3250. When Antiochus returned from Cilicia to Antioch, the Jews which were in the city and many of other countries, complained to him of the unjust murder of the most holy old man. Antiochus was deeply moved to tears and commanded Andronicus to be disrobed and lead around the city. He was slain in the same place where he had murdered Onias. (/APC 2Ma 4:35-38)
3834 AM, 4544 JP, 170 BC
3251. After many sacrileges had been committed at Jerusalem by Lysimachus with the consent of Menelaus, the people assembled against Lysimachus since many gold vessels were already taken away. To protect himself, he gathered 3000 troops under Tyrannus. He was an old and foolish man. In the riot, some picked up stones, some large clubs, some picked up dust and threw this on Lysimachus and his soldiers. In the uproar, many were wounded, some were killed and the rest fled. Lysimachus was killed near the treasury. (/APC 2Ma 4:39-42)
3252. When Antiochus came to Tyre, three men were sent from the elders at Jerusalem to testify against Menelaus as a partner in the sacrileges and wickedness of Lysimachus. However even though Menelaus was convicted, the king freed him when he was promised large sums of money by Ptolemy, the son of Dorymenes. Through Ptolemy, he was acquitted and allowed to continue as the high priest. The three innocent persons who pleaded for the city, people and the holy vessels were condemned to die. The men of Tyre gave them a magnificent funeral. (/APC 2Ma 4:44-50)
3253. About that time, Antiochus prepared his second expedition into Egypt. It happened at Jerusalem that for 40 days, strange visions of armed horsemen and of foot soldiers in battle were seen in the air portending their future problems. /APC 2Ma 5:1-4
3254. Antiochus planned to add the kingdom of Egypt to his own. He entered Egypt with a numerous company, with chariots, with elephants, with horsemen and a great navy. He made war against Ptolemy, king of Egypt who turned and fled away. Many were killed. Afterward they seized the fortified cities in the land and Antiochus took the spoils of Egypt. /APC 1Ma 1:16-19
3255. A false rumour of Antiochus' death was circulated. Jason took with him no less than 1000 men and made a surprise attack on the city of Jerusalem. Menelaus fled into the citadel, but Jason slaughtered his own citizens and was not ashamed of this. However, he could not take over the government but fled away in shame. He returned back into the country of the Ammonites. He was accused before Aretus, the king of the Arabians and dared not show his face there. He was forced to flee from one city to another and was hated by all men because he forsook their laws. He was made a public enemy of his own country. /APC 2Ma 5:5-8
3256. Antiochus heard in Egypt that the rumour of his death made the people of Jerusalem very glad. He suspected by the rebellion of Jason that Judea would revolt and was very angry. (/APC 2Ma 5:11 Josephus in Libello de Maccabais) After that he had subdued Egypt in the 143rd year of the Greeks or Seleucus, he went up against Israel and Jerusalem with a great multitude. /APC 1Ma 1:20,21
3257. Josephus (Antiq. l. 12. c. 7) writes that in the 143rd year of the Seleucians, he took the city without a battle. The men of his own faction opened the gates to him. However, in /APC 2Ma 7 the city is said to have been taken by force of arms. Josephus in his first book and first chapter of the wars of the Jews, says that he took the city by force and adds that he was enraged with the memory of those things which he had endured in the siege. Moreover, while Antiochus besieged the city, the men of Jerusalem made an attack against him and were slain in the conflict, as Josephus affirms, in the sixth book of the same works. (p. 929.)
3258. When the city was captured, the soldiers were ordered to kill anyone they met. Cruelly, they slew all sorts regardless of age or sex. In three days, 80,000 men were missing, 40,000 of whom were killed and the rest sold into slavery. /APC 2Ma 5:11-14
3259. Antiochus was not content with this and he went into the temple. Menelaus who betrayed their laws and country was his guide. He wickedly seized the holy vessels, and whatever else was dedicated by other kings to the glory and honour of the place. /APC 2Ma 5:15,16 He took the golden altar, the candlesticks of light with all its vessels, the table of the shewbread, the pouring vessels, the vials, the censers of gold and the vail. He removed the crowns and the golden ornaments that were fastened to the temple doors. He pulled off the gold from everything that was covered with gold. He stole all the silver, lovely vessels and all the hidden treasures which he found. /APC 1Ma 1:23,24
3260. Polybius Megapolitanus, Strabo Cappadox, Nicolaus Damascenus, Timagenes Castor Chronographus and Apollodorus, wrote that Antiochus was short of money and broke his league. He assaulted the Jews, his confederates and friends and plundered the temple that was full of gold and silver and spared nothing of value. (Josephus contr. Apion. l. 2.) His huge tribute to the Romans, forced him to gather money by pillaging and not to miss any opportunity of plundering. (Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. l. 2.) Those who were the enemies of the Jews affirm that many other things were done by him because he hated the Jews and had contempt for their religion. In the 34th book of Diodorus' Bibliotheca and from there in Photii. Bibliotheca (cod. 244.) this is stated:
``When Antiochus Epiphanes had overcome the Jews, he entered into the holy Oracle of God where the priests only might lawfully go. He found there a stone statue of a man with a long beard, holding a book in his hand and sitting on an ass. He thought him to be Moses who built Jerusalem, founded the nation and established those laws that are hated in all nations. He desired to remove this reproach to the nations and endeavoured to abrogate the laws. Therefore he sacrificed a great sow to the statue of the founder, Moses. He poured blood on the altar of God, that stood in the open air and on the statue. He seethed the flesh and commanded the holy books that contained their laws to be marred and obliterated with the broth. He commanded the eternal flame which always burned in the temple to be put out. He compelled Menelaus the high priest and other Jews to eat swine's flesh.''
3261. However, in the light of these actions we disagree with the testimony of Strabo the Cappadocian, in the 16th book of his Geography, where he commends the Jews, as just and religious persons. (dikaiopzanp cg zxosebxid pd dlhqpj ontxr p. 761.)
3262. When Antiochus captured the city, he sacrificed swine on the altar and with the broth of its flesh he sprinkled the temple. (Josephus Antiq. l. 13. c. 16.)
3263. Antiochus carried 1800 talents from the temple and quickly returned to Antioch. He appointed governors to vex the country, at Jerusalem, Philip, by birth a Phrygian, by manner a barbarian, at Gerizim in Samaria, Andronicus. In addition to these he left Menelaus who was worse than all the rest to rule the citizens with a heavy hand and had a most malicious attitude against the Jews. /APC 2Ma 5:21-23.
3264. The ambassadors of Asia were heard in the senate at Rome. The Milesians remembered that they had done nothing and promised that they were ready to do whatever the senate should command them to help the war against Perseus. The Alabandenses remembered that they had erected the temple of the city of Rome and instituted anniversary games to the goddess. They brought a golden crown weighing 50 pounds as a gift to Jupiter which they might place in the capitol. They also gave 300 shields for horsemen which they would deliver to whom they would command them. The Lampsaceni brought an 80 pound crown and requested:
``How that they defected from Perseus when the Roman army came into Macedonia. They were under the jurisdiction of Perseus and before of Philip. In respect to this and for turning all things over to the Roman commanders, they requested only that they might be received into the friendship of the Roman people. If a peace should be made with Perseus, they wished to be no longer under Perseus' authority.''
3265. There was a civil answer returned to the rest of the delegates. Quintus Moenius the praetor, was commanded to enrol the Lampsaceni after the manner of associates. Rewards were given to them all, amounting to more than 2000 pieces of coin to each of them. The Alabandenses were commanded to carry back the shields to A. Hostilius the consul in Macedonia. (Livy l. 43.)
3835a AM, 4544 JP, 170 BC
3266. It was decided by the common consent of the Achaeans that all the honours of Eumenes which were unseemly and repugnant to the laws should be taken away. Sosigenes and Diopithes from Rhodes were there about private legal matters. They were offended by Eumenes and destroyed all his honours in the city of Peloponnesus. (Polyb. Legat. 74.)
3835 AM, 4545 JP, 169 BC
3267. While A. Hostilius the proconsul with his forces wintered in Thessalie, Attalus who wintered at that time at Elatia, was informed that his brother, Eumenes took it most grievously that by a public decree they had taken away his most splendid honours. After telling the matter to Archon, the praetor of the Achaei, he sent ambassadors to the common council of the country. He was to negotiate with them concerning restoring the honours to the king again. Thereupon by the persuasion of Polybius (the historian) a decree was made that the magistrates were commanded to renew all things that pertained unto the honour of Eumenes. Those honours that did not well agree with the common interest of the Achaeans or were repugnant to the laws were not to be restored. Therefore Attalus at that time rectified those miscarriages which were rashly committed at Peloponnesus concerning his brother Eumenes' honour. (Polyb. Legat. 74. & in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 130, 133.)
3268. At the beginning of the spring, Q. Marcius Philippus, the consul, was sent against Perseus. (Livy l. 44. init.)
3269. A decree was published by the Achaeans, concerning the sending of auxiliaries to Marcius the consul, which was brought to him by Polybius. Theoeritus an ambassador was sent from them to Attalus. He was to bring to him that decree whereby the honours of Eumenes were restored to him. At the same time, the Achaeans heard that the Anacleteria had been celebrated in honour of Ptolemy the king, as is the custom for the kings of Egypt when they come to the legal age. As a token of their joy in this, they sent ambassadors for the renewing of that friendship which was between the Achaeans and the kings of Egypt. Alcithus and Persidas were chosen to do this. (Polyb. Legat. 78.)
3270. About that time there was a wicked act and most abhorrent to the institutions of the Greeks done in the island of Crete. Between the Cydoniates and Apolloniates there was a common bond of friendship and a league of peace. When the tables of that league were ratified on each side by oath there were fastened to the image of Jupiter Idaeus for all to see. In spite of this, Cydoniates in the time of peace when they were treated by the Apolloniates as friends, broke the league. They surprised their city, killed all the men with the sword, spoiled their goods. They divided among themselves their wives, children and all their land. (Polyb. & Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. in Valesib, edit. p. 133. & 310.)
3271. The Cydoniates were afraid of the Gortynians. Previously their city was almost taken by a surprise attack by Nothocrates. They sent ambassadors to Eumenes asking for help based on their league with him. The king chose Leon as captain, whom he sent speedily there with a band of 300 soldiers. When those forces came, the Cydoniates delivered the keys of the gates to Leon and put the whole city under his control. (Polyb. Legat. 79.)
3272. When by the urging of Eulaius the eunuch, Ptolemy started a new war to recover Coelosyria. Antiochus made his third expedition into Egypt and subdued it. (Polyb. Legat. 80-82.) When the Egyptians fled, Antiochus could have killed them all with his cavalry. Antiochus restrained his troops and ordered that they should be taken alive. For this kindness, he gained both Peleusium and a little later all of Egypt. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 320.)
3273. While the opposing factions at Rhodes daily increased, after they had heard that at Rome it was decreed by the senate that from now on those things were to be done according to the dictates of the senate and not their own magistrates. Philophron and Theaetetus persuaded them to send ambassadors to Rome. At the beginning of the summer, Hegesilochus, son of Hegesias and Nicagoras son of Nicander, were sent as ambassadors to Rome. Agesipolis, Ariston and Pancrates were sent to the consul, Q. Marcius Philippus and to C. Marcius Figulus the admiral of the fleet. All these were commanded to renew the friendship with the Roman people and to answer the accusations of some against Rhodes. Hegesilochus was moreover ordered to request permission to send grain. Agesipolis overtook Q. Marcius who was camped at Heraclea in Macedonia. When he had delivered his commands, the consul said he gave no credit to those who slandered the Rhodians and asked the ambassadors not to put up with anyone that did those things. He treated them very kindly and wrote concerning this to the Roman people. Agesipolis was overwhelmed with the courtesy of the consul. Marcius took him into a private meeting. He said he admired that the Rhodians did not try to reconcile the kings that fought for Coelosyria for it was not in their place to do so. Later Agesipolis went unto Caius, the admiral of the fleet and was more favourably entertained by him than he was by Marcius. He returned to Rhodes a short time later. He related what had happened and how well he was treated by both of the Roman commanders. All the Rhodians were encouraged and taken with a vain hope but not in the same way. Most of the older ones were very pleased for the friendship of the Romans. The younger ones were troubled by these actions. They thought that this excessive kindness of the Romans was a sign that they were terrified with the imminent danger and matters were not unfolding as they should. Later Agesipolis sided against them and was secretly taking orders from Marcius to make a proposition in the senate of the Rhodians of making a peace treaty agreement between the kings. Dinon made no question but the affairs of the Romans were in a most dreadful mess. Therefore ambassadors were sent to Alexandria to conclude the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy. (Polyb. Legat. 80.)
3274. Towards the end of the summer, Hegesilochus and other ambassadors from Rhodes came to Rome and were very graciously entertained. It was well known the Rhodians were divided with civil disputes. Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon and Theaetetus, placed all their hopes in the Romans. On the contrary, Dinon and Polyaratus trusted in Perseus and the Macedonians. It frequently happened that when the matters were debated equally well on either side and with different conclusions, the senate ignored the internal differences at Rhodes although they were well aware of them. They granted a licence to them to export 100,000 bushels of wheat from Sicily. (Polyb. Legat. 64, 73. & 80.)
3275. After Egypt was subdued by Antiochus, Comanus and Cineas discussed with king Ptolemy what they should do. It was decided that a council be composed of the chief captains who would be in charge of settling the matters. The council decided that any Greeks who should be found there, should go as ambassadors to Antiochus to negotiate with him concerning a peace. (Polyb. Legat. 81.)
3276. At that time two ambassadors arrived from the country of the Achaei. Alcithus, son to Xenophon of Aege, was to renew the friendship with the king. Pasiadas was sent about the matter of the war between Ptolemy and Antiochus. The Athenians sent ambassadors headed by Demaratus concerning a certain donation. Moreover these men brought up two religious matters. The first concerned the feast of Minerva, called Panathenaea, was mentioned by Callias the Pancratiast, or conqueror at the games. The other concerned the mysteries which was handled by Cleostratus. In the discussion he made a speech to the king. Miletum was represented by Eudemus and Icesius, from Clazomenae, Apollonides, and Apollonius. (Polyb. Legat. 81.)
3277. Together with these, Ptolemy the king sent his own ambassadors, Tlepolemus, and Ptolemy the teacher of rhetoric. They sailed and came to Antiochus who received them courteously and invited them on the first day to a sumptuous feast. The next day he gave them the liberty of a personal conference and commanded them to declare their purpose. The ambassadors of the Achaeans spoke first with him. After this Demaratus spoke who was sent by the Athenians. He was followed by Eudemus of Miletum. All affirmed that the war was started through the instigation of Eulaius the eunuch. After they said how young Ptolemy was, they all deplored the war between the kings. Antiochus agreed with the their speeches and more fully explained himself and defended his rights. He endeavoured with great earnestness to prove that Coelosyria belonged to the kings of Syria. He denied what the ambassadors from Alexandria alleged, that Coelosyria was given for a dowry with Cleopatra, mother of Philometor who now reigned. After much discussion, he proved his point to all that were present. For that time he sailed to Naucratis. There he spoke kindly and treated the citizens well. He gave to each Greek who remained there, pieces of gold, valued at 16 shillings 8 pence to each man. (Valued in 1650 AD. Editor) He journeyed to Alexandria and promised to reply to the ambassadors after Aristides and Theris had returned. He desired that the Greeks should know and witness his actions. (Polyb. Legat. 82.)
3278. Philometor was taught by Eulaius the eunuch, in pleasure and effeminate ways. He became so slothful that since he was so far removed from all danger and separated from the enemy by a great distance, he surrendered his large and wealthy kingdom without fighting for it. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesil. p. 310. 313.)
3279. Antiochus took the crown from Philometor after he had reigned 11 years. The Alexandrians committed management of affairs to Euergetes, his younger brother. (Porpohyr. in Grec. Eusebeian. Scalig. p. 54 & 225.) They later nicknamed him Cacergetes or the malefactor. (Athena. l. 4. c. 24. & l. 12. c. 27.) Howbeit, from the huge size of his body and the largeness of his paunch, he was nicknamed Physcon or the Gore-belly. This was added after his name and is read on his coins. PTOAEMAIOGFGSKWNOSEGERGETOG
3280. Epiphanius, in his small book of weights and measures, called this Ptolemy, Ptolemy Philologus for his love of knowledge. He was one of Aristarchus' scholars and he wrote historical observations which are frequently cited by Atheneus. (Athena. l. 2. cap. 33.) This second Euergetes wrote the things we took from Atheneus and Galen concerning the first, (See note on 3761 AM. <<2855>) from this since at that time Eumenes, son of Attalus reigned in Asia. Strabo affirms that he furnished Pergamos with libraries. (l. 13. p. 614.) I suppose these things refer to this Ptolemy which are read in Vitruvius' Preface of his seventh book:
``The Attalian kings were inclined to the wonderful delights of learning when they had erected for the common enjoyment of all a famous library at Pergamos. Ptolemy was zealous to do the like at Alexandria.''
3281. In Pliny, (l. 13. c. 11.) we read:
``Through the ambition of the kings, Ptolemy and Eumenes over libraries, Varro wrote that at Pergamos parchments were found because Ptolemy withheld the use of the Egyptian paper.''
3282. Ptolemy Philometor was driven from his kingdom and fled to his younger brother Ptolemy Euergetes at Alexandria. (Justin l. 34. cap. 2.) Since Alexandria was not under the power of Antiochus, they made him co-ruler with his brother in the kingdom. This was in the 12 year of Philometor's reign and the 4th year of Euergetes' reign. (Porphyr. in Grec. Eusebeian.) Although after awhile, they expelled Philometor and banished him. (Polyb. Legat. 84, & 89.)
3283. Antiochus seized on that occasion and undertook the government of the banished prince. He made use of the specious pretence of bringing him home again to justify his Egyptian war. This is what he told the ambassadors he sent into all the cities of Asia and Greece. (Livy l. 44,45.)
3836a AM, 4545 JP, 169 BC
3284. Antiochus, through the pretence of bringing back the older Ptolemy to his kingdom fought a war with his younger brother, who at that time possessed Alexandria. He defeated him at the naval battle at Pelusium. He went over the Nile with his army on a bridge which he quickly built and besieged Alexandria. Thereupon Ptolemy the younger and Cleopatra his sister sent ambassadors to Rome. They were to ask the senate to send assistance to the kingdom and those princes who were friends to the empire. This was the obligation of the people of Rome to Antiochus. So great was their authority with all kings and nations that if they should but send ambassadors to declare that it pleased not the senate that a war was fought between their allies, Antiochus would immediately depart from Alexandria and withdraw his army into Syria. (Livy l. 44.)
3285. When Antiochus was unable to break down the wall of Alexandria he left. (Livy l. 45.) In spite of this, Meleager, Sosiphanus and Heraclides were sent as ambassadors to Rome. They were given 150 talents. 50 was to be spent on a crown to be given to the Romans. The rest was to be divided among certain cities of Greece. (Polyb. Legat. 83.)
3286. About that time, the ambassadors of the Rhodians headed by Prutio arrived at Alexandria to negotiate a peace. Shortly after this they went to the camp to Antiochus. They were allowed to see the king. They had a long discourse about the mutual alliances between both the kings and what advantages would accrue to each if peace were made. However, the king interrupted the ambassador in his speech and said that there was no need of any more discussion. The kingdom belonged to the older Ptolemy and he had long since made a peace with him and was his friend. If the Alexandrians would recall him from banishment, he would be content. (Polyb. Legat. 84.)
3287. Antiochus left the older Ptolemy at Memphis. Antiochus pretended to fight for his kingdom and gave him the rest of Egypt. After that he left a strong garrison at Pelusium and withdrew his army into Syria. He thought it prudent to allow the civil war in Egypt to continue. He could always use it as a pretence to reenter Egypt with his army to help the older brother. (Livy l. 45.)
3288. King Eumenes came from Elaea with 20 covered ships into the coasts of the Cassandrenses and met with Marcius Figulus, the praetor and admiral of the Roman fleet. Prusias sent 5 ships there. At the same time, Prusias tried in vain to take the city Cassandrea, Toron and Demetrius. It was reported that Cydas the Cretian and Antimachus, governor of Demetrius negotiated a peace between Eumenes and Perseus. Cydas, who was one of Eumenes' intimate friends, was previously seen talking at Amphipolis with Chimarus, a certain county man of his. At Demetrius he was seen talking with Menecrates, a certain captain of Perseus and again with Antimachus under the very walls of the city. Eumenes left Demetrius and sailed to Q. Marcius the consul and congratulated his arrival into Macedonia. He left for his own kingdom to Pergamos. Marcius Figulus the praetor sent part of the fleet to winter at Sciathum and went with the rest of the ships to Oreum in Boeotia. (Livy l. 44.)
3289. Reports vary concerning Eumenes. Valerius Antias said that the praetor was not helped by a fleet from him. After that he had often sent for him by letters and he did not go with favour from the consul into Asia. He was incensed that he was not allowed to march into the same camp. He could not be persuaded to leave behind any of the cavalry of the Gauls whom he had brought with him. Attalus his brother, remained with the consul and was loyal to him throughout the war. (Livy l. 44.) Velleius Paterculus wrote that king Eumenes was indifferent to that war and lent no assistance to his brother. (Histor. l. 1. c. 9.)
3290. At Rome, the ambassadors of Pamphylius brought into the senate a golden crown made of 20,000 Philipeans. By their request, they were allowed to put the crown in the temple of Jupiter and to sacrifice in the capitol. Their desire of renewing friendship was graciously granted and a gift of 2000 pieces of coin was given to each of them. (Livy l. 44.)
3291. At that time, the ambassadors came from king Prusias to help make a peace with King Perseus. They received an audience with the senate. Prusias said that at that time he stood for the Romans and that he would stand for them during the war. However, when the ambassadors had come to him from Perseus to end the war, he had promised them to intervene on their behalf with the senate. He desired that if they could be persuaded to end their displeasure of him that he might be used by them in making a peace with both parties. (Livy l. 44.)
3292. The embassy from Rhodes was more arrogant concerning the same business. They related the deeds which they had done for the Roman people and how they were mainly responsible for the victory over Antiochus. They added, that when there was peace between the Macedonians and the Romans, then they had an alliance between themselves and King Perseus. They had broken this against their will not through any provocation of his against them but because it pleased the Romans to draw them into the war. In the third year of the war, they were feeling the brunt of it. Because of naval blockades, their island was reduced to poverty for they lost their revenues that came by sea and their food supply was cut off. When they could no longer endure this, they had sent ambassadors into Macedonia to Perseus who told him that the Rhodians would be happy if he would make peace with the Romans. They would sent to the Romans and signify this. Rhodians would consider what ought to be done against those who failed to end the war. Claudius Quadrigarius said that there was no answer given to these persons. There was recited a decree of the senate in which the Roman people announced that the Carians and Lycians were free and that letters should immediately be sent to both countries to inform them of this. When they heard this, the head of the Rhodian delegation, whose magniloquence just a little before the senate house had scarcely been able to contain, fell down astonished. Others said that they replied that the Roman people from the beginning of the war had been told by reputable persons that the Rhodians had secret talks with King Perseus against Rome. If this had been doubtful before, yet the delegates words a little before had made it certain. That fraud for the most part was exposed that was secret in the beginning. What the Rhodians were about to consider they themselves knew. Assuredly the people of Rome, when Perseus was defeated, which they hoped would be soon, would appropriately reward each city for its part in the war. However, a gift of 2000 pieces of coin was sent to each of the ambassadors which they refused. (Livy l. 44. c. 14,15.)
3293. Dion gave this account of the matter. King Perseus requested peace from the Romans and had obtained it. Rhodians, feared least the Romans should have wanted an adversary had joined their ambassadors with the ambassadors of Perseus. The delegates from Rhodes were anything but moderate and most unsuitable for those who were purported to be looking for peace. They had not so much requested a peace for Perseus as given it to him. They proudly spoke of other things and at last threatened that they would attack those who failed to make peace. By this it happened, that although the Romans suspected them of siding with Perseus, they became more odious in the sight of the Romans and hindered Perseus' chances for peace. (Dion Legat. 19. or 20.)
3836 AM, 4546 JP, 168 BC
3294. About the beginning of the consulship of L. Emilius Paulus and C. Licinius, the Alexandrian ambassadors from Ptolemy and princess Cleopatra were called into the Senate. They were dressed in dirt stained white clothing and had long straggling beards and hair. When they had entered into the senate with olive branches, they prostrated themselves and requested the senate that they would help their kingdom and princess that were their allies. (Livy l. 44. c. 19.)
3295. The senate was told by them that Antiochus had seized the rest of Egypt and still remained there and hoped to conquer Alexandria too. The senate was concerned with the power this king, and decreed to send an embassy to help make peace and determine first hand what was happening there. (Polyb. Legat. 90.)
3296. Therefore, they immediately sent C. Popillius Laenas, D. Decimius and C. Hostilius as ambassadors to conclude the war between the kings. They were ordered to go first to Antiochus then to Ptolemy. They were to say that if they did not stop this war they would no longer be considered allies of Rome. (Livy l. 44. c. 19)
3297. These men accompanied the ambassadors from Alexandria and left on their journey in three days. Ambassadors from Macedonia arrived on the last day of the Quinquatria, that is, of the feast of Minerva's birthday. They said that Eumenes and his fleet both came and went like an unpredictable storm. The king was not constant in his loyalties. Although they said many things against Eumenes, they declared the extraordinary loyalty of Attalus. (Livy l. 44. c. 19.)
3298. At the time when the ambassadors sent to Egypt left Rome, this is found written in an ancient diary of this year: (which Pighius has inserted into the second Tome of his Annals in the 585th year of the city)
``The third day before the Nones of April, C. Popillius Leans, C. Decimius and C. Hostilius were sent as ambassadors to the kings of Syria and Egypt to discuss the war between them. These ambassadors with a number of their clients and kindred, sacrificed early in the morning in the temple of Castor, to the household gods of P. R. They offered a bull and so ended their sacrifice.''
3299. However, the third day before the nones of April, as the year at Rome then stood, was January 23rd according to the Julian account as we deduce from the eclipse of the moon which happened five months later.
3300. After Antiochus and his army had returned into Syria, Ptolemy Philometor wisely considered the danger he was in and sent ambassadors to Alexandria to his sister, Cleopatra first and then to his brother Euergetes and his friends. He confirmed a peace with them. His sister helped him greatly by her advise and intersession on his behalf. After a peace was made, by the public common consent, he returned from Memphis and was received into Alexandria. He reigned together with his brother and the common people accepted this. In the war, they had no supplies from Egypt during the seige nor after it was lifted. Their condition was brought very low. (Livy l. 45. Polyb. Legat. 89.)
3301. This should have been reason for Antiochus to be glad if he had brought his army into Egypt to restore Ptolemy to the throne. However, he was so offended, that he more eagerly and maliciously prepared for war against them both than he had done against them individually. Thereupon he sent his fleet to Cyprus and defeated the Egyptian ships and the captains of Ptolemy. (Livy l. 45. c. 11. Polyb. Legat. 92.)
3302. Both Ptolemy's brothers shared the throne and were militarily quite weak. They sent ambassadors to Eumenes, Dionysiodorus and to the country the Achaeaus, to request 1000 foot soldiers and 22 cavalry. They wanted Lycortas to be captain of all the auxiliary forces and his son Polybius of the cavalry. They wrote also to Theodoridas the Sicyonian, to hire 1000 mercenary soldiers. (Polyb. Legat. 89. & 91.)
3303. Perseus, king of the Macedonians and Gentius, king of the Sclavonians, were united in league together by giving pledges to each other. They decreed that ambassadors should be sent to Rhodes, hoping that the city which was the major naval power at that time might by the authority of two kings go to war against the Romans. The ambassadors were sent to Thessalonica and ordered to be ready to sail. Metrodorus was there who came recently from Rhodes and affirmed that by the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, principal men of the city, the Rhodians were prepared for war. Among the Coans, Hippocritus, Diomedon brethren and the Romans, Dinon and Polyaratus were bold to speak for the Macedonians and accuse the Romans and publicly advise an alliance with Perseus. Metrodorus was made the leader of this confederate embassy with the Sclavonians. (Polyb. Legat. 85. & in Excerptis, Valesii. p. 137. Livy l. 44.)
3304. When Perseus had sent Teremnastus the Cretian as ambassador to Antiochus, he advised him not to miss the opportunity nor to think that the proud and insolent injunctions of the Romans pertained only to him. Rather he should know that the Romans would shortly treat him the same. This was unless he help Perseus settle the matters between the Romans and the Macedonians. If that could not be, then at least he could help Perseus against the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 85. Livy l. 44.)
3305. At the same time, Perseus sent Cryphontes (for so the Collections of Polybius name him, whom the printed copies of Livy call Eropontes) as ambassador to Eumenes who had been on two embassies to Eumenes. (Livy l. 44.) He hoped that by offering money, he could solicited Eumenes that he should either side with Perseus or reconcile him to the people of Rome or remain neutral. He hoped that he should obtain one of these things or at least by that solicitation procure (which indeed he attained) that Eumenes would become suspect to the Romans. However, Eumenes despised the friendship of Perseus. For making peace, he demanded 1500 talents and to remain neutral to both, 1000 talents. Perseus promised to give the sum required for his help in getting a peace but not before it was done. However, he would deposit it in the temple at Samothracia until the peace was concluded. (Appian. Macedonic. in Excerpt. Valeisi. p. 562.) Since that island was in his own jurisdiction, Eumenes saw that it signified no more than if the money had been at Pella and insisted that he should bring part of the money for the present. This did not happen either. Cryphontes returned home and the negotiations were kept secret. To avoid suspicion, both sides said that the negotiation had been concerning the redemption of captives. Eumenes told the same to the consul. (Livy l. 44.)
3306. The Rhodians disagreed among themselves. The party which favoured Perseus prevailed. It seemed good that ambassadors should be sent to settle the war between Perseus and the Romans. Therefore the chief presidents of their counsels immediately sent Agesipolis and Cleombrotus as ambassadors to Rome. They sent Damon, Nicostratus, Agesilochus, and Telephus to the consul and Perseus. They also sent ambassadors to Crete to renew friendship with all the Cretians. They were to advise them to have an eye to the condition of the times and the imminent danger. They should be friends with the people of Rhodes and they should esteem the same as foe and friend. There were sent also to each city, to entreat with them concerning the same matters. (Polyb. Legat. 86.)
3307. The ambassadors of the Ptolemys, the kings came into Peloponnesus while it was still winter. After that in an assembly of the Achaeans celebrated at Corinth, they had renewed their ancient friendship after much discussion. They presented their view of the afflicted condition of the kings and requested aid. The multitude were ready to give their assistance, not with a part of their forces, but if need should require, with all their strength. However, Callicrates, Diophanes and Hyperbatonus opposed this decision. Against these debated Lycottas and Polybius who exhorted the Achaeans to remember their engagements and courtesies but especially of their oath that they should keep the laws of confederacy. When the multitude had again jointly agreed that assistance should be given, Callicrates frustrated that debate by terrifying the magistrates because the laws gave no liberty in such assemblies to commit auxiliary troops. (Polyb. Legat. 89.)
3308. A little later, a council was called in the city of the Sicyonians. In it the magistrates were present and all that were older than 30 years of age. After much discussion, a courier who was brought by Callicrates, immediately after his arrival directly into the theatre. He brought forged letters from Q. Marcius the proconsul in which he was supposed to exhort the Achaeans. They were to comply with the desire of the Romans and endeavour to reconcile the kings. Thereupon ambassadors were sent from the Achaeans, Archon of Aegira, Arcesilaus and Aristo Megapolitanes, to make a peace between the Ptolemys and Antiochus. By this action King Polybius was incensed with indignation and withdrew from the care and administration of affairs. The ambassadors from Alexandria lost all hope of help and returned home. (Polyb. Legat. 89, 91.)
3309. Perseus had his winter quarters at Bila. He drew his forces into Ionia where he might intercept the wheat that was conveyed from there to the Romans. (Appian. ut. sup. p. 565.) Antenor and Callippus were the admirals of the navy. He sent them with 40 small boats and 5 larger vessels called Pristes (because they resembled Pristes) to Tenedos. From there they dispersed by the Cycladas Islands so they might capture the ships that came with wheat into Macedonia. The ships sailed to Cassandrea. After that they came first to the havens which lie beside the Mount Athos and from there they sailed in a calm sea to Tenedos. They sent away the Rhodian's open vessels under Eudemus their captain with out any harm and treated them very civilly. They were later told that 50 cargo ships of their friends were blockaded by the warships of Eumenes under the command of Damius at the very mouth of the haven at Mount Athos. They dispersed their enemies and let them out. They escorted them with 10 small ships into Macedonia. (Livy l. 44.)
3310. Nine days later, those small vessels returned to the fleet lying at Sigaeum. From there they sailed to Subota which is an island lying between Elaea and Athos. However, the following day 35 ships arrived which they call Hippagogi or vessels for the conveyance of horses. Ferry boats came from Elaea with the cavalry of the Gauls and horses sent from Eumenes to Attalus. These were bound for Phanes, a cape of the Chians, from where they might sail over into Macedonia. Antenor set sail from Subota between the cape of Erythrae and that of Chios where the sea is most narrow and suddenly attacked these ships. When there was no hope of resisting, part of them who were near the shore of the continent swam into Erythraea. Part of them hoisted sail and beached their ships on Chios. They left their horses behind them and fled to the city. The small vessels had delivered their armed men to the city. At a more convenient place of landing, the Macedonians defeated the Gauls and killed some as they fled in the way and others were intercepted before the gate and killed. 800 Gauls were killed (700 as Gruter's edition has it) and 200 taken alive. Some of the horses drowned in the sea when the ships sank and some were houghed by the Macedonians on the shore. Antenor commanded the same ten vessels which he had sent before, to convoy 20 of the best horses with the captives to Thessalonica and as soon as possibly to return to the fleet. He would meet them at Phanae. The navy stayed almost three days at the city. From there they went to Phanae and were transported in the 10 vessels which returned before they were expected and they passed through the Aegean sea to Delos. (Livy l. 44.)
3311. While these things were happening, the Roman ambassadors, C. Popillius, C. Decimius and C. Hostilius, came from Chalcis after they had sailed from Delos with 3 ships of 5 tiers of oars. They found 40 ships of the Macedonians and 5 ships from King Eumenes with 5 tiers of oars. The sanctity of the temple and the island, gave security to all persons. Therefore the Romans, the Macedonians and the naval allies of Eumenes all intermingled and talked together in safety. The respect for the temple made this place a safe haven. (Livy l. 44.)
3312. Antenor, Perseus' admiral, received word from the watch-towers that cargo ships were seen at sea. He pursued them with some of his ships and the rest he sent around the Cyclades. He either sank or plundered all the ships except those bound for Macedonia. Popillius and the navy of Eumenes, helped as many as they could. They conveyed them by night in groups of two or three vessels and deceived the Macedonians. (Livy l. 44.)
3313. About that time, Parmenio and Morcus, the ambassadors of Gentius, king of the Sclavonians, along with Metrodorus, the ambassador of Perseus came to Rhodes. Perseus' authority had increased by the sight of the warships which passed up and down by the Cyclades and the Aegean Sea and by the large number of the horsemen which were slain. His prestige was further enhanced by the alliance between Gentius and himself and the rumour that large numbers of the Galatian's cavalry and foot solders were coming to help him. These things encouraged Dinon and Polyaratus, who were for Perseus but depressed Theaetetus who was not for Perseus. Therefore the Rhodians decreed to give a friendly answer unto both the kings and to signify to them that they had resolved to use their authority to put an end to the war. Therefore they admonished them to be agreeable to a peace. Moreover the ambassadors of Gentius were entreated with much civility in their public place of assembly. (Livy l. 44. Polyb. Legat. 87.)
3836c AM, 4546 JP, 168 BC
3314. At the beginning of the spring, Antiochus with his army, marched for Egypt and came into Coelosyria near to Rhinocolura. He met the ambassadors of Ptolemy Philometor who thanked him for restoring him to his kingdom. He asked that Antiochus would maintain his own right and rather say what he wanted done instead of turning from an ally to an enemy by taking military action. Antiochus replied that he would under no other terms revoke his fleet and reduce his army unless Ptolemy would surrender to him all Cyprus, Pelusius and the land that was adjacent to that mouth of the Nile, called Pelusiack. He appointed a day to receive an answer by. (Livy l. 45. c. 11.)
3315. Antiochus sent Apollonius, the overseer for the collection of his tribute (called meridarciw Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 7. or mwsarciw in /APC 2Ma 5:24) with an army of 22,000 into the cities of Judea. This was 2 full years after he had plundered the temple at Jerusalem. They were ordered to kill all the mature young men and sell the women and young ones. /APC 1Ma 1:30 2Ma 5:24
3316. After that Apollonius came to Jerusalem without any sign of hostility. He restrained himself until the sabbath day. Then he killed all that cAme to perform religious duties. He marched with his forces about the city and killed a great number of people. After he had plundered the city, he set it on fire and pulled down the houses and the walls. He led away captive the women and children and seized on the cattle. /APC 1Ma 1:31,34 2Ma 5:25,26 Josephus, (Antiq. l. 12. c. 7) attributes to Antiochus himself the things that were done by his officers. He affirms that:
``After the sacking of the whole city, partly to have killed the inhabitants and partly to have led them away captive together with their children and wives to the number of 10,000.''
3317. Judas Maccabeus left with 9 others and spent his life in the mountains foraging like wild beasts. They fed on herbs lest they should be partakers of the pollution /APC 2Ma 5:27 or of the prohibited meats or of the idolatry or of the contamination and the desolation of the sanctuary which now happened. /APC 1Ma 1:39-41 It was 3.5 years before the restitution and purification of the temple was later made by the same Judas Maccabeus. /APC 1Ma 4:43-54 During this time, Josephus implies that the city of Jerusalem was oppressed by Antiochus. (Josephus, in the preface of his books concerning the Jewish war) Josephus states that the service of the daily sacrifice ceased (l. 1. c. 1.) and the sanctuary was desolate in the sixth book of the same work. (p. 929.) He mentions the length of the time of this desolation of the sanctuary as Hippolytus affirms. (Caten. Grac. in Daniel Da 8:11-14)
3318. Later they built in the city of David or Zion, a great wall, secured with strong towers which was to form a citadel for them. A garrison of wicked persons held the place. They deposited the spoils of Jerusalem there. Those Jews who visited the temple often risked their life in so doing. Much innocent blood was shed and the sanctuary defiled. The inhabitants of Jerusalem fled and the city became an habitation of strangers and foreign to her own citizens. /APC 1Ma 1:35-40.
3319. The ambassadors of the Rhodians came to the camp of the Romans with the same instructions concerning peace which at Rome had so highly incensed the senators. They were heard with much more discontent by the counsel of war. However, when some would have had them violently expelled from the camp, the counsel declared that it would give them an answer after 15 days. In the meantime, so that it might appear at what value they placed on the authority of Rhodians to broker for peace, they began to plan how to prosecute the war. (Livy l. 44. c. 35.)
3320. The day before Perseus was defeated, C. Sulpicius Gallus, the tribune of the soldiers of the second legion, assembled the soldiers with the permission of L. Emilius Paulus the consul. He told them that on the next night they should not be alarmed by an eclipse of the moon. It would happen from 2 am until 4 am. This eclipse is a natural event that can be predicted and is not a sign or evil omen. (Livy l. 44. c. 37.) Pliny writes concerning eclipses (l. 2. c. 12.) that Gallus was the first of the Romans who discovered the reason of the sun and moon's eclipses. Concerning him, Cato in Cicero's book, "of old age", says:
``We did behold Scipio Gallus, the intimate acquaintance of your father (Emilius Paulus) even to greatly weary himself almost to death in his endeavours of measuring almost the heavens and the earth. How often did the morning surprise him, when he began to observe anything at night? How oft did the night come on him, when he began to observe in the morning? How was he delighted when he foretold to us the eclipses of the sun and moon, a great while before they happened?''
3321. The night before the day before the Nones of September, when the moon was eclipsed at the appointed hour, seemed to the Roman soldiers to be almost a divine thing. The Macedonians took it as a sad omen portending the fall of their kingdom and the disaster of their nation. (Livy. l. 44. c. 37. cum Justin, l. 33. c. 1. Valer. Maxim. l. 8. c. 11. Jul. Frontin. Straghemat. l. 1. c. 12.) The astronomical account shows that the eclipse of the moon was on the 21st day of June, according to the Julian account in the 8th hour after noon, this year in Macedonia when the soldiers would normally have been sleeping according to Plutarch in his Paulus Emilius. It is added that the Ides of March, in this year, when Paulus entered into his second consulship, happened on January 4th according to the Julian reckoning.
3322. The day following Perseus' defeat /APC 1Ma 8:5 the kingdom of the Macedonians ended. From the time of Caranus it had stood for 626 years. However, while the Roman empire was rising, the remains of the Macedonian empire survived in the Seleucus' of Syria and the Ptolemy's of Egypt.
3323. The 3rd day after the battle, Perseus with about 500 Cretians fled to Amphipolis in Thracia. They were not allowed to enter by the Amphipolitans. Their money of gold and silver was brought to the ships which stayed in Strymon. Perseus came to the river. He gave the Cretians that followed him only for his money, 50 talents from his own treasure. He sent cups and goblets, with other gold and silver vessels and placed them on the bank. He left them to be scrambled for by them while they went on board in a disorderly manner. One ship was overloaded and sank in the very mouth of the river. On that day he came unto Galipsus or Alepsus. On the next day he came the island of Samothrace with 2000 talents. He humbly sought refuge in the temple of Castor and Pollux. (Livy. l. 45. c. cum Plutarcho, in Paulo Emilio.)