Dejotari, father and son, reigned together. Cicero greatly commended both of them in the 11th Philippicho.
4801. Pacorus, the son of Orodes, the king of the Parthians, to whom was married the sister of the king of the Armenians, came with great forces of the Parthians and a great band from other countries. They crossed the Euphrates River and attacked the province of Syria. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 18.} Orsaces was the general and Pacorus only held the title of general for he was barely 15 years old. {Dio, l. 40.}
4802. The Parthians went into Syria and having subdued all places, they came as far as to Antioch. They hoped to win the rest also for the Romans held that province with a small army. The citizens barely endured the domineering Romans and were inclined to the Parthians since they were their neighbours and close friends. {Dio, l. 40} The proconsul, Bibulus, had not yet arrived in the province. For although the province was appointed to him but for year, as in Cicero's case, it was reported that for this reason he came so late into the province so that he could leave later. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 16., 18.}
4803. Cicero, two days before September, (Julian June 11th) mustered his army at Iconium. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 3. epist. 19.} On the first or third of September, the ambassadors that were sent from Antiochus, the king of the Commagenians, arrived at the camp at Iconium. They were the first who brought Cicero the news that large forces of the Parthians began to cross the Euphrates River. It was said, that the Armenian king would make an invasion on Cappadocia. When the news was brought to him, Cicero was troubled. Although there were some that thought that not much credit should be given to the king's planned invasion, Cicero did not think so. He was worried about Syria, his own province and indeed for all Asia. Therefore he thought it best that the army should march through Lycaonia, the country of the Isaurians and that part of Cappadocia which bordered Cilicia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1, 2, 3, 4.}
4804. After he had stayed ten days at Iconium, he moved his army and camped at the town Cybistra in the remotest part of Cappadocia, not far from Mount Taurus. He did this to show to Artavasdes, the Armenian king, that whatever he intended to do, there was a Roman army not far from his border. Hence he and the Parthians would think themselves shut out of Cappadocia and so Cicero could defend Cilicia that bordered on them and keep Cappadocia. This would hinder any new plans of the neighbouring kings who although they were friends of the people of Rome, yet dared not be public enemies to the Parthians. {Cicero, ad. Attic., l. 5. epist. 20., Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 2. & 4.}
4805. Cicero sent his cavalry from Cybistra into Cilicia so that the news of his coming would be known to the cities in that part and the citizens would be more loyal to him. This would allow him to quickly stop what was done in Syria. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 2.}
4806. He was careful of the charge given to him by the senate that he should defend Ariobarzanes, the king of the Cappadocians and ensure that he and his kingdom were safe. The king with his brother Ariarathes and some of his father's old friends came to the camp to the proconsul (where he stayed three or four days.) {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 2.} They complained of treasons that were plotted against his life and desired that some cavalry and Roman foot soldiers come and guard him. Cicero exhorted his friends that they should protect with all care and diligence, the life of their king and learn from the sad example of his father. Cicero exhorted the king that he should learn to reign by protecting his own life from whom he was certain who plotted treason against him. Those he might do with as he wished and that he should punish those who needed punishing and free the rest from fear. He should use the guard of the Roman army more for terror to those that were in the fault then for fighting. Then it would happen that when they knew the decree of the senate, should understand that Cicero would be a guard to the king, whenever needed. Concerning the king, Cicero wrote at the end of the second letter to the consuls and senate that he was more careful to inform them. In King Ariobarzanes there were such signs of virtue, wit, fidelity and good will toward them that they were wise to give him such a charge to protect him.
4807. Cicero established into great favour and authority Mithras and Athenaeus whom Ariobarzanes had banished through the importunity of Athenaidis. (??) There would be a great war in Cappadocia if the priest of the Comaniaus was to defend himself with armies. Hirsius confirmed in his book {Hirsius, de bell. Alexandrin.} that the priest was considered second only to the king in majesty command and power by the common consent of that country. The priest was a young man and some thought he might start a war since he had cavalry, foot soldiers, money and allies also who wanted to see a revolution. Cicero brought it so to pass that he left the kingdom and so the king obtained the kingdom with honour and without any revolt or war. The authority of his court was more confirmed to him. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 4.} Although in another letter he thought that there was nothing more pillaged than that kingdom and nothing more poor than that king. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 1.}
4808. In this way, the kingdom of Ariobarzanes was preserved for the king. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. in epist. 5. Cato} Cappadocia was reconciled to his obedience without fighting and with much good will. {Plutarch, in Cicero} Concerning Ariobarzanes, Cicero brags of himself to Atticus: {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.}
``Ariobarzanes lives and reigns by my means, by the by, by my advice and authority. This happened because I kept myself away from those that lay in wait for him and free from bribes. Hence, I preserved both the king and the kingdom.''
4809. In the meantime, Cicero knew by many letters and messages, that Cassius (Bibulus had not yet arrived into Syria) was at Antioch with an army. Large forces from the Parthians and Arabians had come to Antioch. There was a large body of cavalry who had passed into Cilicia and were all killed by those cavalry troops Cicero had sent there and by a praetorian cohort which was in a garrison at Epiphania. The Parthians were in Cynhestica, a part of Syria, that borders on Cilicia. Therefore, when he saw that the forces of the Parthians were turned from Cappadocia and were not far from the borders of Cilicia, he left Cylistra in Cappadocia, (when he had camped for five days) and led the army into Cilicia. At the borders of Lycaonia and Cappadocia twelve days before October, (Julian June 30th) he received letters from Tarcondimotus and from Jamblichus, a governor of the Arabians, who were considered friends of the Roman commonwealth. They said that Pacorus, with a large body of Parthian cavalry had crossed the Euphrates River and was camped at Tyba. Cicero shortly wrote to the consuls and senate about this. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 1. 2. & 4., ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 18. & 20.}
4810. A rumour of the arrival of Cicero, encouraged Cassius, who was besieged in Antioch and made the Parthians afraid. They left Antioch before the arrival of Bibulus and were driven back by Cassius. He pursued them in their retreat from the town and killed many of them. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20. 21., Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 20.} Dio gives a fuller account of this.
4811. When the Parthians were hoping to capture Antioch, Cassius drove them off (for they were very awkward at storming cities.) They marched toward Antigonia. The suburbs of that city were planted with trees and so they dared not nor were able to come near it. They intended to cut down the trees and to clear the place of the forest so that they might more boldly attack the city on that side. This did not happen because it was a lot of work and time was quickly passing. Cassius attacked any stragglers. They retreated from Antigonia and planned to attack another place. In the meantime, Cassius had placed ambushes in the way they were to pass. He showed himself to them with a few troops to draw them into pursuing him. Then he turned on them. {Dio, l. 40.} Orsaces, the great commander of the Parthians was wounded and he died a few days later. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.}
4812. In Justin, {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} this story is not so accurately written:
``Pacorus was sent to pursue the remains of the Roman army, after he had achieved many things of Syria. He was recalled home through the mistrust of his father. In his absence, the army of the Parthians that was left in Syria along with all its captains were killed by Cassius, the treasurer of Crassus.''
4813. Livy stated that C. Cassius, the treasurer of M. Crassus, killed the Parthians, who had marched into Syria. {Livy, l. 108.} Velleius said that he very successfully routed the Parthians that came into Syria. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2, c. 46.} Sextus Rufus, in Breviary, said that he valiantly fought against the Persians, (for so he calls the Parthians) who made an invasion into Syria and utterly destroyed them and drove them beyond the Euphrates River. Eutropius {Eutropius, l. 6.} said that with singular valour and great courage, he restored the state when it was even lost so that he overcame the Persians in various battles. Orosius added {Orosius, l. 6. c. 13.} concerning Cassius:
``He overcame in battle and killed Antiochus and his large forces and by war he drove out the Parthians that were sent into Syria by Orodes. They had advanced as far as Antioch. He killed their general, Orsaces.''
4814. Cicero, {Cicero, in the 11th. Philippic} stated:
``He did many gallant things before the arrival of Bibulus, the chief commander. He utterly routed the greatest commanders and large forces of the Parthians and freed Syria from an horrible invasion of the Parthians.''
4815. It should not be accepted what is added concerning Cassius in the 14th chapter of the Jewish History, which is written in Arabic and is entitled the second book of the Maccabees:
``He crossed over the Euphrates River and conquered the Persians and brought them under the obedience of the Romans. He also secured the obedience of those twenty two kings that Pompey had subdued and brought under their obedience whatever was in the countrys of the east.''
4816. We saw in Orosius {Orosius, l. 6. c. 6.} how Pompey bragged that he had made war with twenty two kings.
4817. The day before the month of October (Julian July 11th) the senate was convened in the temple of Apollo. They decreed that into Cilicia and into eight other provinces should hence forth be sent propraetors who formerly had been praetors at Rome and had never had any command in any province. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 8. epist. 8.}
4818. Cicero marched with his army by the pass of the Taurus Mountains into Cilicia on October fifth (Julian July 16th) On the same day the senate read the letters of Cassius which told of his victory. He wrote that by himself, he had finished the Parthian war. Also the letters of Cicero were read telling of the Parthian uprising. Thereupon little credit was given to Crassus' letters. {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 5. epist. 21.} The same day, Cicero went from Taurus Mountains toward Amanus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 8.} This mountain belonged both to him and Bibulus and it divided Syria from Cilicia. This was a divide for the watershed and was full of perpetual enemies to both provinces. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 10., ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 20.}
4819. The next day {Julian, June 19th} he camped in the plain of Mopsuestia where he wrote his eighth letter {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 8.} to Appius Pulcher, (whom he succeeded in the proconsulship.) We read this in that letter:
``If you ask concerning the Parthians, I think there were none. Those Arabians that were here who lived like Parthians, are said to be all returned. They deny that there was any enemy in Syria.''
4820. When Cicero came to Amanus, he knew that the enemy was returned from Antioch and that Bibulus was at Antioch. From there, he learned that Dejotarus was quickly coming to him with a large army of cavalry, foot soldiers and all his forces. Cicero saw no cause why he should leave his kingdom. Cicero immediately sent letters and messengers to him, lest any unusual matter should happen in his kingdom. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.}
4821. Cicero considered that it concerned both provinces very much to establish Amanus and eliminate the perpetual enemy from that mountain and enter some other parts of Cilicia. When he was gone about a day's journey from Amanus, he camped at Epiphania. Three days before the month of October (Julian July, 23rd) toward evening, he marched quickly with his army so that on the next day at daybreak, he went up the Amanus Mountain. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.}
4822. He marshalled his cohorts and auxiliaries. He with his brother Quintus, his lieutenant, commanded some of these. Others were under his lieutenant, C. Pomptinus and the rest under M. Anneius and L. Tullius. They came suddenly on the enemy before they were aware and many were killed or captured and the rest were scattered. Fugerana (or rather Erana) which was more like a city than a village because it was the main place in Amanus along with Sepyra and Cerminoris (or Commoris) resisted for a long time very stoutly. Pomptinus attacked that part of Amanus from break of day till ten o'clock. It was taken and a large number of the enemy were killed. Six well fortified citadels were captured by their sudden coming and more were burnt. When they had done this, Cicero camped at the foot of the Amanus Mountain at the altars of Alexander by the Isstis River where Darius was defeated by Alexander. He stayed four days in destroying the remains of Amanus that belonged to his province and in wasting the country. For this so just a victory, he was called by the army, imperator or Captain General. After he had spoiled and wasted Amanus, he left it on the sixth day. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 4., ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 20.} {Plutarch, in Cicero}
4823. In the meantime, when Bibulus came to Amanus, he began to look for a laurel in a mustard tree and seek after the vain name of captain general. However, he had a great defeat. He wholly lost his first cohort, and a centurion of the vanguard who was a noble man and relative of his called Asinius Dento. He also lost all the rest of the same cohort and Sextus Lucilius, a colonel (the son of T. Gravius Coepio, a rich and renowned man.) {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 20.}
4824. Cicero brought his army to the most dangerous part of Cilicia which was inhabited by the Eleutherociles. They were a cruel and fierce men who were well armed. They never had obeyed their kings and hosted at this time fugitives. They were daily expecting the arrival of the Parthians. Cicero attacked their town, Pindenissa, that was located in a steep and well fortified place. This was the 57th day before the Saturnalia, (the 12th of November and on the Julian August 1st) He surrounded it with a rampart and a trench and kept them in with six citadels and very large brigades. He attacked it with a mount, engines and a most high tower. He used many archers and a large number of battering rams. Cicero wrote this in a letter to M. Caelius Rufus who was chosen aedile, which he wrote on the 25th day of the siege (Julian August 25th) {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 10.} This is also mentioned in his letters written after the capture of the city, to M. Cato, {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 15. epist. 4.} and to Pomponius Atticus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 20.}
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4825. Cicero accomplished his end after much work and preparation but without any cost to the allies. Many of his men were wounded but the army was safe. On the very day of the Saturnalia (the 14th of January, or Julian September 26th) his forces had the Pindenissenses at their mercy. All the city was either beaten down or burnt. He granted the whole spoil of it to his soldiers, except for the horses. The slaves were sold on the third day of the Saturnalia. He took hostages from the Tibareni, who were the next door neighbours to the Pindenessenses and were as wicked and audacious as they. After this, he sent his army to their winter quarters under his brother Quintus. The army should be quartered in those places that were taken form the enemy or that were not well subdued. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 20.} So after he settled his affairs for the summer, he appointed his brother, Quintus to command in the winter quarters and to be over Cilicia. {Cicero, at Attic., l. 5. epist. 21.} He had planned to use the summer months to execute this war and the winter months to sit in judging cases. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 14.}
4826. Publius Lentulus Spinther triumphed at Rome for Cilicia, as is gathered from Cicero. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21., Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 9.}
4827. The son of Orodes, the king of the Parthians, came into Cyrrhestica, a country of Cilicia where the Parthians also wintered. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21., l. 6. epist. 1.}
4828. Cicero sent Q. Volusius, who was a trusty man and uncorruptible by bribes, to Cyprus to stay there a few days. Hence, those few Roman citizens, who had business to do there, would not be able to say they had not been handled fairly. For it was not right that the Cypriots should be called to courts outside of their own island. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21.}
4829. When Cicero was well received by the cities of Cilicia, on the fifth of January (Julian October 13th) he went from the Taurus Mountains into Asia. He crossed over the Taurus Mountains in the sixth month of his command. Wherever he went, he brought it to pass, that without any violence or reproach and only by his authority and advice, the Greek and Roman citizens, who had withheld their grain, promised to supply the people. There was a great famine which raged in much of that part of Asia since there was no harvest. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 5. epist. 21.}
4830. Dejotarus, (whose daughter was betrothed to the son of Artavasdes, the king of Armenia) helped Cicero greatly. He came to Laodicea to live with the Cicero's children. He brought him news that Orodes intended to come into those parts with all the Parthian forces at the beginning of summer. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 20, 21., l. 6. epist. 1.}
4831. At Laodicea, from the 13th of February, (Julian November 29th) to the first of May (Julian February 26th) Cicero held court for that part of Asia that belonged to him. He held it from the 13th of February for Cibara and Apamea and from the 15th of March for Synnada and Pamphylia. Many cities were freed from their debts and many were very much eased. All of them used their own laws and judgments after they were given permission to do so. They were all greatly restored. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 21., l. 6. epist. 2.}
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4832. When L. Emilius. Paulus and C. Claudius Marcellus were consuls, the senate at Rome decreed a parade for Cicero, because he had conquered in Cilicia {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 11., l. 8. epist. 11., l. 13. epist. 5, 6, 13., ad Attic. l. 7. epist. 1.}
4833. When C. Cassius, who had been M. Crassus' treasurer was about to leave after the Parthian war from Syria, he commended M. Fabius to Cicero who was then at Laodicea. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 9. epist. 25. & l. 15. epist. 14.} Cicero wrote back and congratulated him for the greatness of the actions and his timing on leaving for he left the province while he was greatly favoured and held in high esteem. Cicero advised him to hurry to Rome because of his recent victory and his arrival would be very well received.
4834. Cicero commended to Quintus Thermus, the praetor of Asia, his lieutenant, M. Anneius, whose wisdom, virtue, and fidelity he had proven in the war in Cilicia. Thermus was to go to settle a dispute he had with the Sardinians and desired Anneius that might be sent back before the month of May, when he intended to go into Cilicia. (??) {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 13. epist. 55. 57.}
4835. P. Cornelius Dolabella, who a little latter was married to Tullia, the daughter of Cicero, was accused of treason and bribery for his office. Appius Claudius Pulcher, demanded a triumph at Rome for the good work he had done in Cilicia. As soon as Dolabella came before the tribunal, Appius entered the city and laid aside his demand of a triumph. Finally Q. Hortensius and M. Brutus defended him and he was acquitted for each crime. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 8. epist. 13, 16., l. 3. epist. 10. 11, 12, ad Attic. l. 6., de claris Oratoribus.}
4836. The cavalry men that were left by Gabinius in Italy, killed two sons of M. Bibulus, the proconsul. {Caesar. Civil War, l. 3.} {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 1.} Cleopatra, the queen, sent the murderers in bonds to Bibulus so that he might punish the murderers as he wished. He soon sent them back to Cleopatra without harming them and said that the authority of punishing them belonged to the senate and not to him. {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 1.} {Seneca, ad Marcian}
4837. Cicero thought of going into Cilicia, on the seventh of May. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 13., ad Attic. l. 6. epist. 2.} However he did not come to the Taurus Mountains before the fifth of June, (Julian April 2nd) Many things troubled him. There was a great war in Syria and many robberies in Cilicia. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 4.}
4838. He went from there and when he camped by the Pyramus River, Q. Servilius sent him letters from Taurus that were written from Appius Claudius Pulcher. They were dated at Rome the fifth of April (Julian February, 1st) and he wrote that he had been cleared of the charge of treason. {Cicero, Letters to his Fiends, l. 3. epist. 11.}
4839. Syria was in a turmoil with the Parthian war and there was great fear at Antioch. In spite of the sorrow for the murder of his sons, Bibulus managed the war. Although there were great hopes of having Cicero and his army help, yet it is said that Bibulus stated that he would rather endure anything than get help from Cicero. Hence, he wrote to Thermus, the praetor of Asia about the Parthian war and he never wrote to Cicero even though he knew that the greatest part of the danger of the war belonged to him. Notwithstanding, his lieutenants sent letters to Cicero that he should come and help them. {Cicero, Letters to Friends, l. 3. epist. 17., ad Attic. l. 6. epist. 5.}
4840. Although Cicero's own army was weak, he had good auxiliaries from the Galatians, Pisidians and Lycians. He thought it his duty to have his army as near as he could to the enemy as long as he should command in that province according to the decree of the senate. Since the term of his office lasted only a year and was almost expired, he agreed with Dejotarus that the king should be in his camp with all his forces. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 1., 5.} Cicero, in his 11th Philippic, said about Dejotarus:
``I and Bibulus were both captains general in near and neighbouring provinces. Often we were both helped by that king with cavalry and foot soldiers.''
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4841. The Parthians kept Bibulus besieged. {Caesar, Civil War, l. 2.} As long as the Parthians were in the province, he stayed within the extremely well fortified town and with his men. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 19.} He never set foot out of the town as long as the Parthians were on this side of the Euphrates River. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 8., l. 7. epist. 2.}
4842. The Parthians left Bibulus only half alive. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 7. epist. 2.} By an incredible stroke of good luck left {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 6., l. 7. epist. 1., Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 17.} for Bibulus had set the Parthians at odds with one another. He befriended with Ornodophantes, who was a noble man and an enemy of Orodes. He persuaded him by messengers who went between them that he should make Pacorus the king and that with his help he should make war on Orodes. {Dio, l. 40.}
4843. Bibulus, in his letter he wrote to the senate concerning the things that he had done stated that the things that he and Cicero had done together, he claimed he had done alone by himself. He said the things Cicero had done alone were done by both of them together. Cicero complained of this in a letter that he wrote to Salust, his treasurer. {Cicero, Letter to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 17.} He also notes as a mark of a poor, malicious and vain spirit that he attributed not to Ariobarzanes the king but to his son (whom the senate called king and commended him to Cicero.) When he that had done no great deeds tried to obtain a triumph, Cicero also thought it would be a disgrace to him not to obtain the same. Bibulus' army had their hopes in Cicero's army. Cicero also by the advise of his friends, began to think of a triumph. {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 6. epist. 7, 8., l. 7. epist. 2.}
4844. After the danger of the Parthians was gone, Cicero withdrew all the garrisons, which were good and strong that he had provided for Apamea and other places. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 17.}
4845. About two days before August (??) (Julian May 26th), Cicero's term of office was almost over since it only lasted for a year. Someone had to replace him when he left according to the decree of the senate. Cicero wanted C. Caelius Caldus to take over the government of the province which was now freed from the fear of the Parthian war. He was recently sent to him from Rome to be his treasurer, (in the place of Cn. Volusius) and was a noble young gentleman indeed but one that lacked gravity and self control. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 15., 19., ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 4., 6.}
4846. The 3rd of August, (Julian May 29th) when his annual command had expired, Cicero sailed to Sida, a city of Pamphilia. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist. 12.} From there, he went to Laodice, the farthest bound of the province. At this place he ordered his treasurer, Messinius to wait for him that he might leave his accounts according to the Julian law in the province in the two cities of Laodicea and Apamea. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 6. epist. 7., Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 7., l. 5. epist. 20.} Cicero had not taken a penny of the plunder from Mount Amanus, but left it all as also he did his yearly salary which was given to him. It amounted to 1000 sestertia and was put into the treasury. (His cohort grumbled at this who thought it ought to be distributed among them.) He took security also of all the public money at Laodicea that it might be safely returned to him and the people without any danger of loss. {Cicero, ad Attic., l. 7. epist. 1., Letters to his Friends, l. 2. epist. 17.}