3157. Lycortas of Megalopolis, Polybius' father, the praetor of Achaia, called an assembly of the country. At it, Arcus and Alcibiades, who went to complain of them at Rome, were condemned to die for that act. (Livy l. 39. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)
3158. A while after, the Roman ambassadors came into Achaia and the common council of Achaia met before them at Clitore in Arcadia. (Livy l. 39. Polyb. Legat. 43.) Their coming did not please the Achaeans especially when they saw Arcus and Alcibiades (whom they in a recent assembly had condemned to death) come with the ambassadors. Lycortas, like a magistrate, pleaded and upheld the cause of the Achaeans very boldly. However, the commissioners did not pay much attention to what he said and declared publicly and with joint consent that Arcus and Alcibiades were honest men. They had done the Achaeans no wrong at all and prevailed so far as to have the sentence against them reversed. (Livy l. 39. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 214.)
3159. When Hannibal had lived a long time very quietly at Gortyna in Crete, many envied him because of his great wealth. He filled some large chests with lead and deposited them in the temple of Diana as a treasure for safe keeping. (??) Thereupon the people, having such a pledge as that from him, were less envious of him. In the meantime he stole away to Prusias, surnamed, as I said before, the Hunter, king of Bithynia. He melted his gold into hollow statues of brass which he carried away with him. (Justin, l. 32. c. 4. & Emil. Probus, in Hannibal.)
3160. A little later Prusias broke his league with Eumenes, king of Pergamus now that he had Hannibal to manage his war for him. (Justin, l. 32. c. 4.) There was a fierce war between them on both land and sea. However, Eumenes with the help of the Romans, over-powered him. Since Prusias was poor and weak, Hannibal procured for him the help of some other kings and states and those from very warlike countries. (Emil. Prob.) Among them, he got the help of Philippus, king of Macedonia, who sent him Philocles his general with a large army to help him. (Polyb. Legat. 46.)
3821a AM, 4530 JP, 184 BC
3161. In the 149th Olympiad when M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Fabius Labeo, first entered into their consulship, an embassy from Eumenes carried by Athenaeus his youngest brother came to Rome. He brought with him a crown of gold of 15,000 talents. He complained that Philippus had not withdrawn his garrisons from Thracia and that he sent help to Prusias, king of Bithynia, who had wilfully broken his league and made war on Eumenes. (Polyb. Legat. 46. Livy l. 39.) With the other ambassadors from Lacedemon, Arcus and Alcibiades came to the senate. (Polyb. Legat. 46.)
3821 AM, 4531 JP, 183 BC
3162. After Prusias was defeated by Eumenes on land, he tried to defeat him at sea but was too weak for Eumenes. Hannibal advised him to try to accomplish by craft what he could not do through plain force. Therefore, he put a number of all sorts of snakes into earthen vessels. In the middle of the fight these were to be hurled aboard the enemy's ships. He ordered his soldiers and sea-men, to attack only the ship that Eumenes was in and defend themselves from the rest as well as they could using these snakes. So that they would most certainly know what ship Eumenes was in, Prusias sent beforehand a letter to him by a herald. It was full of contempt and abuses against Eumenes. Therefore, when the battle was started, Prusias' men fought only against the ship which Eumenes was in. Thereupon he was forced to flee. He would have died had he not landed on a shore where he had placed beforehand a company of troops for such emergencies. When Eumenes' other ships pressed close to the enemy, they threw their earthen pitchers full of snakes at them. These landed on the decks and broke releasing the snakes. At first this seemed ridiculous to them. When they could not move anywhere in the ship for the snakes and found themselves as bothered by their bites as with the arrows of their enemy, they abandoned the fight, and fled to their sea camp on the shore. (Justin l. 32. c. 4. Emil. Prob. in Hannibal.)
3163. Hannibal's tricks defeated Eumenes in that battle. In various other engagements Hannibal used various tricks to overcome Eumenes. Once when he advised Prusias to fight he would not because he said the entrails of the beasts forbid him to. Hannibal replied:
``What, will you rely more on a little piece of flesh in a calf than on the judgment of an old experienced captain in the field?'' (Cic. De Divinae. l. 2. Plut. in his Treatise, De Exile, Valer Max. l. 3. c. 7.)
3164. Now when news of these doings came to Rome, ambassadors were sent immediately by the senate,to make a peace between the two kings and to demand Hannibal from Prusias. Polybius (Legat. 47.) tells us that Ti. Qu. Flaminius was sent ambassador at that time to both Prusias and also to Seleucus, king of Syria. Livy (l. 39. from Galerius Antias) says that Lu. Scipio Asiaticus and P. Scipio Nasica were sent as a commission with him to Prusias.
3165. Agesipolis, who before his legal age of maturity was king of Sparta, was sent with others to Rome from those who were banished from Lacedemon. On the way he was killed by pirates. (Polyb. Legat. 49.) Agesipolis was the son of Cleomenes the king of Sparta, who was slain in Alexandria. (See note on 3784 AM) He was legally taken for their king by the Ephori but was turned out again by those usurping tyrants who took over that state. They were Lycurgus, Machanidas and Nabis. (Polyb. l. 4. p. 304) Now that the lawful king was dead, Arcus, (of whom I spoke before from Polybius, Livy and Pausanias) was a most earnest and strong defender of his country's liberty against the Achaeans now that their power was now controlled by the Romans. He seems to have acquired the title of a king among them. Both writer (Josephus Antiq. l. 12. c. 4 & Euseb. in Chron.) state that Arcus the king of Lacedemon sent an embassy with his letters to Onias the 3rd., the son of Onias, the high priest at Jerusalem. These letters are preserved in Josephus. (Josephus Antiq. l. 12. c. 5. /APC 1Ma 12:1-23) This book was translated from the Hebrew, (for that book was originally written in Hebrew, as Jerome shows) and retains everywhere the brevity and Hebrewisms of it. In these letters, mention is made of the blood relationship between the Jews and Lacedemonians. This seems to have been taken from the mythological writings of the Greeks. An example of Claudius Iolaus in Stephanus Byzantinus in the word "Judea". That name of the Jews came from Judeus Sportones, a fellow soldier of Bacchus in his wars. Although Pausanias in his Corinthiaca, (p. 58.) assures us that the names of Sportones was completely unknown to the Spartan or Lacedemonians of his time.
3166. Eumenes started to make war with Prusias king of Bithynia and Ortyagon, one of the kings of the Gauls. (Prolog. Trogi, l. 32. with Polyb. l. 3. l. 159.)
3167. I think the death of Hannibal, happened in the consulship of L. Emilius Paulus and Cn. Baelius Pamphilus, for Polybius and Valerius Max. state that. It was not in the year before as Atticus and Livy, who copied him, state. Nor was it in the following year as Sulpitius and in Emil. Probus, (in Hannibal.) write. Livy describes how he died. (Livy l. 39. in Justin l. 32. c. 4. in Plut. in the Life of I. Q. Flaminius to Dion. Quoted by Zonaras, in Emil. Brob. in Hannibal, and in Appianus in his Syriaca, p. 91.)
3822 AM, 4532 JP, 182 BC
3168. Hannibal stayed in a little citadel Prusias had given him. He made 7 doors which did not look like doors from the outside. If anyone came to attack the place, they would not place any guards there because they appeared not to be doors. Therefore when he heard that the king's soldiers were in the porch to break in on him, he went to get out at one of those blind back doors. When he found that contrary to his expectation, men were there to take him and the place was totally surrounded, he poisoned himself with the poison he always carried with him. He died at the age of 70 years. Concerning his death it is said that there was this oracle long before uttered.
``The land of Lybia, Hannibal's corpse shall cover.''
3169. The word Lybia or Lybyssa, he always understood of Lybia in Africa. However, it was a little village in Bithynia near the seaside also by the same name. Pliny says: (l. 5. c. 22.)
``There was in those parts, a little town called Lybyssa, where is now nothing worth seeing, but only Hannibal's tomb.''
3170. Pharnaces king of Pontus suddenly attacked the city of Synope and captured it. It remained the possession of his and his successors from that time on. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 545, 546.)
3171. In the second year of the 149th Olympiad ambassadors came to Rome from the two kings, Eumenes and Pharnaces who were at war with each other. Ambassadors came from Rhodes and complained of the injustice done to them at Synope, by Pharnaces. Thereupon Marius and others in commission with him were sent as ambassadors to examine the case of Synope and to compose all differences between the two kings. (Polyb. Legat. 52, 53. & Livy l. 40.)
3172. Hyrcanus (the son of Josephus, and nephew of Tobias) was sent to Seleucus to gather his tributes on the east side of the Jordan River. He built a good and most fortified citadel all of white marble which he called Tyros. It was located in the regions of Arabia and Judea on the other side Jordan not far from the land of Heshbon. He was governor of all that region during the last 7 years of Seleucus' reign. All that time there was a constant war with the Arabians and he made large slaughters of them, besides taking many prisoners and slaves. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 4, 5.)
3173. Marcius and his commissioners returned to the senate after they investigated the situation between Eumenes and Pharnaces. They reported to the senate what they found. They said that Eumenes was fair and temperate in all his ways. However, Pharnaces was very greedy and hot tempered. (Polyb. Legat. 53.) They said he was the most violent and dangerous king they ever saw. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 130.)
3823 AM, 4533 JP, 181 BC
3174. Ariarathes king of Cappadocia joined in with Eumenes of Pergamus to make war on Pharnaces, king of Pontus. All three at the same time sent their ambassadors to Rome. When the senate had heard them all, they said that they would send commissioners once more into those parts with power to hear and determine all matters between them. (Id. id. with l. 3. p. 159. Livy l. 40.)
3175. Pharnaces scorned the Romans and sent Leocritus in the middle of winter with an army of 10,000 men, to harass and ravage all the country of Galatia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)
3176. The next spring, Pharnaces in person, mustered all his forces as if he would have attacked Cappadocia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)
3177. Eumenes was grieved to see him transgress all bounds of law and honesty as he did. He and his brother Attalus who had recently returned from Rome, marched into Galatia against Leocritus. They did not find him there. When Carsignatus (or rather Epossognatus, as Fulvius Ursinus thinks it should be) and Gazotarius sent their ambassadors to desire them not to harm them for they were ready to do whatever they were told to do. Eumenes rejected them as men who had previously falsified and broken their faith and word to him. They went on against Pharnaces. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)
3178. At the end of the 5 day march, Eumenes with his brother came from Calpito or Calpia, a city of Bithynia to the Halys River. On the 6th day they came to Amisus, a city in Cappadocia. Here Ariarathes the king of that country, had joined his army with theirs. They all came into the plain of Amisus and they pitched camp. They were barely settled when news came that the commissioners came from Rome to make a peace between them. Thereupon Eumenes sent away his brother Attalus to welcome them into those parts. In the meantime he doubled his army and put them all into the best shape he could. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)
3179. The commissioners arrived and asked both parties to be at peace. Eumenes and Ariarathes replied with all their hearts they wanted peace and to do whatever else they would be pleased to ask. When the commissioners asked that during the treaty they would withdraw their forces from the enemy's country, Eumenes readily assented and the next morning ordered his forces back into Galatia. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)
3180. The commissioners then talked with Pharnaces and could not get him to come to any conference if Eumenes would be there. After much adieu, they persuaded him to send his ambassadors to some place by the sea side with full power there to make an agreement and that he would abide by the agreement. When his ambassadors came to the appointed place the conference began. Eumenes was ready to yield to any conditions but the ambassadors of Pharnaces behaved in such a way that the commissioners easily knew that Pharnaces had no intention of coming to any agreement. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)
3181. So the conference broke off and no peace was made between them. When the commissioners left Pergamus and Pharnaces' ambassadors departed, the war went on between them as before. Eumenes started to prepare all things necessary for it on his part. However, at the earnest insistance of the Rhodians, who desired his help against the Lycians, he let Pharnaces alone for that time and went to help them. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)
3182. Leocritus, the general of Pharnaces' Forces, besieged Pius (or rather Teios) a town in Pontus. He forced the garrison which consisted of all mercenary soldiers, to surrender the town to him on the condition that they were granted safe conduct. Later Leocritus received an order from Pharnaces to kill them all because they had previously offended him. He pursued them on the way and killed them all. (Diod. Sec. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 302.)
3183. When Seleucus had assembled a reasonably sized army, he went to help Pharnaces. He was ready to cross the Taurus Mountains and then remembered that he was breaking the peace agreement with the Romans. He followed good advice, stopped the expedition and returned home again. (Polyb. Legat. 55.)
3824 AM, 4534 JP, 180 BC
3184. After this, Pharnaces entered an agreement with Attalus and the rest. They entered into a solemn league between them. Eumenes at that time was sick at Pergamus but was now well. When all was ratified that Attalus had done, he returned to Eumenes. He then sent him and the rest of his brothers to Rome. Everyone who knew what service they had done for the Romans in the wars in Asia, welcomed them heartily. The senate provided lodgings and a generous allowance for them at the public expense. Attalus complained to the senate of the wrongs that Pharnaces had done to them. He desired them to chastise him according to the severity of his offence. They answered him graciously and promised to send commissioners there, who would make a final accord between them. (Polyb. Legat. 56. Diod. Legat. 14.)
3185. Ptolemy Epiphanes desired a closer alliance with the Achaeans. He sent his ambassadors to them and promised them 10 ships, each of 50 oars a piece fully outfitted. The Achaeans considered that the offer was too good to be refused, as it amounted to the value of almost 10 talents. They willingly accepted it. They sent him their ambassadors, Lycortas with his son Polybius, (that is, the historian) even though he was legally too young to be an ambassador. They sent with them, Aratus, the son of Aratus the Sicyonian, with instructions both to thank the king for the arms and money, which he had previously sent them through Lycortas. They were to receive from him the 10 promised ships and to bring them into Peloponese. However, the embassy never went further than Achaia because they received news that Ptolemy had died. (Diod. Legat. 57.)
3186. When Ptolemy laid a trap to take Seleucus in, he sent on foot an army to go against him. One of his captains asked him, where he would get money to go through with what he planned to do. He replied:
``His friends were his treasure:''
3187. This saying spread quickly and his friends and captains in the army heard it. They thought it meant that he planned to enrich himself by impoverishing them. So they poisoned him. (Jerome on Da 11) Ptolemy Epiphanes, in Priscian the grammarian, is said by Cato to have been a most excellent and bountiful king. The truth is that for a long time, he carried himself very nobly and well. Later he was influenced by some followers of the court. He had Aristomenes whom he had formerly honoured as a father, to drink hemlock which killed him. He did more acts of violence and cruelty and ruled his people more like a tyrant than a king. By these actions, he was so hated and despised by his subjects that they were ready to depose him. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 294, 297.)
3188. At his death, he left two sons who were not of legal age. The oldest was called, Philometor, the younger, Physcon, (Josephus, l. 12. c. 5.) Ptolemaeus Philometor (whom Epiphanius incorrectly calls him Philopator) reigned after his father, 35 years. (Clan. Ptolemaus, in Can. Reg. Clemens Alexandrinus, Eusebius,) Others tell us the same less three months only.
3825 AM, 4535 JP, 179 BC
3189. Pharnaces found himself out powered by this unexpected and violent coming on of the enemy. He sent his ambassadors to Eumenes and Ariarathes and sued for peace. So this war between Eumenes and Ariarathes on the one side and Pharnaces and Mithridates the king of Armenia on the other concluded on these conditions. Pharnaces would not enter Galatia. He would break off all former agreements and leagues made with the Galatians. He would likewise leave Paphlagonia. The inhabitants he deported from there, he would now return home again with their arms. He would restore to Ariarathes, all the places which he had taken from him along with any hostages he had received from him. He would restore all the prisoners which he had taken without a ransom. He would turn over those who had left their king and defected to him. He would restore to Morzias and Ariarathes the 900 talents which he had taken from them and 300 more to Eumenes for his war expenses. Mithridates the king of Armenia would pay 300 talents for making war on Ariarathes which broke the league which he had made with Eumenes. This league, included all the important men of Asia and Artaxias, a petty king of the greater part of all Armenia and Acusilochus. On the European side, Gatalus of Sarmatia, and the free states of Heraclea, Mesembrya, Chersonesus, and Cyzicum were part of this league. As soon as the hostages came from Pharnaces, the armies broke up and every man went to his own home. (Polyb. Legat. 59.)
3826 AM, 4536 JP, 178 BC
3190. Teius was a town in Pontus which Prusias was to restore to Eumenes according to the league. Eumenes freely gave it back to him again and Prusias thanked him for that. (Polyb. Legat. 59.)
3191. After the death of Philippus, king of Macedonia, his son Persius, or Perseus succeeded him in the year when Q. Fulvius and L. Manlius, were consuls at Rome. He reigned 11 years (Livy l. 45.) or rather 10 years, 11 months as Porphyry more exactly says. (Scal. in Grac. Euseb. p. 229.)
3192. This begins the third period of Calippus.
3193. The Lycians sent their ambassadors to Rome to complain of the cruelty of the Rhodians. They were made subject to them by L. Carnelius Scipio. He said that the bondage which they endured under Antiochus in comparison to this was an excellent kind of liberty and freedom. They said there was now no difference between them and the very slaves whom they bought in the market. The senate was moved with this piteous complaint and gave them their letters to carry to the Rhodians. They had the Rhodians remember that the Romans put the Lycians under their rule and protection. However, they were still to be free states under the sovereignty of the people of Rome. (Livy l. 41.)
3827 AM, 4537 JP, 177 BC
3194. Prusias married the sister of Perseus and Perseus the daughter of Seleucus called Laodice. The Rhodians with their fleet received and conveyed her into Macedonia to her husband. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 60. Appia. Legat. 25.)
3195. The Rhodians persisted in their ways and now made an open war on the poor Lycians. The men of Xanthus sent their embassies for help to the Achaeans and to the people of Rome. Nicostratus headed up the embassy. (Polyb. Legat. 60.)
3196. The Lycians were already subdued by the Rhodians before their ambassadors could get an hearing with the senate of Rome. It was not until Tiberius and Claudius the consuls of that year had gone out against the Istrians and Agrians, that they saw the senate. When they were admitted, they plainly showed them the cruelty and oppression of the Rhodians against the poor Lycians that they prevailed with the senate to send ambassadors to Rhodes. They were to let them know, that when the senate had perused the acts and records which the 10 commissioners drew up in Asia, they found this. The Lycians, were by the Romans consigned to the Rhodians not as a gift to do with as they liked but to use them as friends and associates. This message was liked by the common sort in Rome who were offended with the Rhodians for their officiousness in bringing home Perseus' wife to him. They would have been content, to have seen the Rhodians and the Lycians fight it out so that the Rhodians might have some opporuniuty to spend their treasure and provisions which they had so much of. (??) (Polyb. Legat. 60.)
3828 AM, 4538 JP, 176 BC
3197. When the Roman commissioners came to Rhodes, the inhabitants were in an uproar. They said that since all things were now well settled in Lycia, why did they want to give an opportunity for more trouble there? When the Lycians heard what declaration the senate had made on their behalf, they began to revolt and protest publicly that they would endure anything to recover their just rights and liberty again. The Rhodians thought that the senate had been misinformed and abused by some false accusations from the Lycians. They sent Lycophron their ambassador, to Rome. When the senate had heard his errand they gave him an immediate answer. (Polyb. Legat. 61, 62.)
3198. Simon was a man of the tribe of Benjamin, and the head keeper of the temple. He had a disagreement with Onias the 3rd. the high priest. When he could not get his way, he went to Apollonius the governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. He told him, that there was am enormous amount of money in the treasury of the temple which the priests made no use of. Therefore it would be better in the king's coffers. When Apollimus told Seleucus this, he sent away his treasurer Heliodorus to Jerusalem to get the money from there. When he came, Onias the high priest told him, that it was true that there was some money in the temple, but that was the money of widows and orphans, who deposited it there for safe keeping. Some of the money belonged to Hyrcanus, the nephew of Tobias. (See note on 3812 AM.) and was a most honourable person. All that was there amounted to less than 400 talents of silver and 200 of gold. Such was the holiness of the place and of the thing itself that no man should take the money. When Heliodorus disregarded the words of Onias and the tumult of the people who lamented the profaning of their temple, he was struck down by the angel of God in the very place. He was carried to his lodging half dead by his own servants that were around him. After he was restored to his health by the intercession and prayers to God made by Onias the high priest, he returned to Seleucus. He magnified the holiness of the temple and the power of God that dwelt there. This story is recorded in /APC 2Ma 3 and by Josephus in his book, psqi awtohratoroslogotnou. Josephus writes Apollonius for Heliodotus (Likewise do the Fasti Siculi.) This shows that this event happened a little before the death of Seleucus. By the articles between Antiochus and the Romans, Antiochus was to change his hostages and send new ones instead of the old at the end of every three years. To replace Antiochus Epiphanes, the younger son of the former Antiochus who was then a hostage at Rome, /APC 1Ma 1:10 Seleucus sent his son Demetrius. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 116.)
3199. Simon the Benjamite, that traitor of his country and the one who told of the money deposited in the temple, accused Onias the high priest. Onias was a man who was well respected by the city and country of the Jews. Simon said Onias had incited Heliodorus against the Jews and plotted all the evil against him and the king. When matters went so far that many murders were committed by Simon and his faction in the city, Apollonius grew very angry and backed him up in what he did. Onias went to Seleucus. /APC 2Ma 4:1-6. The writer of Jason of Cyrenia seems to say, that Seleucus was dead before he came. Although Eusebius in his Chron. says, that he found him alive and had Simon banished by the king.
3200. So I have I brought this chronicle of Asia and Egypt to the beginning of the time of Antiochus Epiphanes and the history of the Maccabees. I shall continue it until the time of the utter destruction of Jerusalem under the Emperor Vespasian. This together with the Annals of the New Testament and a brief history of the church during that time until the beginning of the fourth century after Christ, I plan to make after this, if God grant me life and health.
Glory be to God on High.
FINIS
The Latter Part
of
THE ANNALS
of
JAMES USSHER,
Archbishop of Armagh:
Containing besides that of the
MACCHABEES
AND
NEW TESTAMENT
The History of all the remarkable
Occurrences transacted during the
ROMAN EMPIRE; which began
under C. Julius, and Octavian:
With the most considerable Passages
in all Asia and Egypt:
CONTINUED
From the beginning of the Reign of
Antiochus Epiphanes,
to the beginning of the Empire
of Vespasian, and the utter
Destruction and Abolition
of the Temple and Commonwealth
of the Jews.
LONDON,
Printed by E. Tyler, for F. Crook,
and G. Bedell, 1658.
3201. You have here the other volume of my annals, which you will find more fully the history of Rhodes and the isles between Asia and Europe. For although formerly, to make the work more manageable, I resolved to associate them with Greece. Yet considering, that in the division of the Eastern Empire, the province of the isles is attributed to the Asian part, I also thought good later to place them with Asia. Those things which I produce concerning this history, you have on the authority of the authors who relate them. I have left the judgment of such things to those learned men, who make it their business to deal with them. In the citing of Cornelius Tacitus, I have observed the edition of Bereggerus and Freinshemius since it is divided into chapters. Concerning the history of the apostolic times, it does not seem adequate. I shall (if God Almighty affords me life and strength to finish that work) give you an account in my Sacred Chronology.
James Ussher
A CHRONICLE
OF
The Asiatic and Egyptian Affairs, carried on from the
beginning of the times of the MACCHABEES,
until the Destruction of the Jewish Commonwealth under Vespasian.
3829 AM, 4539 JP, 175 BC
3202. Antiochus, son of Antiochus the Great, returned from Rome (where he was held hostage) and came to Athens. His brother Seleucus, by the treachery of Heliodorus was murdered. However, Eumenes and Attalus expelled Heliodorus, who planned to take over the kingdom of Syria. They gave Antiochus that kingdom. They hoped by this good turn, they might oblige him to be their friend. They began to grow jealous of the Romans through some small injustice they received. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 116, 117.)
3203. Demetrius, son of Seleucus, to whom the kingdom rightly belonged, was 10 years old and was held hostage at Rome at this time. Apollonius was raised with him and was a good friend of Seleucus. After the death of Seleucus, he left the court to Miletum. (Polyb. Legat. 114.) The Syrians called their new king Antiochus, "Epiphanes", or "Illustrious", because when strangers tried to take over the kingdom, he appeared bravely to his people in vindication of his ancestor's title. (Appia. in Syriac. p. 177.) Polybius thought he should be more correctly called "Epimanes" or "the frantic" because of his wild behaviour. (apud Atheneum l. 2. c. 2. l. 5. c. 4. & l. 10 c. 12.)
3204. When he became king of Syria, he behaved most unusually for a king. First he secretly left his royal palace and his servants knew nothing about it. He unadvisedly wandered about the city with only one or two companions with him. Moreover, he was pleased to talk and drink with the common people and with aliens and strangers of the lowest estate. If he heard of any young men that had a merry party, he came with his wine and music to the revels. This so startled those there at the strangeness of the action, that they either fled when he came or from fear sat still in silence. Lastly, he set aside his royal garment and put on a coat like the ones worn by the officials of Rome. He greeted every ordinary man that he met with and sometimes asked for a position of the edile or to be a tribune of the people. At last, by the will of the people, he obtained the place of a magistrate. According to the Roman custom, he sat in his ivory chair and gave judgment. He settled the law suits and disputes of the citizens with that industry and diligence that everyone who was wise, doubted his actions. Some think he was indiscrete, some imprudent and others mad. (Diod. Sic. in Excertp. Vales. p. 305, 306.) Atheneus also says the same things.(in the previously cited l. 5 c. 14. & l. 10. c. 12. from Polybius' histories, l. 26.) Livy also translated this into his 41st book, as one may see in that fragment, which Charles Sigonius falsely attributes to of Perseus.
3205. Antiochus began his reign in the 137th. and died in the 149th year of the kingdom of the Greeks (or of the Macedonians, from the time of Seleucus.) /APC 1Ma 1:10 6:16 Johannes Malela Antiochenus, in his Chronicle says he ruled 12 years but Porphyrie, Eusebius, Jerome, Sulpitius Severus and others say only 11. To reconcile this we must say that at the end of the 137th year Antiochus began to rule and at the beginning of the 149th year (from the spring of the season, as this author uses to reckon) he ended his reign, (viz.) 11 years plus a few months.
3206. Antiochus was not at the first acknowledged king by those that favoured Ptolemy Philometor. Some time later he obtained the title under the pretence of clemency, as Jerome states in his commentary upon the 11th chapter of Daniel. He made an alliance with Eumenes and powerfully ruled over Syria and the neighbouring nations. The government of Babylon was committed to Timarchus but the custody of the treasury to Heraclidas' brother. The two brethren were united together by immoral commerce. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 117.)
3207. Hyrcanus, the son of Joseph, and grandchild of Tobias saw Antiochus become very strong. He feared least he come under his kingdom and would be punished for what he had done against the Arabians. He killed himself and Antiochus seized his whole estate. (Josephus, l. 12. c. 4.)
3208. Jason, son of Simon the 2nd, high priest, was weary of the high priesthood of Onias the 3rd, his brother. So that he might obtain the priesthood himself, he promised Antiochus 360 talents of silver and 80 talents from other sources. Moreover he added 150 more talents if he was given authority to set up a gymnasium to train the youth at Jerusalem and subdue those of Jerusalem into the same conditions of the citizens of Antioch. The covetous king readily agreed to these conditions. Jason removed his brother Onias and became the high priest. When he had taken over the government, he began to treat his own country men like Greeks and he eliminated the royal privileges granted of special favour to the Jews obtained through John the father of Eupolemus who later went to be an ambassador to Rome. He put down the governments which were according to law and he brought in new customs which were contrary to the law. /APC 2Ma 4:7-11 Josephus affirms this that Onias the 3rd who died about the time was removed and replaced by his brother Jesus who wished to be called Jason. After 3 years, Jason was removed from the high priesthood, by the actions of Menelaus, the new high priest and Tobais' sons (or grandchildren of Hyrcanus' brother.) The Greek customs were introduced. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 5.) However, the same writer, in his small treatise of the Maccabees, states the matters differently and close enough to the Maccabian account (except for the error in the annual tribute):
``Antiochus removed Onias from the high priesthood and substituted Jason his brother. He promised to pay him yearly 3660 talents. When he became priest and leader of the people, he subdued the nation and abandoned their ancient manners and institutions and led them into all iniquity. He established a gymnasium in the fortress of our country and abolished the care of the temple.''
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3209. In the 7th year of Philometor, 574th year of Nabonasser and the 27th Phamenoth according to the Egyptians, (May 1st) the moon was eclipsed 2 hours after midnight at Alexandria. (Ptol. l. 6. c. 5.)
3210. The Greeks made a 6 month truce in their hostilities. Later a more serious war started. However, when Q. Minutius the legate came with 10 ships from the Romans to settle their disputes, they again hoped for peace. (Livy, l. 41.)
3211. About the same time, Eumenes incited the Lycians to revolt from the Rhodians. Eumenes' garrisons attacked certain citadels and lands located in the utmost bounds of the opposite continent of the Rhodians. (Polyb. Legat. 61. & 67. Livy l. 41, 42.)
3212. Certain apostate Jews who agreed with Onias the false high priest, procured the authority from king Antiochus of living according to the ordinances of the Gentiles and erected a gymnasium beneath the very tower of Sion. They forced the main young men to submit to the laws of the school, by wearing an hat and by concealing their circumcision. When they were fighting naked they would still look like Greeks. So popular were the Greek fashions and the increase of heathen customs, that the priests had no courage to serve any more at the altar. They despised the temple and neglected the sacrifices. They eagerly became involved in the games. /APC 1Ma 1:11,15 2Ma 4:12,15 cf. (Josephus, l. 12. c. 6.)
3213. When Antiochus attended the games that were held every 5th year at Tyre, the impious Jason sent special messengers there from Jerusalem who were inhabitants of the city of Antioch, to carry 300 or (as it is much more correctly in the manuscript book of the Earl of Arundel's library ) 3300 drachmes of silver to the sacrifice of Hercules. However, the bearers of the money used it to build ships. /APC 2Ma 4:18-20
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3214. The ambassadors sent from king Antiochus came to Rome. The head of the delegation was Apollonius whom the Roman ambassadors who were in Syria said was highly regarded by the king and most friendly to the Roman people. When they came into the senate, the brought the tribute due from the king. They excused the late payment of it. They also brought as a gift vessels of gold weighing 500 pounds. Apollonius added:
``The king requested that the society and friendship which was with his father, should be renewed with himself. The Roman people should lay such injunctions on him as were to be imposed on a faithful and confederate king. He would in no wise be lacking in any service to them. He noted that the attitudes of the senate were so great toward him while he was at Rome and such the civility of the youth that he was treated by all as a king and not as an hostage.''
3215. The ambassadors received a kind answer and A. Attilius, mayor of the city, was asked to renew with Antiochus that league which was with his father. The treasurers of the city received the money, the censers and the golden vessels. It was committed to their charge to distribute to such temples as should be thought fitting. The ambassador was sent a reward of an 100,000 pieces of coin. His lodging was given to him gratis and his expenses paid while he stayed in Italy. (Livy l. 42.)
3216. Antiochus had a son, Antiochus Eupator born to him. He died at the age of 9 years. (Appian. Syriac. p. 117. & 131.)
3217. Cleopatra, the beloved mother of Ptolemy Philometor, the daughter of Antiochus the Great and the sister of Antiochus Epiphanes died. She had received from her father as a dowry, Coelosyria, (or at least a great part of it.) Eulaius the Eunuch, foster-father of Philometor and Lomus was governing Egypt. He demanded Coelosyria from Antiochus Epiphanes since he claimed it was fraudulently seized. This was the basis of the war between the uncle and the youth, as Porphyrie relates from the Alexandrian Histories of Callinicus Sutorius, (in Jerome on Da 11) The justification for Philometor in re-demanding Coelosyria, was that Antiochus the Great, father of Epiphanes, unjustly took away Coelosyria from Ptolemy Epiphanes, father of Philometor, when he was under age. Later Antiochus restored it to him with his daughter Cleopatra as her dowry. Antiochus Epiphanes on the contrary asserted that from the time when his father overcame the father of Philometor at Parium, Coelosyria was always subject to the kings of Syria and firmly denied that it was given by his father to Cleopatra the mother of Philometor for her dowry. (Polyg. Legat. 72. & 82.)
3218. At that time Philometor began to reign and the coronation ceremonies were performed. /APC 2Ma 4:21 Ptolemy, son of Dorymenis surnamed Macron, displayed his wisdom. When he had received the government of the island of Cyprus when the king was a child, he gave nothing of the king's money to the stewards. When the king became of age, he sent an enormous amount of money to Alexandria. The king and all the courtiers very highly commended his former parsimony. (Polyb. l. 27. in the collections of Valesius, p. 126.)
3219. Antiochus sent to Egypt Apollonius, son of Menestheus, to the coronation of Philometor the king. When he knew that he was in disfavour with Philometer, he fortified himself against him. When he came to Joppa, he took his journey to Jerusalem. He was honourably received by Jason and the city. He entered the city by torch light and with great shoutings. From there Antiochus went into Phoenicia with his army. /APC 2Ma 4:21,22
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3220. Three years after Jason was made the high priest by Antiochus, he sent Menelaus, the brother of Simon the Benjamite a traitor, that he might bring to the king the promised money and advise him of necessary affairs. Menelaus used the opportunity of his embassy for his own advantage in the same way Jason usurped his brother Onias, Menelaus usurped Jason. He promised the king 300 talents of silver more than what Jason promised so that he would be the high priest instead of Jason. (/APC 2Ma 4:23-25 Sever. Sulpic. Histor. Sacr. l. 2.) Josephus states that Menelaus was first called Onias and was brother to Onias the 3rd and to Jason himself and the youngest son of Simon, the second, the high priest. (Antiq. l. 12. c. 6. cf. l. 15. c. 3.)
3221. When Menelaus secured the government of Judah, he expelled Jason into the country of the Ammonites. He did not pay any of the money which he had promised to the king. /APC 2Ma 4:25-27
3222. When Cius Popilius Lenas and Publius Aelius Ligur were consuls, Valerius Antias states that Attalus, the brother of Eumenes came to Rome. He accused Perseus, the king of the Macedonians of crimes and wanted to know who was backing his war effort. The Annals of the most, and such to whom you would give the better credit, affirm that Eumenes came in person to Rome. Eumenes was entertained with the highest honour and brought into the senate. He said that the reason he came to Rome, besides the desire of seeing the gods and men by whose benefit he was in such a good state was that he might publicly advise the senate to oppose the actions of Perseus. (Livy l. 42. Appian. Legat, 25. a Fulv. Ursino, edit.) This matter was kept so secret that before the war was finished and Perseus taken prisoner, it was not known what Eumenes said or what the senate replied. (Livy l. 42. Valer. Maximus, l. 2. c. 2.)
3223. Some days later, Satyrus a leader of the ambassadors of the Rhodians, accused Eumenes before the senate. He said Eumenes had stirred up the country of the Lycians against the Rhodians and was more troublesome in Asia than Antiochus. Although he made a good speech, Eumenes was still held in high regard by the Romans. He was given all honours, most generous gifts with a chariot of state and an ivory staff. (Livy l. 42. Diod. Sic. 9. Legat 16. a Fulv. Ursino, edit.)
3224. Eumenes, returned from Rome into his kingdom. He left Cirra for the temple of Delphi that he might sacrifice to Apollo. On the way he was ambushed by men hired by Perseus. They tumbled down two vast stones on him. One bruised the king's head and the other injured his shoulder. They heaped many stones on him after he fell from a steep place. The next day, when he revived, his friends brought him to the ship. From there they sailed to Corinth. From Corinth, their ships were carried over the neck of the isthmus to Aegina. His recovery was kept so secret that the news of his death was reported to Asia and Rome. (Livy l. 42. Appian. Legat. 25.)
3225. Attalus gave more credit to these reports than he should. He did not confer with the governor of the citadel of Pergamos as to who should be the next king. He assumed the kingdom and married Stratonice, his brother's wife, the daughter of Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians. He rushed too quickly into her embraces. Not long afterwards, he heard that his brother lived and was coming to Pergamos. He set aside his diadem. He with the guard, according to custom, went to meet Eumenes and carried an halberd. Eumenes greeted him in a friendly and honourable manner. He cheerfully greeted the queen. However he whispered nevertheless into his brother's ear:
Until thou seest that I am dead, Approach not rashly to my bed.
3226. Eumenes treated Attalus with the same friendship as before for the rest of his life in spite of these events. (Livy l. 42. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 306. Plutarch in Apophthegm & l. pei fladelfia
3227. For the recent wickedness of Perseus against him and for ancient hatred between their countries, Eumenes prepared a war with all his strength. Ambassadors came to him from Rome and congratulated him on his escape from so great a danger. (Livy l. 42.)
3228. After that, Ariarathes king of the Cappadocians, had by his wife Antiochis, daughter to Antiochus the Great, two daughters, and one son. The son was first named Mithredates and then called Ariarathes. His wife thought she would be barren and had procured two other sons for him. The king sent Ariarathes the older with a good estate to Rome. The younger was called Olophernes or Orophernes and was sent into Ionia. He did not want them to contend with his genuine son about the kingdom. (Diod. Sic. l. 31. in Photii. Bibliothec. cod. 244.) This year therefore he sent Ariarathes his genuine son to be educated at Rome and that from a child he might be accustomed to the manners and men of Rome. He requested that they would permit him to be not under the custody of hosts as is the custom of private individuals. He wanted him under the charge of public care and tuition. The embassy of the king was well received by the senate. They decreed that Cieius Sicinius the mayor, should appoint a furnished house where the king's son and his retinue might live. (Livy l. 42.)
3229. The Romans sent ambassadors to their confederate kings, Eumenes, Antiochus, Ariarathes, Masanissa and Ptolemy, king of Eygpt. Others were sent into Greece, Thessalie, Epirus, Acarnania and the islands. They were to unite in a war against Perseus. (Appian. Legat. 25.) T. Claudius Nero and M. Decimius were sent to verify the loyalty of Asia and the islands. They were commanded also to go to Crete and Rhodes to renew their friendships. They were to discover whether the minds of their confederates had been courted by king Perseus. (Livy l. 42.)
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3230. When delegates that had been sent to the confederate kings had returned from Asia, they stated that they had conferred with Eumenes in Asia, Antiochus in Syria and Ptolemy in Alexandria. All of them had been solicited by the embassies of Perseus but had remained loyal to the Romans and promised to do what the Romans thought best. Likewise they reported that the confederate cities remained loyal with the possible exception of Rhodes who were inclined toward Perseus. The Rhodian ambassadors came to clear themselves of these charges which they knew were circulating as rumours. It was thought fitting that when the new consuls entered their office that a senate should be convened for them. (Livy l. 42.)
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3231. The consuls, P. Licinius, and C. Cassius, with all the kings and cities in Asia and Europe now turned their attention to the pending war between Macedonia and Rome. Eumenes was eager for the war because of ancient animosities between the two peoples and because Perseus had almost killed him at Delphi. Prusias king of Bithynia, resolved to stay out of the conflict. He did not think it proper to fight with the Romans against his wife's brother. If Perseus should win, he could easily obtain pardon through his wife who was the sister to Perseus. Ariarathes king of the Cappadocians promised to help the Romans. He had an alliance with Eumenes and joined all councils of war and peace. Antiochus eyed the kingdom of Egypt for he despised the youth of the king and the sloth of his tutors. He thought the dispute over Coelosyria would be a good reason for the war against Egypt. He could fight this war while the Romans were busy in the Macedonian war. However, he generously promised help to all the kings through his own delegates to the senate and to their ambassadors. The young Ptolemy was still controlled by his tutors. They prepared for war against Antiochus to retake Coelosyria. They also made generous promises for the Macedonian war. (Livy l. 42.) Ptolemy king of Egypt, Ariarathes of Cappadocia, Eumenes of Asia and Masanissa of Numidia all helped the Romans. (Oros. l. 4. c. 20.)
3232. Three ambassadors, A. Posthumius Albinus, C. Decius and A. Licvinius Nerva, were sent from the Romans to the Greeks who sent archers for the war. (Livy l. 42.)
3233. Three other ambassadors, T. Clausius Tiberius, P. Posthuminus and M. Junius were sent into the islands and the cities of Asia. These were to urge their confederates to help fight against Perseus. They concentrated their efforts on the larger cities first for they knew that the smaller cities would follow the lead of the larger ones. The Rhodians were judged to be the wealthiest and have the most business interests in that region. They supplied 40 ships by the authority of Hegesilochus who was at that time in the Prytanis or head of the government. As soon as he knew the Romans planned to wage war with Perseus, he exhorted his citizens that they should ally themselves with the Romans. They should send the same help to the Romans they gave in the war with Antiochus and before that, with Philip. The Rhodians should enlist the help of their naval allies to assemble this fleet. They should eagerly do this to effectively kill the rumours spread by Eumenes against them. As a result of this when the ambassadors from Rome came, the Rhodians showed them a fleet of 40 ships prepared and equipped for war. Their action had a great influence on the rest of the cities of Asia. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 64.)
3234. After Perseus had a conference with the Romans, he wrote all the reasons supporting his position and what the other side alleged. This was so contrived to put him in a favourable light. This was copied and sent by couriers to the other cities. However, he ordered Antenor and Philip to go as ambassadors to Rhodes. When they came there, they gave the letters to the magistrates. After a few days the senate received a request from the Rhodians that for the present they would not get involved in this war on either side. If the Romans should undertake against the laws of the league to war with Perseus and the Macedonians, that they should endeavour to bring them to terms of the agreement which was in everyone's interest. The Romans should be more intent than others on preserving law and liberty since they were the guardians of the liberty of Greece and Rhodes. Therefore they ought to enforce the compliance of those who were not so inclined. When the ambassadors had spoken these things, their speech seemed reasonable to all. However the opposing side prevailed. On the other points, they yielded courteously toward the ambassadors. As a reply they requested Perseus, not to demand anything that would be against the will of the Romans. Antenor did not accept this and used the courtesy of the Rhodians to return into Macedonia. (Polyb. Legat. 65. Livy l. 42.)
3235. While the navy stayed around Cephalenia, Caius Lucretius the Roman praetor sent letters with the Romans requesting the ships to be sent to him. He gave that letter to Socrates the anointer of the wrestlers, to deliver. This came to Rhodes at the same time, when Strutocles was president of the counsel or Prytanis, for the later half of the year. When the matter was debated, it seemed fitting to Agathagetus, Rhodophon, Astymedes and many others that the Rhodians without any further delay should send those ships and ally themselves with the Romans. However, Dino and Polyeratus who did not approve of those things which had before been decreed in favour of the Romans, argued that the letter was not sent from the Romans but from Eumenes, the enemy of the Rhodians. Eumenes was determined to get them into the war and engage the people in unnecessary charges and troubles. They said that the letter was brought by an obscure person, an anointer of wrestlers to Rhodes. However the Romans use great care to pick out men of the choicest rank for such a task. Strutocles, the chief officer or Prytanis opposed these men and spoke much against Perseus and generously commended the Romans. He prevailed with the Rhodians that a decree of sending the ships should be made. Therefore of the 6 ships that were ready, they sent 5 under the command of Timagoras to Chalcis and one to Tenedos, under the command of the other Timagoras. This man could not take Diophanes himself whom he found at Tenedos when he was sent from Perseus to Tenedos. However, he took the ship with all its equipment. (Polyb. Legat. 67.)
3236. The Romans heard from the embassy that came from Asia about the state of the Rhodians and the rest of the cities. They convened a senate for the ambassadors of Perseus. (Livy l. 42. Legat, 68.) At that time therefore, Solon and Hippias endeavoured to relate all the affairs and to lessen the tension. However, they defended the crime and treachery against Eumenes with special zeal because the matter was well known. When they had finished their speech, the senate, who had before decreed the war, denounced them and whoever else had happened to come from Macedonia to Rome. They should immediately depart from the walls of Rome and within 30 days be out of Italy. (Legat, 68. Diod. Sic. Legat. 17. Livy l. 42.)
3237. Notice was sent to Eumenes that he should with his uttermost strength help in the war against Perseus. (Justin, l. 33. c. 1.) He came to Chalcis in Baeotia by sea with Attalus and Atheneus, his brothers. His brother Philetaetus stayed at Pergamos to safeguard the kingdom. From there with Attalus and 4000 foot soldiers and 1000 cavalry, he came into Thessalia to Licinius the consul. Atheneus was left at Chalcis with 2000 foot soldiers. When Marius Lucretius came there with an army of 10,000 sea soldiers, he took these troops with him to the siege of Holiartus. (Livy l. 42.)
3238. About the same time, warships arrived at Chalcis from their other confederates, 2 Phoenician ships of 5 tiers of oars, 2 from Heraclea from Pontus of 3 tiers of oars, 4 from Chalcedon and as many from Samos. Moreover, Rhodes sent 5 ships of 4 tiers of oars. (Livy l. 42.) C. Leucretius, the praetor and brother of Marcus, returned the ships to the confederates when he saw there would be no naval war. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 67. fin.) However, the praetor with his brother attacked Haliartus. After it surrendered to him, he levelled it to the ground and then, without any opposition, took Thebes. (Livy l. 42.)
3239. While these affairs were happening in Baeotia, Licinius the consul, Eumenes and Attalus in Thessalia, engaged Perseus. In the first conflict no one won a clear victory. About 38 men were killed of Eumenes' side, including Cassignatus, the captain of the Gauls. In the second battle Perseus won. (Livy l. 42.) Even though he won and asked for peace from Livinius, he did not get it. (Livy l. 42. Polyb. Legat. 69. Appian. Legat. 26.)
3240. Perseus sent Antenor to Rhodes for the redemption of the captives that sailed with Diophanes. In this business, there was a long discussion by them, who governed the country about what ought to be done. It seemed best to Piplophron and Theueretus, that the Rhodians should not entangle themselves in the affairs of Perseus. However Dinon and Polyaratus wanted to. At last they came to an agreement with Perseus concerning the captives. (Polyb. Legat, 70.)
3241. When Antiochus clearly saw Egypt preparing to wage war for Coelosyria, he sent Meleager as an ambassador to Rome. Through him he declared to the senate that he was wrongly invaded and Ptolemy was an ally of Rome as he was. Allies should not be fighting with each other. (Polyb. Legat. 70, 71.)
3242. When the war started between Antiochus and Ptolemy because of Coelosyria, the ambassadors of both kings came to Rome. Antiochus sent Meleager, Sosiphanes and Heraclides. Ptolemy sent Timothy and Damon. Meleager came that he might tell the senate that Ptolemy first wrongly provoked Antiochus and wanted to put him from a country that was rightfully his. Timothy was sent to renew the friendship with the Romans and to watch Meleager's dealings with the Romans. When he had renewed the friendship and received answers agreeable to his requests, he returned to Alexandria. The senate told Meleager that they would have Quintus Marcius write to Ptolemy about those matters as he should see expedient for the interest of the people of Rome and his own trust. (Polyb. Legat. 72. Diod. Sic. Legat. 18.)
3243. Between Peleusium and Mount Casius, Antiochus defeated Ptolemy's commanders. He spared the king because of his youth and pretended to be his friend. He went up to Memphis and took over the kingdom. He said that he would be careful about the affairs of the land. So with a small company of people, he subdued all of Egypt. (Porphyries ex Callinco Sutorio, apud Jerome on Da 11) At this time, Ptolemy Macron the son of Dorymenes, to whom Philometor had committed the government of Cyprus seems to have defected to Antiochus and surrendered to him the island. /APC 2Ma 10:13 Thereupon the care of Cyprus was committed to Crates. /APC 2Ma 4:29 He made Ptolemy the governor of Coelosyria and Phoenicia. (/APC 2Ma 8:8) and admitted him into his inner circle of friends. /APC 1Ma 3:38
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3244. Jubilee 26.
3245. Perseus was defeated by Lycinius the consul, Eumenes, Attalus and Misagenes, duke of the Numidians. When Perseus came to Pella, he sent his army into their winter quarters. The consul returned to Latissa and sent Eumenes and Attalus home. He placed Misagenes with his Numidians and the rest of his army in their winter quarters throughout Thessalie. (Livy l. 42.)
3246. Sostratus, the governor of the citadel of Jerusalem was in charge of collecting the king's revenues there. When he requested the money promised to Antiochus by Menelaus both of them were summoned by the king to Antioch. Menelaus left his brother Lysimachus in charge of the high priesthood. Sostratus left in his place, Crates, who was governor of the Cypriotes. /APC 2Ma 4:27-29.
3247. In Cilicia, the men of Tarsus and Mallos revolted because Antiochus had given the revenue of their cities to Antiochis, his concubine. The king quickly came to appease them and left Andronicus in charge at Antioch. /APC 2Ma 4:30,31
3248. Menelaus took advantage of the king's absence. With the help of Lysimachus, the king's deputy, he stole some gold vessels from the temple at Jerusalem. Some he gave to Andronicus and some he sold in Tyre and the surrounding cities. When Onias the 3rd and the legal high priest knew of this, he impeached Menelaus for this sacrilege. He hid himself in a sanctuary at Daphne that lies near Antioch. (/APC 2Ma 4:32,33) There was in the middle of the woods a sanctuary dedicated to Apollo. (Strabo l. 16. p. 750.) This spacious facility was built by Antiochus. (Ammia. Marcellin. l. 22.)
3249. Andronicus, at the request of Menelaus, had Onias leave the sanctuary and promised him his safety. However, he had him murdered. /APC 2Ma 4:34