4655. In the last month of his consulship (then happening on the Julian
September) when the new tribunes of the people entered their office, P.
Cornelius Spinther prepared to take his journey to his province of
Cilicia. Ptolemy Auletes departed from Rome as the passage from {Annal.
of Fenestella, l. 22.} as quoted by Nonius Marcellus shows.
``As soon as the tribunes entered their office, C. Cato who was
troublesome and a bold young man and one that could speak reasonably
well, began to stir up the people with his speeches against Ptolemy who
was now departed from the city and against P. Lentulus Spinther, who was
now preparing for his journey.''
4656. However, Ptolemy's cause was defended by Cicero, as he himself
seems to show in his speech for Coelius and Fortunatianus more clearly
confirmed by quoting by name that very speech of his for King Ptolemy.
3948a AM, 4657 JP, 57 BC
4657. In the beginning of the consulship of L. Marcius Philippus, and
Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus, the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus was struck
with lighting. This halted the restitution of Ptolemy for when the
Sibyls' books were consulted, they were reported to have foretold that a
king of Egypt with crafty councils (as it is in {Cicero, in the oration
pro Rabinio Posthumo}) should come to Rome. Concerning this suspicion of
him (as it is in Dio) thus to have declared her sentence:
``If a king of Egypt needs your help and shall come here, you shall not
deny him friendship but you shall not help him with any forces. If you
shall do otherwise, you will make labours and dangers.''
4658. The oracle was told to the people by C. Cato the tribune of the
people. It was not lawful to tell any prophesies of the Sibyls to the
people unless the senate had so decreed it. It seemed to be the less
lawful, seeing the people took it so heavily. Therefore Cato feared that
the sentence of the oracle would be suppressed and he compelled the
priests to translate it into Latin and to declare it to the people
before the senate had decreed anything about it. {Dio, l. 39.}
Notwithstanding, this was the opinion of the people of Rome that this
name of a pretended omen was brought in by those against Lentulus
Spinther (the proconsul of Cilicia.) This was so much to hinder him as
that no one planned to go to Alexandria but for the desire of an army,
which among the rest, Pompey was most desirous. (??) {Cicero., Letters
to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 4.}
4659. Ammonius Ptolemais, the ambassador, publicly opposed the subduing
of the king by Spinther and used money to help convince others. The few
that were for the king wanted the matter committed to Pompey. The senate
approved the forgery of the religious oracle, not for religious reasons
but for ill will and for hatred of the king's large bribes. {Cicero,
Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist 2, l. 2. epist. 2.} {Appian, in
Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthic. p. 134.}
4660. Pompey understood from the oracle that he demanded that Pompey
might come to aid him instead of Spinther. There were little notes found
that were thrown about in the forum and the senate house that indicated
the same. Thereupon the king's letter concerning this business was read
publicly by Aulus Plautius, the tribune of the people. His colleague,
Caninius, (Plutarch incorrectly calls him Canidius) proposed a law that
Pompey without an army and only accompanied with two lictors would bring
the king into favour again with the Alexandrians. Although the law did
not seem to displease Pompey, yet it was decreed by the senators partly
under the pretence of the grain law that was already committed to him
and of false concern about the safety of Pompey's person (as they
pretended to be afraid for him.) {Plutarch, in Pompey} {Dio, l. 39.}
4661. The senate had various opinions about this business. Bibulus
thought that Ptolemy should be established in his kingdom without an
army by three ambassadors who were only private citizens. Crassus
thought that the three ambassadors should either be private citizens or
ones holding office. When Lupus purposed this law, Volcatius, the
tribune of the people thought Pompey should go. Afranius, Libo,
Hypsaeus, and all the close friends of Pompey agreed. Hortensius, Cicero
and Lucullus thought that it ought to be done by Lentulus Spinther.
However, Servilius denied that the king ought to be established at all.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 1. & 2.}
4662. In the month of February (or the Julian November) C. Cato
published a law to deprive Lentulus of his command. This gave his son a
reason to change his garment as mentioned by Cicero. {Cicero, ad Quintum
fratrem, l. 5. epist. 5.} This must mean the law of establishing Ptolemy
in his kingdom again according to the decree of the senate granted to
him in his consulship. It is obvious from the letters of Cicero written
to him {Cicero, l. 1. epist. 7. and those that follow} that he retained
after the passing of this law, the proconsulship of Cilicia with the
addition also of Cyprus. (Cato had left from Cyprus already.) Cyprus was
now made tributary and reduced into the form of a province by the
Romans. {Strabo, l. 14. fin)
4663. When Ptolemy saw that he would not be established in his kingdom
again by neither Pompey (as he most desired) nor by Lentulus, he now
despaired of his return. He went to Ephesus and stayed there in the
temple of Diana. {Dio, l. 39.}
4664. Aristobulus, with his son Antigonus, escaped from Rome and
returned to Jerusalem. A large number of Jews came to him again. They
wanted a change and he still commanded their affections. He planned to
rebuild the citadel of Alexandrion that was torn down. {Josephus, Wars,
l. 1. c. 6, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}
4665. Gabinius, the governor of Syria, sent soldiers under their
captains, Sisinna (his son) Antony and Servilius to prevent Aristobulus
from seizing Alexandrion and to capture him if they could. For many
other Jews had resorted to him for the reputation that he had. Also
Pitholaus, the governor of Jerusalem, had left the Roman party and came
to him with 1000 well armed men. Since many of them that came to him
were not well armed, Aristobulus dismissed them, as unsuitable for war.
He took only 8000 armed men, (among whom those that Pitholaus brought)
and marched to Macherus. The Romans pursued them and fought with them.
Aristobulus' side valiantly held out for a good while but after they had
lost 5000 men, they were forced to flee. Nearly 2000 fled to a certain
mountain. From there, they got away and provided for their own safety as
well as they could. Another 1000 with Aristobulus broke through the
ranks of the Romans and fled to Mathaetus and began to fortify the
citadel. They were not able to hold out in the siege for more than two
days. After many had been wounded, Aristobulus was taken prisoner along
with his son Antigonus and brought to Gabinius. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1.
c. 6, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}
4666. Plutarch gives more details of this event and ascribes the whole
victory to the honour of Antony.
``When Antony was sent against Aristobulus, who made the Jews to rebel,
he was the first man that climbed the wall of a most strong citadel of
Aristobulus. Antony drove him from all his strongholds. Then he fought
with a few men of his and overthrew a great army and put them all to the
sword, except a few. Also Aristobulus with his son, was taken
prisoner.''
4667. Dio, {Dio, l. 39.} incorrectly wrote that Gabinius went into
Palestine and captured Aristobulus (who was fled from Rome and made a
rebellion.) He sent him to Pompey and imposed a tax on the Jews. He went
from there into Egypt to establish Ptolemy again in his kingdom.
4668. Tyrannio who was teaching in Cicero's house, orderly arranged his
library with the help of Dionysius and Menophilus, who were two book
binders that were sent him by Atticus. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 2.
epist. 4. & ad Atticum. l. 4. epist 4. & 8.} This was Tyrannio Amisenus,
who (fourteen years earlier) was taken by Lucullus and who became rich
and famous in Rome and accumulated about 30,000 books. {Suidas, in Voc.
Tyrannio} Tyrannio had the books of Aristotle copied from the library of
Sulla. It is reported that Andronicus Rhodius received the copies and
that he published the copies that we now have. {Suidas, l. 13. p. 608.}
{Plutarch, in Sulla}
4669. Valerius produced witnesses of the help of M. Cato in the
administration of the business of Cyprus. {Valerius, l. 4. c. 3.}
``...Epirus, Achaia, the islands Cyclades, the sea coasts of Asia, the
province of Cyprus. When he undertook the charge of bringing away the
money, he took no bribes and handled the matter fairly. For although he
had the king's riches in his own power and the required places of
lodging on his trip were most delightful cities, he behaved most
discretely. Munatius Kusus, his faithful companion in that journey
indicated as much in his writings.''
4670. Cato feared a tedious journey and prepared various coffers, each
of which held two talents and 500 drachmas. He tied each of these to a
long rope and fastened at the end a large piece of cork. If the ship was
sunk, the cork would indicate the place. Thus was all the money, except
for a very little, brought very safely. Cato had made two books, in
which he had recorded the accounts of all things that he had gotten.
Philargyros, a free man of Cato, carried one of these books. He sailed
from Cencrea and was drowned with all his belongings. Cato took the
other himself until he came to Corcyra. He stayed in the market place in
his tent. The soldiers made many fires because of the cold and
accidently set the tents on fire. So Cato lost that book also. Although
the king's stewards might easily silence his enemies and detractors, it
bothered Cato because he had not kept these accounts to vindicate his
fidelity but that he might give an example to others of diligence.
{Plutarch, in Cato the Younger}
3948b AM, 4658 JP, 56 BC
4671. Cato, with great diligence, travelled up the Tiber River in light
boats that carried the riches of Cyprus as if they had been spoils taken
from an enemy and carried in a fleet. {Florus, l. 3. c. 4.} {Valerius
Maximus, l. 4. c. 1.} {Ammianus Marcellinus, l. 14.} This brought more
money to the treasury of the people of Rome than any triumph. {Florus,
l. 3. c. 4.}
4672. When the news of Cato's arrival was known, all the magistrates and
priests along with the consuls, (one of which was L. Marcius Philippus,
the father of Marcia, Cato's wife) the whole senate and many of the
people went to the river side to meet him. His arrival differed very
little from the show and splendour of a triumph. Notwithstanding, his
insolence was observed in this. He did not come ashore to the consuls
and praetors that came to meet him, nor altered his course but sailed by
the shore in one of the king's galleys with six tiers of oars. He did
not come ashore until he came with his fleet to the place where the
money was to be landed. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 45.} Plutarch
{Plutarch, Cato the Younger} stated that when he landed, the consuls and
the rest of the magistrates were ready to receive him all courtesies.
They were more happy to see Cato safely home again than they were to see
the vast sum of gold and silver the fleet had brought. {Valer. Maxim. l.
8. c. ult.}
4673. As the money was carried through the market place, the people
wondered at the treasure which was far greater than they had hoped for.
{Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} Cato could not be accused by anyone
because he gathered together many slaves and much money out of the
king's riches and had honestly turned over everything. Cato received no
less honour than if he had returned a conqueror from the wars. For many
men had allowed themselves to be corrupted with bribes but he caused it
to be accounted a rarer virtue to despise money than to conquer an
enemy. {Dio, l. 39.}
4674. Pliny stated that Cato brought back with him from this Cyprian
expedition, a philosopher. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 30.} Cato had the senate
grant Nicias, the king's steward, his freedom. Cato testified to his
fidelity and diligence. {Plutarch, in Cato the Younger} Clodius intended
that those slaves who were brought from Cyprus, should be called Clodian
because he had sent Cato there. Cato opposed this and Clodius was
thwarted. Therefore they were called Cyprian for Cato would not allow
them to be called Porcian, although some were of that opinion. {Dio, l.
39.}
4675. Clodius was angry with Cato because he had opposed him and
calumniated the service that he had done and demanded an account of his
deeds. He did not think he could accuse Cato of any unjust act but
because he thought it would make something for him that almost all the
records were lost in the shipwreck. Caesar helped Clodius in this
business although he was absent and (as some report) sent accusations
against Cato to Clodius by letters. {Dio, l. 39} However, Cato told them
that he had brought as much money from Cyprus although he had not
received so much as one horse or soldier as Pompey had brought from so
many wars and triumphs when all the world was in turmoil. {Plutarch, in
Cato the Younger}
4676. Cato opposed Cicero who insisted that none of those things that
Clodius had done in his tribuneship should be confirmed in the senate.
He did not do this as a favour for Clodius but because that among other
acts that should be revoked was his commission for Cyprus because the
tribune that sent him was unlawfully chosen. {Plutarch, in Cato the
Younger, in Cicero}
4677. Phraates the second was wickedly put to death by his sons and
Orodes succeeded him in the kingdom of the Parthians. His brother
Mithridates was expelled from Media where he governed according to Dio.
{Dio. l. 39.} The sons contended for the kingdom and it seems Orodes was
first banished and after him Mithridates also. However, Surenas a rich
man and one among the Parthians next the king in blood and authority,
brought Orodes back again from banishment. It was his prerogative by
birth that he should always crown the new king of the Parthians. He
subdued Seleucia the great to the king's power. Surenas was the first
man that scaled the walls and defeated with his own hands those that
defended it. Although he was not as yet thirty years old, he was held in
esteem for his advice in council and his wisdom, for they report these
things of him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Appian, in Parthicis, p. 140,
141.} However Appian, both in {Appian, Parthicis, p. 134, Syriacis, p.
120.} states that at another time that Mithridates was driven from his
kingdom by his brother Orodes. Although Justin noted {Justin, l. 42. c.
4.} that Mithridates was deposed from his kingdom for his cruelty by the
Parthian nobility and that his brother Orodes seized the kingdom when
the throne was vacant. Although Justin very incorrectly there makes this
Mithridates the same with Mithridates the king of the Parthians to whom
his famous acts gave him the surname of "Great". Between this
Mithridates the Great and he who was the brother of Orodes, there was a
various succession of many kings among the Parthians. This appears from
the very prologue of the 42nd book of Trogus Pompey, an epitome of which
Justin has given us.
4678. Mithridates was driven from his kingdom either by the Parthian
nobility or his brother Orodes, and came to Gabinius, the proconsul of
Syria when he was preparing for an expedition against the Arabians. He
reasoned so with Gabinus that he should let the Arabians alone and go
against the Parthians and help to restore him to his kingdom. {Appian,
in Syriacis, p. 120. & Parthicis, p. 134.} {Dio, l. 39.}
4679. On the ides of May (which happened in the Julian February) the
letters of Gabinius were read in full to senate concerning the war that
he had with the greatest countries and tyrants of Syria, (under whose
name, the princes of Judea, Commagena, Chalcis, Emesa, Thrachonitis,
Batanea, and Abilene, are usually called) but they were not believed.
The senate denied him the triumph he wanted at Rome. {Cicero, ad
Quintum, l. 1. fratr. epist. 7, Orat. de provincis consularibus, in L.
Pisonem}
4680. When Gabinius had sent Aristobulus the king and his sons to Rome,
the senate kept him prisoner but sent his sons immediately back again
into Judea because they understood by Gabinius' letters that he had
promised his mother this for the delivery of the citadels. {Josephus,
Wars, l. 1. c. 6. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.} Josephus further added that
Aristobulus held the kingdom and priesthood for three years and six
months. The Arabian collector of the Jewish History, (set forth by the
same man at the end of the Parisian Bibles of many languages in c. 40.)
understood it of the time of the former government until he was taken
prisoner for the first time. However it seems rather to be understood of
that former and this later time both taken together so that he reigned
three years and three months before the former captivity, {Josephus,
Antiq. l. 20. c. 8.} and before his second captivity, three months also.
4681. M. Cicero, in the speech before the senate, "de Provinciis
Consularibus", advised that L. Piso and A. Gabinius (in whose consulship
he was banished) might be recalled and their provinces of Macedonia and
Syria would be assigned to the future consuls. He objected to these
things among others against Gabinius.
``When he was governor in Syria nothing was done but some work for money
with the tyrants, confiscations, plundering, thieveries and murders. As
the general of the people of Rome, when his army was in battle array, he
stretched out his right hand and exhorted not his soldiers to gain
honour but cried that all things were by him already bought or to be
bought. Now he has delivered the wretched publicans into slavery, to
Jews and Syrians, countries that were themselves born to slavery. He has
continued in this that he will not do justice to a publican but he had
revoked all agreements made between them without any wrong done by them.
He had taken away all watches, he had freed those who paid tribute and
many pensioners. In whatever town he was in or wherever he went, he
forbid any publican or publican's servant to be there.''
4682. Gabinius had afflicted Syria with many wrongs and had done more
wrong to the province than the thieves who were very strong at that
time. However, he accounted all this gain that he had gotten but very
little and therefore planned an expedition against the Parthians and
made preparation for that journey. {Dio, l. 39.}
4683. Pompey made Archelaus, the friend of Gabinius, the high priest of
the Comani in Pontus. (See note on 3940 AM << >>) He was living there
with Gabinius and he hoped that he should be his companion in the
Parthian wars that he was preparing for but the senate would not allow
it. {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17. p. 796.}
4684. Gabinius led his army against the Parthians and crossed the
Euphrates River. Ptolemy came with letters from Pompey and promised that
he would give a huge sum of money to Gabinius and his army, part to be
paid now and part when he was restored to his kingdom. It was 10,000
talents that Ptolemy promised Gabinius as confirmed by Plutarch and
Cicero. {Cicero, in his Oration for Gabinius Posthumous} Cicero reckoned
the sum to be 2,160,000 sestertiums. Most of the commanders were against
it and Gabinius was hesitant to do it also although he would have liked
to have lightened Ptolemy of those 10,000 talents. However, Antony, who
was covetous of doing great matters and desirous to gratify Ptolemy's
request, was very ready to go and persuaded Gabinius to undertake this
war. The law forbid any provincial governor to go beyond the bounds of
their own government nor undertake any war on their own initiative.
Based on the oracle of Sibyll's verses, the people of Rome had forbidden
the restoration of Ptolemy at all. The more he knew it was wrong the
more he viewed the potential gains in wealth. Hence, he abandoned the
Parthian expedition and he undertook the expedition against the
Alexandrians. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}
{Plutarch, in Antony} {Appian, in Syriacis. p, 120. & Parthicis. p.
134.} {Dio, l. 39.}
4685. At that time, Bernice, the daughter of Auletes, held the kingdom
of Egypt. She had sent for Seleucus from Syria, who as he said himself,
was of the stock of the Syrian kings. She married him and made him a
partner in the rule of the kingdom and of the war. He was a most
repulsive man, (as Suetonius describes him in Vespasiano. c. 19.) and
was surnamed in contempt, Ptolemy Cocces and Cybiosactes, "Changeling".
He broke open the golden coffin that the body of Alexander the Great was
buried in but did not profit by that thievery. When the queen saw that
he was so base a man, she strangled him within a few days since she
could no longer endure his sordidness and niggardliness. She looked for
another husband of royal extraction. Some friends brought Archelaus, the
high priest of the Comani, who was then in Syria. He pretended that he
was the son of Mithridates (under whom his father Archelaus had waged
war against Sulla and the Romans.) She married him and deemed him fit to
rule the kingdom under the same conditions that Seleucus did. He ruled
the kingdom together with her for six months. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 794,
796. & l. 12. p. 558.} {Dio, l. 39.}
4686. C. Clodius, the brother of P. Clodius, obtained the province of
Asia through P. Clodius' office as praetor (which Dio, {Dio, l. 39.}
says he held this year.) {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 4. epist. 14} C.
Scribonius Curio was his quaester in that province. Cicero sent many
letters to him which are still extant. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends,
l. 2.}
3949a AM, 4658 JP, 56 BC
4687. By a law made by C. Trebonius, the tribune of the people,
provinces were assigned to the new consuls. Cn. Pompey was given Spain
and Africa and M. Licinius Crassus was assigned Syria with the adjacent
countries. Power was given to both of them to take as many soldiers from
Italy and from their allies as they wanted and to make peace or war with
whom they wished. {Livy, l. 105.} {Plutarch, in Crassus, Pompey, Cato
the Younger} {Appian, Civil War, l. 2. p. 437. 438.} {Dio, l. 39.}
4688. As soon as Crassus had by lot obtained his province, he could not
conceal his joy and supposed that nothing better could ever have
happened to him. He would talk among his close friends so vainly and
childishly so that it was not becoming his age and wisdom. He planned
the conquest of Syria and Parthia and had vain hopes of even conquering
the Bactrians, Indians and the eastern ocean. However, in the decree
made by the people concerning his government, no mention was made of the
Parthians yet all men knew that Crassus longed for that conquest. When
Caesar wrote to him from Gaul, he commended his resolution and advised
him to go on. {Plutarch, in Crassus}
4689. A. Gabinius left his son, Sisenna, who was very young, with very
few soldiers. This exposed the province which he governed, to the
actions of thieves. He went through Palestine to Egypt {Dio, l. 39.}
against Archelaus whom the Egyptians had chosen to be their king. {Livy,
l. 105.} In this expedition he used his friends Hyrcanus and Antipater
for all the things that were necessary for the war. Antipater helped him
with money, arms, men and grain. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6. Antiq., l.
14. c. 10.}
4690. They came to cross through deep, dry, sandy places about the fens
and marshes of Solonis, which the Egyptians call the breath of Tyrphon.
M. Antony was sent ahead with the cavalry (whom Gabinius had made
commander of the cavalry even though he was very young.) {Appian, Civil
War, l. 5. p. 676.} Antony took the pass and also the very large city of
Pelusium. {Plutarch, in Antony} The Jews who inhabited Pelusium and were
the guards of the pass into Egypt, were drawn to his side. {Josephus,
Wars, l. 1. c. 6. Antiq., l. 14. c. 10.}
4691. After the garrison of Pelusium was conquered, Antony made the way
safe for the army and settled in a fair way the victory for the general.
As soon as Ptolemy had gone into Pelusium, he was so inflamed with anger
and hatred that he would have put all the Egyptians to the sword. Antony
interceded and would not allow him to. {Plutarch, in Antony}
4692. When Gabinius had marshalled his army into two battalions, he
marched from Pelusium and the same day routed the Egyptians that opposed
him. {Dio, l. 39.}
4693. Cicero, in a speech that he made at Rome, extorted from the
ignoble king of the Commagenians, the little town Zeugma that was
located on the Euphrates River. He also spoke many things against him
and he exposed him to ridicule by all men, the purple gown that he had
gotten when Caesar was consul. {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., l. 2. epist.
11.}
4694. On the ides of February (which happened on the Julian November)
the Tyrians were admitted into the senate and oposite them were many of
the Syrians and publicans. Gabinius was extremely upset. However, the
publicans were chided by Domitius because they followed Gabinius' horse.
(??) {Cicero, ad Quintum Frat., l. 2. epist. 12.}
3949b AM, 4659 JP, 55 BC
4695. About the month of May (which happened on the Julian February)
there was a great rumour at Puteoli that Ptolemy was in his kingdom.
{Cicero, ad Attic. l. 4. epist. 9.} He indeed was in Egypt and Gabinius
had taken Archelaus who came out against him sooner than they thought he
would. So there was no more business to be done. However, Gabinius
feared lest having done nothing he should receive less money from
Ptolemy than was agreed upon. He also hoped that because Archelaus was a
brave man and of good reputation that he would receive more money. He
had received a great sum of money from Archelaus and he let him go as if
he had escaped from him. {Dio, l. 39.}
4696. M. Antony had done many noble acts in the fights and battles. By
this he showed himself a valiant and wise commander. He was honoured
with many excellent gifts especially for his tactic of surrounding the
enemy from the rear and by that means he gave the victory to them that
were attacking from the front. {Plutarch, in Antony}
4697. The people of Egypt marched from the walls of the city under the
command of Archelaus against Gabinius. Archelaus had ordered that the
camp should be fortified with a rampart and a ditch. They all cried out
that the work should be done with the public money. Therefore their
minds were so engrossed with pleasure, they could not withstand the
attack of the Roman army. {Valer. Maxim., l. 9. c. 1.} Gabinius again
obtained a victory by sea and land. The Alexandrians were brave and
daring and by nature were heady and rash to speak anything that came
into their minds. However, they were most unfit for war. Although in
seditions (which happened often among them, and those were very great)
they soon started to murder each other. They thought it good to die in
this way. {Dio, l. 59.}
4698. When Gabinius had conquered them and killed many in the fight
including Archelaus, he was master of all Egypt which he turned over to
Ptolemy. {Dio, l. 59.} {Livy, l. 105.} {Strabo, l. 12. p. 558. & l. 17.
p. 796.} All of this Cicero mentions in a few words, in his speech
against Piso and refers to the madness of Gabinius.
``That vast wealth was now spent that he had drawn from the fortunes of
the publicans, from the countries and cities of the allies. Part of it
was devoured by his insatiable lust, part by his new and unheard of
luxury, part by the purchases that he had made in those places that he
had wholly plundered, part by bartering, and all for building up this
mountain of Tuseuluni. When the intolerable building was stopped for a
time, he sold to the Egyptian king, his fasces, the army of the people
of Rome, in spite of the power and the threatening of the immortal gods,
the answer of the priests, the authority of the senate, the commands of
the people for the fame and dignity of the empire. Whereas the bounds of
his province were as great as he wanted, as great as he could desire, as
great as he could buy with the price of my life, yet could he not
contain himself within them. He brought his army from Syria. How dared
he carry it from the province? He made himself a mercenary soldier to
the king of Alexandria and what was more vile than this? He came into
Egypt and fought with the Alexandrians. When had either the senate or
the people undertaken this war? He took Alexandria. What could he expect
more from his madness but that he would send letters to the senate
telling of all the famous acts that he had done?''
4699. Dio observed that he did not send the letters lest he himself
might be the witness of his own villainies.
4700. M. Antony contended for the body of the dead Archelaus (who was
his close friend) and gave it a royal burial. He was famous among the
Alexandrians for this deed. {Plutarch, in Antony} In Pontus, the son of
Archelaus received the priesthood of the Commani after his father.
{Strabo, l. 12. p. 558.}
4701. Gabinius left some of his soldiers for a guard with Ptolemy at
Alexandria. These later lived after the manner of the Alexandrian life
and licentiousness. They forgot the name and discipline of the people of
Rome and married wives by whom they had many children. {Caesar, Civil
War, l. 3.} Lucan adds: {Lucan, l. 10.}
----The greater part were Latins born, But they, corrupted into foreign
manners, Did so forget themselves, they did not scorn, To obey a
sergeant, follow a servant's banners, Whom the Pharian tyrants rule was
much below.
4702. When Ptolemy was restored to his kingdom, he put to death his
daughter, the queen Bernice. {Strabo, l. 17. p. 796.} {Dio, l. 39.}
{Porphyr. in Grac. Eusebian. Scaliger. p. 226.} He also killed many of
the rich noblemen because he needed much money. {Dio, l. 39.}
4703. C. Rabirius Posthumous was a Roman equestrian who had rashly
trusted Ptolemy when he was in his kingdom and when he came to Rome.
Ptolemy left with his money and the money of his friends. In order to
recover the money, he was forced to change the Roman robe for the Greek
robe at Alexandria. He had to undertake there the proctorship and
stewardship for the king. He was made the king's overseer by Auletes.
Notwithstanding, he was later put in prison and saw many of his close
friends put in bonds and death was always before his eyes. At last he
was forced to flee from the kingdom, naked and poor. {Cicero, pro C.
Rabirius}
4704. While Gabinius stayed in Egypt, Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
again seized by force the government and made many of the Jews revolt.
He gathered a large army and foraged the country. He killed all the
Romans he found and besieged all those that fled to Mount Gerizim. When
Gabinius returned, he sent Antipater who was known for his great wisdom,
to the rebellious Jews. He was able to make many submit to him in
obedience. However, Alexander had with him 30,000 Jews and fought with
Gabinius near the Itabyr Mountain. The Jews lost 10,000 men. After
Gabinius had settled the affairs of Jerusalem by following Antipater's
advice, he went against the Nabateans whom he overcame in one battle.
{Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 11.}
4705. King Mithridates, the son of Phraates the second, was abandoned by
Gabinius and did not recover the Parthian kingdom with the help of the
Arabians. (This was commonly believed from the incorrect interpretation
of the words of Appian. {Appian, in Syriacis, p. 120.}) Rather, he
retired to Babylon, as is gathered from Justin. When his brother,
Orodes, had long besieged and finally, because of the famine, he forced
the city to surrender. Mithridates trusted on the fact that he was his
brother and surrendered to him. However, Orodes took him rather for an
enemy than a brother, and commanded him to be killed before his eyes.
{Justin. l. 47 c. 4.}
4706. Gabinius secretly sent back Mithridates and Orsanes who were men
of renown among the Parthians and who had fled to him. He spread rumours
among the soldiers that they had fled. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 6.,
Antiq., l. 14. c. 11.}
4707. The Syrians complained very much about Gabinius. Among other
things that because of his absence, they were grievously bothered with
thieves. The publicans also complained, that by reason of the thieves,
they could not gather the tribute and were deeply in debt. The Romans
were angry and determined to have the matter judged and were prepared to
condemn him. Cicero also vehemently accused Gabinius and was of the
opinion that the Sibyl's oracles should be read again. He convinced
himself that there was some punishment determined for him who had
violated the oracles. However, both Pompey and Crassus, who was one of
the consuls, favoured Gabinius. Pompey favoured him of his own will. He
did this to gratify his colleague and also for the money that Gabinius
had sent. Since both of them publicly defended him, they allowed nothing
to be decreed against him. They had Cicero banished. {Dio, l. 39.}
4708. In his second consulship, Pompey dedicated his theatre by
exhibiting most magnificent plays and shows. {Cicero, de Offic. l. 2.,
Letters to his Friends, l. 7. epist. 1., Ascon. Pedian. in Orat.
Pisonianam.} Although it was reported that this theatre was not built by
Pompey himself, but by his freed man Demetrius, (who was a Gadarene)
from the money that he had obtained when he was a soldier under him. He
gave the honour of this work to Pompey lest he should be ill spoken of
that a freed man of his should get so much money and that he could spend
so much. {Dio. l. 39.}
4709. Gabinius did not allow the lieutenant that was sent by Crassus to
succeed him in the province of Syria. He kept it as if he had received a
perpetual government. {Dio, l. 39.}
4710. The tribunes of the people hindered Crassus, the consul, from
raising any soldiers and endeavoured to make void the expedition that
was decreed to him. Crassus took up arms. The tribunes of the people,
saw that their liberty was threatened and for lack of arms were helpless
to withstand his actions. They stopped their actions but cursed him to
the pit of hell. As Crassus went into the capitol to make his accustomed
prayers for a prosperous journey, they told him what unlucky signs and
prodigies had happened. {Dio, l. 39.}
4711. Ateius, the tribune of the people, was prepared to hinder Crassus'
departure as were many others who were offended that he should plan to
make war against men that were at peace with them and who were
confederates. Crassus feared this and desired that Pompey would go with
him from the city for Pompey was held in high esteem with the common
people. Although many were prepared to hinder Crassus, yet when they saw
Pompey go ahead of him with a pleasant and smiling countenance, they
held their peace and made a path for them. {Plutarch, in Crassus}
4712. When Ateius, the tribune, met Crassus, he forbade him to go any
farther. Then he ordered a sergeant to lay hold on him and carry him to
prison. However, the rest of the tribunes would not allow it and Crassus
got outside the walls. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l. 39.} However,
Ateius ran to the gate and there started a fire. As Crassus passed by,
he cast in perfumes and made sprinklings over it and pronounced horrible
curses and called on the terrible and strange names of the gods. The
Romans thought these secret and ancient exhortations to be of such force
that he that was so cursed could not escape their power nor he that
cursed anyone would ever prosper. {Plutarch, in Crassus}
4713. Florus {Florus, l. 3. c. 11.} wrote that Metellus, the tribune of
the people, made hostile curses on Crassus when he started his journey.
Velleius Paterculus {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 46.} stated that all
the tribunes of the people cursed Crassus. Appian, {Appian, Civil War,
l. 2. p. 438.} and Dio {Dio, l. 39.} noted:
----The tribunes so ill befriended Crassus, with curses he his march
attended.
4714. Lucan {Lucan, l. 3.} said that P. Ateius mainly pronounced those
curses and set a sign before him and warned him of what would happen
unless he took heed. Cicero, {Cicero, de divinatione., l. 1.} from whose
house Crassus left for the province, for Cicero had dined with him in
the gardens of his son-in-law Crassippes. {Cicero, Letters to His
Friends, l. 1. epist. 9.} From there Cicero went to Tusculanum about the
middle of November (which happened on the Julian August) and Crassus
went on his journey clad in his armour. {Cicero, ad Attic, l. 4. epist.
12.} At Brundusium, Crassus shipped his army. {Cicero, de divine, l. 2.}
4715. Crassus sailed from Brundusium before the storms were over on the
seas and he lost many of his ships. He landed his army from those that
survived and he marched by land through Galatia. He found King
Dejotarus, a very old man, building a new city and mocked him by saying:
``Do you begin to build in the afternoon?''
4716. The king smilingly answered:
``Truly I think, O General, you do not go against the Parthians in the
morning!''
4717. Crassus was older than 60 and his face made him seem older than he
was. {Plutarch, in Crassus}
3950a AM, 4659 JP, 55 BC
4718. Cicero very earnestly defended the cause of Crassus in his absence
against the new consuls and many that had been consuls. {Cicero, Letters
to his Friends, l. 5. epist. 8.}
3950b AM, 4660 JP, 54 BC
4719. Crassus had not much to do in Syria, for the Syrians were quiet
and those that had troubled Syria were afraid of the power of Crassus
and did not stir. Crassus undertook an expedition against the Parthians.
There was no reason for making war upon them, only that he heard that
they were rich. He hoped that Orodes, who now reigned, would easily be
overcome. {Dio, l. 40.}
4720. When he heard of the riches of the temple of Jerusalem, which
Pompey had left untouched, he turned aside into Palestine and came to
Jerusalem and took away the riches. {Oros. l. 6. c. 13.}
4721. In the temple was a wedge of solid gold, weighing 3000 Hebrew
pounds or 750 common pounds. It was enclosed in an hollow beam of wood
on which they hung the hangings of the temple which were admired for
their beauty and esteem. Eleazar, a priest, who was the keeper of the
sacred treasure, only knew about this. When he saw Crassus so greedy in
gathering up the gold, he feared lest he should take away all the
ornaments of the temple. He turned over to him the golden beam as a
ransom for all the rest. He first bound him by an oath that he would not
take anything else. In spite of this, Crassus took this and immediately
broke his oath and took from the temple 2000 talents, which Pompey had
not touched as well as all the rest of the gold which tallied to 8000
Attic talents. Josephus tried to prove the existence of these vast
riches for he was persuaded that it would scarcely be believed among
people of other counties. He cites the historical writings of Strabo of
Cappadocia which are now lost and from others that there was found there
in olden times gold sent from the Jews that lived in Europe, Asia and
Cyrene. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 12.}
4722. Crassus built a bridge over the Euphrates River and easily and
safely crossed the river with his army. He controlled many towns that
voluntarily yielded to him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} They did not expect
Crassus' arrival so that there was scarcely any established garrisons in
all of Mesopotamia. {Dio, l. 40.}
4723. Talymenus Ilaces (or Syllaces) the governor of that country,
fought with Crassus with a few cavalry and was defeated. He was wounded
and retired to the king and informed him of the expedition of Crassus.
{Dio, l. 40.}
4724. In the meantime, Crassus recovered many cities, especially those
that belonged to the Greeks including Nicephorium. For many of the
inhabitants of the Macedonians and Greeks who served in the wars under
the Macedonians feared the tyranny of the Parthians. They hoped for a
better deal from the Romans and Crassus knew the Greeks favoured Rome
and they very willingly revolted from the Parthians. {Dio, l. 40}
4725. Only the citizens of Zenodotia, where Apollonius was the ruler,
killed an hundred Roman soldiers. They had allowed them within their
walls as if they meant to surrender to them. Thereupon Crassus brought
his whole army there and captured the city. He sacked it and sold the
inhabitants because of this outrage. Although this was Crassus' first
encounter with an enemy, he allowed himself to be called "imperator" or
captain general. This turned out to his disgrace and to be thought of as
a lowly man as if he did not hope for any great matters since he was
puffed up with so small a success. {Dio, l. 40} {Plutarch, in Crassus}
4726. Gabinius returned into Italy when Domitius and Appius were
consuls. {Ascon. Pedian. in init. orat. Pisonian.} These same consuls
were there again and gave judgment against Gabinius when he was absent.
Although Pompey stood very earnestly for him, the opinion of many of the
judges was against him. For Domitius was an enemy to Pompey, by reason
of the dispute about the demanding of the consulship and because he had
taken that office against his good will. Although Appias was a relative
of Pompey, he planned that by flattering the people, he hoped that if he
made any move, he would be bribed by Gabinius. To that end he directed
all his actions. Therefore it was decreed that the Sibyl's verses should
be read over again although Pompey was much against it. In the meantime,
the money that was sent by Gabinius came to Rome. The money wrought so
much that Gabinius was sure not to suffer any great loss whether he was
absent or present. For there was then such confusion at Rome that when
Gabinius had but given part of that money to bribe the magistrates and
some of the judges, they did not want to bring the matter to justice.
Others had learned that they could be wicked with impunity and that
money easily bought "justice" and removed the threat of punishment.
{Dio, l. 39.}
4727. On the twelfth of October, (about the Julian July) Gabinius came
into the city. On the fourth of October, he entered the city by night
{Cicero, ad Quint. Fratr. l. 3. epist. 1.} for he was so tormented by
his conscience for his ugly actions that it was late when he came into
Italy. He came by night into the city and dared not go out of his own
house for many days. {Dio, l. 39.}
4728. Various factions accused Gabinius. L. Lentulus, the son of the
Flamen, accused him of treason. T. Nero, with various good men joined in
this accusation along with C. Memmius, the tribune of the people with
Lucius Capito. After he was accused of treason, he appeared by the edict
of C. Alsius the praetor. He was almost trodden under foot by the great
crowd and was hated by all the people. {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3.
epist. 1.}
4729. On the tenth day after he came into the city, on which he ought to
have given an account of the number of the enemies and his soldiers, he
was quite astonished in the midst of a great multitude. Appius, the
consul, accused him of treason. When his name was called he answered not
a word. When he wanted to leave, he was detained by the consuls and the
publicans were brought in. He was accused on all sides. When he was most
of all wounded by the words of Cicero, he could not endure it. With a
trembling voice Cicero called him a banished man. All the senate rose
against him with a shout so that they came to him where he stood.
Likewise the publicans did the same with the similar shout and with
violence. On the sixth, the ides of October, Memmius angrily put
Gabinius before the people so that Calidius could not speak for him. The
next day, there was a divination of Cato, the praetor's house, for the
appointing of an accuser against Gabinius. They selected between Memmius
or T. Nero or C. and L. Antony, the sons of Marcus. {Cicero, ad Quintum
Fratr., l. 3. epist. 2.}
4730. There were many accusations against Gabinius and not a few
accusers. The first thing that was debated concerned the crime of
restoring Ptolemy to his kingdom. Almost all the people flocked to the
tribunal and they had often a mind to pull him in pieces, especially
because Pompey was not there. Cicero had most sharply accused him. {Dio.
l. 39.} Cicero {Cicero, ad Quintum Fratr., l. 3. epist. 2, 4.} denies
that he accused him. He did this from fear of having any quarrels with
Pompey or because he did not doubt that justice would be done whether he
was there or not, or he would be for ever disgraced if such an infamous
guilty person should escape justice if he pleaded against him.
``I was much delighted (said he in epist. 4.) with this moderation, and
this also pleased me that, when I had sharply spoken both according to
condolence and religion, the defendant said that if he might be in the
city that he would give me satisfaction. Neither did he ask me
anything.''
4731. In the ninth epistle, Cicero stated:
``All that I did, I did with much gravity and unity as all were of the
same opinion. I neither urged it nor anything qualified it. I was a
vehement witness. I did nothing else.''
4732. In this trial for treason, Gabinius was very slow in answering and
was hated by all kinds of men. Alsius was a sharp and good witness
against him. Pompey was very earnest to beg the judges to favour him.
{Cicero. ad quintuus Fratr., l. 3. epist. 3.} Gabinius said that he
restored Ptolemy for the good of the state because he was afraid of the
fleet of Archelaus and because he thought the sea would be filled with
pirates. He said also that he might do it by law. {Cicero, in orat. pro
Rabinio. Posthumo.} The friends of Caesar and Pompey were very eager to
help him and said that the Sibyl referred to another king and another
time. They pleaded this the most because in the oracle there was no
specific punishment mentioned. {Dio, l. 39.} Lucius Lentulus was
incredibly young to be a prosecutor. All said he was brought in on
purpose so that Gabinius might win. In spite of this, there had been
great disputes and intreaties by Pompey and a rumour of a dictatorship
which caused much fear. Gabinius had not replied to Lucius Lentulus.
When the judges gave their sentence, there were 32 who condemned him and
38 who absolved him. {Cicero, l. 4. epist. 1., ad Quintum Fratr. l. 3.
epist. 4.}
4733. Dio {Dio, l. 39} stated that when Gabinius stood the trial for so
high crimes that he gave great sums of money. When he was absolved,
there wanted but little. However, the people killed the judges. Gabinius
was brought to the judgment of the people by Memmius and freed by the
intercession of Laelius, the tribune of the people. Valerius Maximus
{Valerius Maximus, l. 8. c. 1.} stated what happened. A. Gabinius in the
midst of his infamy, was subjected to trial of the people by C. Memmius,
his accuser. It seemed as if all his hopes were dashed because the
accusation was fully proved and his defence was very weak. Those that
judged him, through a rash anger, were very desirous to punish him. The
lictor and prison were always before his eyes. All this was thwarted by
the intervention of a propitious fortune. Sisenna, the son of Gabinius,
through the mere impulsion of amazement, fell humbly prostrate before
Memmius. From there he hoped for some assuaging of the storm at its
source. Memmius, the insolent conqueror, rejected him with a stern
countenance and took his ring from his finger and let it lie on the
ground a great while. This spectacle was the reason that Laelius, the
tribune of the people, ordered that Gabinius be dismissed. We may learn
by this example, neither insolently to abuse the success of prosperity
nor that anyone ought to be too much cast down by adversity.
4734. In spite of this acquittal, Gabinius was on trial again for other
reasons and that he had wrongfully extorted 100,000 (either drachmas or
pence) from the province. He was condemned of extortion. Pompey who was
gone from the city to provide grain, (for much grain was ruined by the
flooding of the Tiber River) was still in Italy. He hurried to be
present at the trial but when he saw that he came too late, he did not
leave the suburbs until the trial was finished. Pompey called the people
together outside the walls of the city, (because it was not lawful for a
proconsul to come into the city) and spoke to them on the behalf of
Gabinius. He read to them the letters that he had received from Caesar
concerning the safety of Gabinius. He used many intreaties with the
judges. He prevented Cicero from prosecuting Gabinius and persuaded
Cicero to defend him! However, all these things did not help Gabinius.
The judges condemned him partly for the fear of the people and partly
because they had not received any large bribes from Gabinius, (who being
accused for small wrongs did not bestow much money and surely thought he
would be freed.) They condemned him to banishment and Caesar later
restored him and brought him back. {Dio, l. 39.}
4735. Cicero, (Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus) acknowledged that he did
very earnestly defend Gabinius after that they became friends who were
formerly great enemies. Although this favour is commended by Valerius
Maximus, {Valerius Maximus, l. 4. c. 2.} Dio confirmed, that Cicero was
branded with the name and crime of a renegade. Truly Marcus Cicero quite
forgot what he had previously written to his brother Quintus. {Cicero,
l. 3. epist. 5.}
``I would be ruined if I had defended Gabinius as Pansa thought I ought
to have done.''
4736. Although he {Cicero, pro Rabirius Posthumus}, gives this account
of his actions:
``The renewing of our friendship was the reason that I defended
Gabinius. Neither does it ever grieve me to have a mortal hatred and
immortal friendship.''
4737. Timagenes, the Alexandrian (or the Egyptian, according to some)
was the son of the king's treasurer. He was captured in the war and
brought to Rome by Gabinius. He was redeemed by Faustus, the son of
Sulla, and taught rhetoric at Rome, under Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the
triumvirs and wrote many books. {Suidas in Timagenhj}
4738. When Publius Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, the proconsul of Cilicia
had done well in the war, his army greeted him as "imperator" or captain
general. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 8, 9.}
3951a AM, 4660 JP, 54 BC
4739. About the end of his term as consul, Appius Claudius Pulcher, the
senate decreed he was to replace to P. Cornelius Lentulus. This law was
not ratified by the people and he went into Cilicia at his own expense.
{Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 1. epist. 9., ad Quintum fratr., l.
3. epist. 2., ad Attic. l. 4. epist 56.} Lentulus went to meet him when
he came into the province. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 3. epist.
7.} When Appius took over the command, he most miserably afflicted the
province and almost destroyed it. {Cicero, ad Attic. l. 5. epist. 16, l.
6. epist. 1.}
4740. Crassus should have followed up his initial successes he had in
first taking the places in Mesopotamia with the full force of his army
and made good use of the fear the barbarians of him. He should have
attacked Babylon and Seleucia which were cities that were always enemies
to the Parthians. Instead he was weary of being in Mesopotamia and
longing after the ease and idleness in Syria. He gave the Parthians time
to prepare for war and occasions for attacking those Roman soldiers that
were left in Mesopotamia. {Plutarch, in Crassus} {Dio, l. 40.}
4741. He had placed garrisons in those cities that had surrendered to
him. These amounted to 7000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry. He returned
to Syria to winter there. His son, P. Crassus, came to him from Julius
Caesar from Gaul, who had bestowed upon him such gifts as generals
usually do. He brought with him a 1000 choice cavalry. {Plutarch, in
Crassus}
4742. Crassus spent his time in Syria more like a publican than like a
general. He did not spend his time in getting arms or training his
soldiers. Instead he tallied up the revenues of the cities and for many
days was weighing and measuring the treasures of the goddess of
Hierapolis. He also demanded soldiers from various people and then
discharged them for a sum of money. These actions brought him into
contempt. As they were going from the temple of the goddess of
Hierapolis, the young Crassus fell on the threshold and his father fell
on top of him. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Hierapolis is that city which some
call Bambyce, others Edessa and the Syrians, Magog. The Syrian goddess,
Atargatis, called by the Greeks, Derceto, was worshipped here. {Strabo,
l. 16. p. 748.} {Pliny, l. 5. c. 23.}
4743. Rabitius Posthumus was accused before the judges of treason
because he followed Ptolemy to Alexandria for the money that he owed
him. {Sueton, in Claudia, c. 16.} After Gabinius was condemned of
extortion and gone into banishment, C. Memmius accused Rabirius because
the king made him his "dioecetes" or treasure. He had wore the clothes
of Alexandria and had gathered money from the tributes which was imposed
by Gabinius and himself. Cicero defended when it was very cold. This may
be deduced from his speech which is still extant.
3951b AM, 4661 JP, 53 BC
4744. M. Crassus and his son Publius were killed and the army was routed
and perished with shame and disgrace beyond the Euphrates River.
{Cicero. de divinatione, l. 2.} Dio mentions this defeat {Dio, l. 40}
but Plutarch treats it more fully. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Appian copied
Plutarch word for word in his writings. {Appian, de Parthicis} Therefore
it will be worth the work to record the main parts of this most famous
history, taken from these accounts as Salianus has done.