3324. When the news of the Roman victory had come into Asia, Antenor, who with a fleet of ships waited at the Phanae, sailed from there to Cassandria. (Livy l. 45. c. 10.)
3836d AM, 4546 JP, 168 BC
3325. C. Popillius was anchored at Delos to safeguard ships bound for Macedonia. After he had heard of the victory in Macedonia and the departure of the enemy's ships from that area, he dismissed the Attic ships. He set sail for Egypt to take the embassy there whom he had with him. He wanted to meet with Antiochus before he captured Alexandria. After the ambassadors had crossed Asia, they came into Loryma. This is an haven about 20 miles from Rhodes and directly opposite the city. The leaders of the Rhodians met them and asked them to put in at Rhodes. The rumour of the Roman victory had reached even Rhodes. They said that it concerned the honour and safety of the city, that they should understand all things which had before been done and were then in agitation at Rhodes. They could tell at Rome what was known to themselves not what was learned by rumour. Although the ambassadors at first refused, after a time, the Rhodians forced them to take a short interruption of their voyage for the safety of a confederate city. When they arrived at Rhodes, the same persons by their urgings, had them come into their public assembly. (Livy l. 45. c. 9.)
3326. The arrival of the delegates increased rather than diminished the fear of the citizens. Popillius repeated all things which anyone had spoken or done in a hostile manner during the time of the war. Since he was a man of a sour disposition, he aggravated the grievousness of the things that had been spoken with a stern countenance and incriminating voice. Since there was no basis for his personal displeasure with the city, they concluded by the bitterness of one single Roman senator, how the whole senate felt toward them. The speech of C. Decimius was more mild, who in most of the things alleged by Popillius said that the fault was not of the people but of a few rebellious men who had stirred them up. These men whose tongues were for sale had produced decrees full of flattery of the king and had sent such embassages about which the Rhodians were no less ashamed than repentant for. The people greatly approved of this speech because it laid the blame on a few guilty parties and not on the people in general. Therefore when the leader replied to the Romans, their speech was in no way as popular who endeavoured to mitigate the charges brought by Popillius, as theirs, who agreed with Popillius in singling out for punishment the persons responsible for the crimes. Thereupon those Rhodians, who before were so haughty as if they had conquered Philip, Antiochus and were stronger then Romans, were terrified in the presence of the ambassadors. A decree was quickly passed that whoever should be guilty of favouring Perseus and saying anything against the Romans, should be condemned to death. When the Romans came, some left the city and others committed suicide. The ambassadors did not stay more than 5 days at Rhodes and went to Alexandria. When they left the Rhodians were no less zealous in carrying out this decree. The cause of the action was mainly do to the clemency of Decimius. (Livy l. 45 c. 9. Dione. Legat. 20. or 21.)
3327. After the news of Perseus' flight had been brought to Rome, it seemed good to the senate that the Rhodian ambassadors who came to make up peace with Perseus, should be called before their assembly. The ambassadors, of whom Agesipolis was the leader, entered into the senate. They said that they were sent to make an end of the war which would be grievous and incommodious to all Greece and costly and harmful to the Romans themselves. Now, since it was concluded in a way the Rhodians always desired, they congratulated the Romans on it. When Agesipolis had briefly spoken these words, he left the assembly. The senate, made use of that occasion since they purposed to disgrace the Rhodians publicly and make an example of them. They replied that the Rhodians dispatched that embassy, neither for the benefit of Greece nor for the expenses of the Roman people but on behalf of Perseus. If their care had been as it was claimed, ambassadors would then have been sent denouncing the war when Perseus' army entered into Thessalie and for two years, partly besieged and partly terrified the cities of Greece. At that time there was no mention of peace made by the Rhodians. But after they had heard, that the woods were crossed and that the Romans had passed into Macedonia and that Perseus was hemmed in, the Rhodians sent their embassy. Their purpose was to deliver Perseus from his imminent danger. Therefore the senators judgment was that they ought not to bestow the accustomed rewards, or any benefit, nor a courteous answer to the ambassadors. (Polyb. Legat. 88. Livy l. 45. c. 20.)
3328. Thoas was sent from Rhodes by Dinon to Perseus as courier and had often sailed into Macedonia. With the turn of affairs in Rhodes, he fled for fear into Cnidus. The Cnidians granted him safe custody. After the Rhodians granted him safety, he was returned again to Rhodes. When examined, he confessed to all. He fully consented to all the notes of the letters which had been intercepted and to the letters sent each way from Dinon and Perseus. Thereupon Dinon was convicted and as for an example to others, was executed. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 137, 138.)
3329. Cn. Octavius, managed the Macedonian war with Paulus Aemilius. When Octavius' fleet came to Samothrace, he honoured the sanctity of the temple of Castor and Pollux and left Perseus alone. However, he kept him from the sea and prevented him from escaping. (Plutarch in P. Aemilio.) All the while he endeavoured to have him surrender, sometimes by threatenings and sometimes by hopes. Whether accidental or contrived by plan, this business was assisted by L. Attilius, an illustrious young man. When he saw the people of Samothrace assembled together, he addressed them with the permission of the magistrate. He complained that the supposed sanctity of the island was violated by the presence of Evander the Cretian. It was he who almost murdered Eumenes at Delphos and now together with Perseus sought refuge in the temple. Theondus, who was the chief magistrate among them (whom they called king) saw that the whole island was in the power of the Romans. He demanded from Perseus that Evander surrender for trial. Perseus did not want to do this because he saw that the crime would also involve him. He had Evander murdered and bribed Theondus to tell to the people that Evander had committed suicide. However, by killing his only friend that remained and had been involved with him in so many enterprises, he alienated the affections of all that were with him. When everyone for his own safety defected to the Romans, he was forced to think how to escape. (Livy l. 45. c. 5,6.)
3330. Therefore Perseus secretly arranged an escape with Oroandes the Cretian, to whom the coast of Thrace was well known because he had used to trade in that country. He boarded a ship which was anchored at the cape of Demetrias, so that he should convey him to Cotys, the king of the Thracians. About the time of sunset there was as much money brought to the ship as could be secretly transported. When it was on board, Oroandes sailed as soon as it was dark for Crete. Later about midnight the wretched Perseus let himself down , his children and his wife. They were not accustomed to travel and wandered from a straight window by a wall. When the ship was not found in the harbour he walked awhile on the shore. Finally fearing the approach of dawn, he hid in a dark corner in the side of the temple. (Livy l. 45. c. 6. & Plutarch, ut supra.)
3331. After that, by the command of Octavius the praetor, it was proclaimed by the crier that if the royal children of the princes that were chosen to wait on the king and other Macedonians who were of Samothrace, would come over to the Romans, they would be safe. They would have their freedom and all that they had with them or left behind in Macedonia would be theirs. They all came over and gave their names to C. Posthumius the tribune of the soldiers. Ion, the Thessalonian, surrendered the young children of the king, who had been committed to his trust to Octavius. No children were left with the king except Philip the oldest. Thereupon Perseus surrendered himself and his son to Octavius. He blamed fortune and the gods in whose temple he was in, because they did not help him. He was ordered to be put aboard on the flagship and what money that remained was brought there. The fleet sailed back to Amphipolis immediately. (Livy l. 45. c. 6.)
3332. Antiochus came to take over Pelusium. When he had crossed over the Leusines River, which is 4 miles from Alexandria, he met the Roman ambassadors. When they approached he greeted them and put out his right hand to Popillius. He gave to Antiochus the tables which he held in his hands that contained that decree of the senate. It said he was to immediately end the war against Ptolemy. He urged him that before he did anything else, he should read it. When he had read the tables, he said that he would consult with his friends as what he ought to do. Popillius with a vine twig which he had in his hand, drew a circle around the king and demanded his answer before he left the circle. The king was astonished with that unusual and imperious action. After he had thought a while, he said:
``I will do what the Romans command.''
3333. Thereupon Popillius put out his right hand to the king as to a confederate and friend. Antiochus was quite chaffed in his mind but withdrew his forces from Egypt into Syria on the appointed day. (For instead of agrian, in Polybius we suppose surian ought to be substituted from Livy) He esteemed it expedient to gave place to the times for the present. (Polyb. Legat. 92, & Livy l. 45. c. 16. cum Ciceron, in Philippica 81. Velleio Paterculo l. 1. c. 10. Valeri. Maximo. l. 6. c. 4. Justin. l. 34. c. 3. Appiano in Syriac. p. 131. Plutarch in Apophthegmat. c. 32, &c.)
3334. When the Samaritans saw the Jews most miserably oppressed by Antiochus, they claimed to be descendants of the Sidonians. By this they obtained letters from Antiochus to Apollonius, the king's governor and Nicanor the king's steward that they should not be subject to the same oppression as the Jews were. Since the temple at Gerizim was not yet honoured with the title of any god, it should from this time on be called by the name dids emhnin, or of the Greek Jupiter. This is discussed by Josephus in (Antiq. l. 12. c. 7.) The letter and the reply from Antiochus is given. It is dated in the 46th year (but I know not from what epoch the account is determined from) the 18th day of the month Hecatombaeon.
3335. After Antiochus had left Egypt, the Roman ambassadors by their authority confirmed the union between the two brethren who were scarcely yet well agreed. (Livy l. 45.) C. Popillius requested as a favour from the king, the bequest of Menalcidus, the Lacedemonian, who benefitted from the distress of the kings for his personal gain. He commanded them to send Polyaratus, who had been the chief supporter of Perseus at Rhodes and Rome. Menalcidus was dismissed by Ptolemy but he hesitated to send Polyaratus to Rome. He had great respect for Polyaratus and Rhodes. Therefore, he sent him to Rhodes and delivered him into the custody of one of his friends, Demetrius. He sent him to Rhodes with letters for the Rhodians concerning his journey. However, Polyaratus arrived at Phaselides. He took with him herbs for the strewing of the altar and priestly ornaments. He fled to the common tutelary god of the city. (Polyb. Legat. 92, & 95. & in Excerptis Valesii. p. 138.)
3336. When Popillius had settled affairs at Alexandria, he sailed to Cyprus and from there sent the fleet and army of Antiochus to Syria. They had recently captured the place from the Egyptians. (Polyb. Legate. 92. Livy l. 45.)
3337. The kings of Egypt were delivered from the war against Antiochus. One of the first things they did was to send Numenins, one of their friends, as an ambassador to Rome to thank them for the favours which they had received from them. (Polyb. Legat. 95.)
3338. When the Phasellites had sent to Rhodes to take Polyaratus from them, the Rhodians did indeed send a ship. However they forbad Epichares the captain of the ship to let him aboard the vessel because the Alexandrians were ordered to set the man ashore at Rhodes. Therefore, the ship came to Phasellites. When Epichares refused to allow Polyaratus onto his vessel and on the other side Demetrius into whose custody he was entrusted by the king, ordered the man to get on. The inhabitants of Phasellites urged him to go lest they might become obnoxious to the Romans. Polyaratus was grieved and went aboard with Demetrius on the ship again. However, at the first opportunity at his landing, he quickly fled directly to Caunus. He complained of his state of affairs and begged their assistance. They refused because they were tributaries to the Rhodians. He secretly sent to the Cibyrates, requesting admission into their city. He asked for someone to come and escort him safely there. He was known to the Cibyrates, because the children of Pancrates the tyrant were educated with him. The Cibyrates consented and Polyaratus was brought to Cibyra. (Polyb. Legat. in. Excerpt. Valesi. p. 138, 141.)
3339. Popillius and the embassy returned from Antiochus to Rome. They reported of the differences they had settled between the kings and that Antiochus' army had left Egypt for Syria. Later the ambassadors of the kings themselves came. The delegates of Antiochus declared that the peace which was approved by the senate, seemed more suitable to the king than any victory. Also he obeyed the commands of the Roman ambassadors as if they had been direct commands from the gods. After this, they congratulated them on the conquest of Perseus. Had they asked the king for anything, he would have gladly given it. The delegates of Ptolemy, in the name of the king and Cleopatra thanked them also. They said that they were more indebted to the senate and the Roman people than to their parents or to the immortal gods. They had been delivered from a most miserable siege and received their paternal kingdom back which they almost lost. The senate replied that Antiochus had acted correctly in obeying the ambassadors and that it was acceptable to the senate, the Roman people and to the princes of Egypt. If any benefit and advantage happened to Ptolemy and Cleopatra because of Rome, the senate was glad for it. They wished that the best way to preserve their kingdom was to maintain the friendship with the Roman people. C. Papinius the praetor was commanded to take care of the gifts that is sent to the ambassadors according to the custom. (Livy l. 45.)
3340. A joint embassy came both from Eumenes, Attalus and from Athenaeus to Rome to congratulate them on the overthrow of Perseus. (Livy l. 45. c. 19.)
3837 AM, 4547 JP, 167 BC
3341. By a public edict, Antiochus ordered all the countries that were subject to him to observe the same way of divine worship and set aside their peculiar customs. They were all to adopt the same religion as the Greeks under the punishment of death of those that refused. He appointed overseers over every country who should compel them to do this. /APC 1Ma 1:43-52,63
3342. Antiochus sent an old man of Athens into Judea and Samaria that he might force the Jews to stop observing the divine law and defile the temple at Jerusalem. He called their temple Jupiter Olympus and the temple at Gerizim, Jupiter Hospitable or the "protector of strangers". He thought this was a more appropriate name for the Samaritans since they were strangers in the Jewish land. /APC 2Ma 6:1-6
3343. The king sent proclamations by ambassadors to Jerusalem and the cities of Judah that they should follow the rites of the Gentiles and take away the sacrifices from the temple. They should not keep the sabbaths and feast days. They should pollute the sanctuary and its priests. They should erect altars, groves and temples to idols. They should sacrifice swine and other unclean beasts. They should allow their children to remain uncircumcised. They were to defile themselves with every impure thing so that they might forget the law and change all the ordinances of their God. /APC 1Ma 1;46-51 It would be a crime to observe the Jewish religion. /APC 2Ma: 6:6
3344. A decree also came to the neighbouring cities of the Greeks on the suggestion of Ptolemy, the son of Donymenes. /APC 2Ma 4:45 They should proceed in like manner against the Jews and compel them to partake of the sacrifices. Those who did not adopt Greek customs were to be executed. /APC 2Ma 6:8,9
3345. The other countries followed the words of the king. Many Israelites consented to his religion and sacrificed to idols and profaned the sabbath. /APC 1Ma 1:44 2:18 For many of the people that forsook the law were gathered together to them and they made the Israelites hide themselves in dens and in places of their refuge. /APC 1Ma 1:51-53 Others were brought by bitter constraint on the king's birthday every month to eat of the sacrifices. When the feast of Bacchus was kept, they were compelled to be in a procession to Bacchus carrying ivy. /APC 2Ma 6:7
3346. The temple was filled with riot and revelling by the Gentiles who riotously spent their lives with harlots and in the holy circuit of the temple defiled themselves with women. They brought in things that were not lawful and the altar also was filled with profane things which the law forbids. /APC 2Ma 6:4,5
3347. On the 15th day of the month Casleu (which is part of our November and part of December) in the 145th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, they erected the abomination of desolation, the detestable idol of Jupiter Olympus on the altar. They built altars for idols throughout the cities of Judah and burnt incense at the doors of their houses and in the streets. /APC 1Ma 1:54-56
3348. When they had cut in pieces the books of the law which they found, they burnt them in the fire. By the king's command, they executed anyone they found with a book of the testament or if he approved of the law. /APC 1Ma 1:56,57 By the title of books of the law, we do not mean just the Mosaic Pentateuch. With the later Hebrews, who from hence derive the origin of that Petaroth or ordinary lecture after which the people were dismissed (according to Elias Levita, for his Tirchbl, in the word too.) The whole Scripture of the Old Testament is meant. Joh 10:34 15:25 1Co 14:21 Josephus on the same occasion says: (l. 12 c. 7.)
``Wherever any holy book was found as also the law and they with whom it was discovered, both did miserably perish.''
3349. Severus Sulpicius, (Sacr. Histor. l. 2.) is of the same opinion and writes:
``The holy volumes of the law and the prophets were consumed in our fires.''
3350. On the 25th day of the month Casleu, sacrifices were offered on the idol altar which was erected on the altar of God. /APC 1Ma 1:59 This was 145th year of the Seleucia's reign in olympiad 153. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 7. & 11.)
3351. At the same time, two women who had circumcised their children, were accused. Their children were hanging about their necks. After they had been publicly led through the city, they threw them down headlong from a wall. Their families and those that had circumcised the infants were killed. /APC 1Ma 1:61 2Ma 6:10
3352. The Galatians under Advettas their leader, attacked the kingdom of Eumenes and made quite a disruption. A truce was made for the time of winter. The Gauls went home again and the king withdrew to Pergamos to his winter quarters where he fell sick of a serious disease. (Livy l. 45. with Polyb. Legat. 93.)
3353. When Antiochus saw that his edicts were despised by the people, he forced everyone by torture to eat unclean meats and to renounce Judaism. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.) Howbeit, many of the Israelites were fully resolved not to eat any unclean thing and they chose to die that they might not be defiled with those meats and not profane the holy covenant. /APC 1Ma 1:62,63.
3354. Therefore Antiochus sat in an imminent place, as president with his assessors and his army with their weapons around them. He ordered every Hebrew to be snatched away and to eat swine's flesh and such things as had been offered to idols. If any should refuse the profane meat, they were to be executed after being racked on wheels. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.)
3355. Of the many that were taken, a leader, Eleazar was captured. He was a 90 year old priest who was a famous scribe and most expert in the knowledge of the laws. He was well known to many of the followers of Antiochus and was brought before them. He refused to eat swine's flesh nor did he pretend to have eaten it. He chose rather to undergo the most cruel torments than to violate the law. (Joseph. Bellum de Maccab.) /APC 2Ma 6:18-31.
3356. After him, seven young brothers with their most courageous mother were brought before Antiochus. They refused to taste swine's flesh. After they had been tortured to death with newly invented torments handled in a most cruel manner. The most noble martyrdom of these persons is found described in /APC 2Ma 7 and in the small treatise of Josephus, touching the Maccabees, entitled "Of the Empress Reason". In the Latin paraphrase of it written by Rufinus, these persons are reported to be brought from their citadel named Sasandrum to Antioch to the king. Their names were Maccabeus, Aber, Machir, Judas, Aelias, Areth, Jacob, and the mother's name is said to be Solomona. However, the later Hebrew historians call her Hannah.
3357. In Judah, about this time, Rhazis an elder of Jerusalem gave a notable example to others. He risked his body and soul for the defence of the Jewish religion. For this love to his country he was termed, "The Father of the Jews." /APC 2Ma 14:37,38
3358. The king's officers, who in Judea forced men to this apostasy, came to the town called Modin. They planned to compel the Israelites to sacrifice to idols. /APC 1Ma 2:15 Modin was a village near Diospolis, as Eusebius relates in his book. Mattathias son of Jonathan, which was the son of Simeon, lived there at that time. He was a priest of Jerusalem of the family of Jehoiarib, who was the first among the 24 courses. 1Ch 24:7 He had five sons, John called Caddes or Gaddes, Simon called Thassi, Judas called Maccabeus, Eleazar called Abaron or Avaran, and Jonathan called Apphus. /APC 1Ma 2:1-5 Those seven martyrs who died at Antioch are called Maccabean brethren from their older brother Maccabeus. So the custom prevailed that from Judas Maccabeus, if not the first of Mattathias' five sons in age (as Josephus thinks in his first book of the war, chapter one.) By the account of prowess and glory they achieved, /APC 1Ma 2:66 3:4,9 4:25 they all received the common name of Maccabees. However, their father Mattathias or Matthias is called by Josephus (Bellum l. 1. c. 1. as also in the Chronicle of Eusebius, and the lesser Seder Olam of the Hebrews) the son of Asamonaeus. In (Antiq. l. 12. c. 8) he is called the son of John, the son of Simeon, the son of Assamoneas. The ordinary Hebrews think Mattathias to have been called Hasamoneus and that from him that surname descended to his posterity. R. David Kimchi thinks this is based on Ps 68:5-32 where he denotes the word ~ynsfx, "princes."
3359. Antiochus' officers earnestly exhorted Mattathias when he was brought to them to set an example and yield obedience to the king. The city of Modin was fortified with his sons and brethren. This he refused to do and killed a certain Jew whom he saw sacrificing on the heathen altar and at the same time killed the king's commissioner also (called by Joseph. Antiqu. l. 12. c. 8, Apelles) who forced men to sacrifice there. He threw down the altar and after that exhorted all who were zealous of the law to follow him. He with his sons fled into the mountains and left all their goods in the city. /APC 1Ma 2:16-28
3360. Then many, that sought after justice went down into secret places and together with their children and wives and cattle lived in caves. When this was known by Philip, (that Phrygian whom Antiochus had left governor at Jerusalem) /APC 2Ma 5:22 the king's commanders with the garrison of the citadel of Jerusalem pursued after them. When they could not persuade them to obey the king's commandment, they threw fire into the cave on the sabbath day. They killed about 1000 people including their wives and children with the cattle. Those who were trapped there, made no resistance and honoured the sabbath day. (/APC 1Ma 2:29-38 2Ma 6:11 Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 8.)
3361. When Mattathias and his friends were told of this, they grieved for them. They decided that from then on they would attack the enemy to drive him out. (/APC 1Ma 2:39-41 Joseph. Antiq. l. 12. c. 8.)
3362. The company of Asideans joined them. They were religious men who voluntarily offered themselves for the defence of the law by arms, and all who were compelled to flee from the wicked. They set up an army and killed some of the impious men and forced others to flee to other countries. However, Mattathias and his friends marched up and down the country and threw down altars. They circumcised all children whom they found uncircumcised in the land of Israel. They chased the enemy and had good success. /APC 1Ma 2:42-48
3363. Fearing the Romans, the Cibyrates did not want Polyaratus the Rhodian, among them. They were unable to take him to Rome because they were not skilled sailors. They sent an embassy to Rhodes and also into Macedonia to L. Emilius Paulus the proconsul asking them to take the man. The proconsul wrote to the Cibyrates that they should keep Polyaratus in custody and bring him to Rhodes. He ordered the Rhodians that he should secretly be brought to Rome by sea. So this was done and Polyaratus was at last brought to Rome. (Polyb. in Excerptis Valesi. p. 414.)
3364. King Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to Rome for the help to settle the invasion of the Galatians. He was also to congratulate the senate about the victory over Perseus. Attalus cheerfully lead this embassy because he had assisted the Romans in that war and exposed himself to all dangers as a willing and devoted confederate. He might by some testimony of favour and benevolence, try to find out how acceptable that service was to the senators. Lest he should be tempted also to procure the kingdom, Eumenes sent after his brother to Rome, Stratius the physician. He was a person of most trusted and of great authority with him. He was to be a faithful spy of the things that were done by his brother and a trusty monitor if he should see him depart from his fidelity to Eumenes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45.)
3365. When all men kindly received Attalus at Rome for they knew him and his actions for them in the war and considered him a friend. When a larger number came to honour him than he expected, he became proud not knowing the true reason for which he was so kindly entertained. Most of the Romans did not like Eumenes for they believed that he acted deceitfully in this war, had conferences with Perseus and was waiting to take advantage of any difficulty the Romans may have. Some high officials were eager to draw Attalus into a private discussion and encourage him to lay aside the mission he had undertaken for his brother and to entreat for himself. They said the senate was alienated from his brother and desirous to give him his brother's kingdom. Hence it came to pass that Attalus' mind was so puffed up that he even asked some of these officials to bring the matter to the senate for debate. However Stratius the physician, a person of outstanding prudence and powerful eloquence persuaded him otherwise. He told him that he indeed did now reign with his brother and in the future, he would be left the undoubted successor to the kingdom. This may not be too far off since Eumenes was quite sick and expected to die at anytime. The new disruption in the kingdom from the insurrection of the Gauls, could scarcely be handled by both of them acting together much less if their was civil war in the kingdom. Therefore when Attalus came into the senate, he first expressed joy for the overthrow of Perseus. Then he talked of his active part in that war. Lastly, he requested the senate to send ambassadors to the Galatians. By their authority they should make them stop this war and return to their own lands. He also spoke of the cities of Enions and Maronites which he requested might be given to him. Concerning the accusation against his brother and the division of the kingdom, he said nothing. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45. c. 19.)
3366. The senate thought that Attalus would come to them again and discuss the matter of the kingdom so they promised him to send ambassadors. They were very generous in the gifts they gave to him which were given according to custom. Moreover they promised to give him those cities he asked for. After all this had been done for him, Attalus left the city and the things the senate hoped for did not happen. The senators were frustrated and while Attalus was still in Italy, they declared Aenum and Maronea to be free and reneged on the promise which they had made to Attalus. However, the embassy headed by Publius Licinius was sent to the Galatians. (Polyb. Legat. 93.)
3367. Among the many embassies of Asia and Greece, after Attalus the ambassadors of the Rhodians drew the most attention. They had at this time a two fold mission. First they turned over Philocrates and the later Philophron and Astymedes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45. c. 20.) When the Rhodians received the reply that was given to Agesipolis shortly after the battle with Perseus, they knew the anger of the senators was against them. When they heard their threats, they immediately sent those embassies. (Polyb. Legat. 93.)
3368. The delegates appeared first in white clothing as a sign of rejoicing over the Roman victory. If they had come in dirty clothes, they might have looked like mourners for the misfortune of Perseus. The senators had consulted with Marcus Junius the consul while the ambassadors stood in the public assembly. They wanted to determine if they would give to them the place, rewards and a hearing. They decided that no rite of hospitality should be given to them. The consul left the senate and the Rhodians told them they came to congratulate them on their victory and clear the accusations against their city. They requested that they might appear before the senate. They were told that that the Romans usually gave their confederates and friends hospitality, lodging, entertainment and also a senate. However the Rhodians in that war were not considered confederate friends. When they heard this, they all prostrated themselves on the ground and begged the consul and all that were present that they would no more look upon new and false incriminations to their harm than on their previous service to which the Romans were witnesses. They immediately put on mourning clothes and went up and down with prayers and tears to the houses of the chief persons. They entreated them that they would first understand their cause before they were condemned. (Livy l. 45. c. 20.)
3369. Marcus Juventius Talua the praetor, whose job was to oversee the affairs between the citizens and foreigners, stirred up the people against the Rhodians. He set a dangerous precedent of not going though the senate nor the consuls. He made a motion that Rome should declare war on Rhodes and one of the magistrates of that year should be sent with a fleet to manage the war. He hoped that he would be the one to lead the force. M. Antonius and Marcus Pomponius, the tribunes of the people opposed this motion. The praetor and tribunes disputed this matter. The tribunes succeeded in persuading the assembly to defer the matter until Aemilius the general arrived. (Livy l. 45. c. 21.) Antonius violently removed the praetor from the desk. The ambassadors of the Rhodians were brought by him to the senate and made their speeches. Philophron spoke first and then Astymedes. (Polyb. Legat. 93. cum Diod. Sic. Legat. 19. & in Photii Bibliothecca, cod. 244.) The later part of the speech of Astymedes is found in Livy but the first part is missing. Polybius states that Astymedes put his speech among his letters and gave them to the public. However, the same author observes about that speech that it was not liked by the more prudent persons because (perhaps in the first part of it which is missing in Livy) he undertook the defence of his own country in such a manner by accusing the rest of the Greeks.
3370. After the speech was over, they all fell down on their faces and in a humble manner cast down the olive branches. At length they got up again and left the assembly. When the vote was held, those who held the office of consuls or praetors or ambassadors in Macedonia or were involved in the war, were most enraged against the Rhodians. However, Marcus Portius Cato advanced their cause who in spite of his naturally stern disposition, at that time showed himself a gentle and meek senator. He added the speech which he spoke for them in the senate to his fifth book of his Origines, or Derivations. (Livy l. 45. c. 25.) Finally the senators severely upbraided the Rhodians with many things. The reply given to the Rhodians was so phrased that while they were not turned into enemies they did not continue to be allies. (Polyb. Diod. Sic. & Livy l. 45 c. 25.)
3371. When the answer was given, Philocrates immediately went to Rhodes and Astymedes remained at Rome so that he might know what things were going on and notify his country men accordingly. The Rhodians were relieved that the fear of war had past and took the rest of the news sadly but were content. (Polyb. & Livy l. 45. c. 25.)
3372. P. Licinius and the rest of the ambassadors who were sent with Attalus to end the war between the Gauls and King Eumenes arrived at Synnas. At this time Eumenes, who was now recovered, in the beginning of the spring, was up and around and had gathered his army from various places to Sardis. At Synnas, the Roman delegates conferred with Solovetius, the captain of the Gauls and Attalus went along with them. He would not enter into the camp of the Gauls lest his presence should inflame the situation. P. Licinius, talked with the captain of the Gauls and found him more fierce after his talk. So much so it seemed strange that the words of the Roman delegates should prevail so much among those rich kings of Antiochus and Ptolemy that they should make peace. However they held no weight with the Gauls. (Livy l. 45)
3373. Toward summer, the Rhodians sent Theatetus (the copies of Livy have Theodotus) the admiral of the fleet, with a crown of the value of 10,000 or, as we read it in Livy, 20,000 of gold, (at the rate of 16 pounds a piece) that they might by all means procure the friendship with the Romans. They desired that this might so be requested from the Romans that no vote of the Rhodian people should be made concerning it should it be committed to writing. They feared that if they should not obtain it in addition to the failure of their embassy, they would be more disgraced after this refusal. However the truth is that although before this, the Rhodians had assisted the Romans for over 40 years. They continued in their friendship that they never bound themselves to them by a league of amity. They did not want to cut off from the kings the hope that the Rhodians might come to their help if the need arose. Neither did they want to deprive themselves of the chance of profiting from the goodwill and good fortune of these kings. However, now with most earnest desire they endeavoured to procure this honour not that they were in love with new confederates or stood in fear of any save only the Romans themselves. They hoped to reduce Rome's suspicion of them. (Polyb. Legat. 93. Livy l. 45. c. 25. Dio, Legat. 21. or 22.)
3374. Theaetetus had barely arrived at Rome from Rhodes when the Caunians revolted from them. The people of Mylassa occupied the towns of the Euromenses. The Rhodians quickly sent Lycus with an army and forced the Caunians with the help the Cibyrates, to submit to their government. In a battle near Orthesia, they defeated the Mylassens with the Alabandens who had taken away the province of the Euromenses. (Polyb. & Livy l. 45. c. 25.)
3375. At the same time the senate published a decree granting liberty to the Carians and Lycians. After this war the Rhodians were fearful. They thought they had wasted the money giving the crown and vain were the hopes of friendship with the Romans. Thus the Rhodians lost Lycia and Caria, after they had been forced to endure their wars to gain them. (Polyb. Legat. 93. & 140. Livy l. 45. c. 25. Appian. Syriac, p. 116.)
3376. When a senate was granted to Theaetetus, he entreated them concerning the entrance into a league with the Rhodians. While the senators made delays, he died at the age of 80 years. Later the Caunians and Stratonicians, that were in exile, came to Rome. When they were heard by the senate, the senate decreed that the Rhodians must withdraw their garrisons from Caunus and Stratonicea. When the answer was known, Phylophron and Astymedes quickly returned to their country. They feared that if the Rhodians should not recall their garrisons, new calamities would befall their city. (Polyb. Legat. 99.)
3377. About the same time, the Cnossians and Gortynians waged war with the Raucians. They made a league among themselves which they confirmed by an oath that they would not end the war before they had taken Raucus by force. (Polyb. Legat. 100.)
3378. When the Rhodians were notified about the Caunians, they knew the Romans were still angry with them. They obeyed the decree of the senate. (Polyb. Legat. 100.) Thus they lost Caunus which they had bought from the commanders of Ptolemy with 200 talents. They also lost Strotonicea, which they had received as a generous gift from Antiochus and Seleucus. Both cities paid 120 talents yearly to their city. (Polyb. Legat. 104.)
3379. The Rhodians sent an embassy to Rome headed by Aristotle. They were to earnestly ask for friendship with the Romans. About mid-summer the ambassadors arrived and were heard before the senate. They said the Rhodians had obeyed all the things they were asked and they urged the senators with many reasons to grant them amity. The senate's reply contained no mention of amity for the Rhodians. (Polyb. Legat. 100.)
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3380. At the beginning of autumn, L. Aemilius Paulus appointed C. Sulpitius Gallus, to oversee the army. Paulus went with a small retinue to view Greece. His son Scipio and Athenaeus, brother of Eumenes the King, were his bodyguards. He granted liberty to Macedonia and enacted laws suitable for confederates. After settling his serious affairs, he instituted at Amphipolis games which he had been long preparing for. He had sent messengers into the cities of Asia and notified the kings of it. However, in Greece he visited the cities personally and notified the governors of it. In that great gathering of Europe and Asia, a multitude came from every quarter. Some came to congratulate the Romans. Others came to see the sight of such large army and naval forces. Provisions were abundant and cheap. Most received gifts of food for their need and enough to take back home. (Livy l. 45. c. 32,33)
3381. Labeo was sent by the Romans to destroy Antissa in the island Lesbos and for the resettling of the Larysseans to Methymna. When Antenor, Perseus' admiral had sailed about Lesbos, they received and furnished him with supplies. (Livy. c. 45.)
3382. Prusias (Venator), king of Bithynia, with his son Nicomedes, came to Rome. The senate sent L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer, to meet him at Capua and decreed that a most excellent house should be rented for him at Rome. Provisions were to be charged to the public account for himself and all his retinue. He was entertained and treated like a good friend by the whole city of Rome. (Livy l. 45. c. 44. Valer. Maxim. l. 5. c. 1.)
3383. After he entered the city with a great train, he went from the gate and the judgment seat of Q. Cussius the mayor, to the forum. A large crowd was on every side. He said, that he came to worship the gods who dwelt at Rome as also to greet the senate and Roman people. He congratulated them on their victory over Perseus and Gentius the king. They increased their empire by subduing the Macedonians and Sclavonians. When the mayor had told him that if he pleased, he would hold a senate for him that day. He requested a two day delay so that he might visit the temples of the gods, the city and his friends. L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer was appointed to him for a guide. The third day, he came to the senate and congratulated them on their victory. He mentioned his part in that war and requested that he might be allowed to perform his vow by offering 10 large sacrifices in the capitol at Rome and one at Praeneste to Fortune. These were his vows for the conquest of the people of Rome and that his friendship with the Romans would be renewed. He wanted the land that was taken from King Antiochus and was occupied by the Gauls, although the Romans had given it to no one. Last of all, he entrusted his son Nicomedes to the senate. He was supported by all those who had been commanders in Macedonia. Therefore the rest of his requests were granted. Concerning the land, they said they would send ambassadors to inquire whether it belonged to the Roman people and was assigned to no one. They willingly accepted Nicomedes. Ptolemy, king of Egypt whose kingdom was preserved by the Romans when Antiochus invaded it, testified to the care the Roman people took of the children of their confederate kings. Moreover, it was commanded, that beasts and other things that were needed for sacrifices, whether he would offer them at Rome or at Praeneste, should be given to the king, as to the Roman magistrates at the public expense. 20 long ships should be given to him from the fleet which lay at Brundusium. He could use these until the king came to the fleet that assigned to him. Also L. Cornelius Scipio should accompany him and should pay all his expenses until they should take sail. It is reported, that the king was overjoyed by the kindness of the Roman people. He refused the gifts that were given to him but commanded his son to accept of the gift of the Roman people. These things the Roman writers relate of Prusias. (Livy. l. 45. c. 44.)
3384. Polybius and other Greek authors write, that when he came into the senate, he bowed low and kissed the threshold of the senate and called the senators, his tutelary gods. He spoke not so honourably to the hearers as unbecoming to himself. For this extraordinary action, he received a more courteous answer from the senate, (Id. ibid. Polyb. Legat. 97. Diod. Sic. Legat. 22. or 23.) However, after he stayed in the city about 30 days, he left for his kingdom. (Livy l. 45. c. 44.)
3385. About this time, news arrived that Eumenes was on his way to Rome. If he were excluded from Rome, he might be thought to be an enemy because he remained neutral in the Macedonian war. If he were admitted, people would think he was exonerated. There was a general law made that no king should be permitted to come to Rome. (Polyb. Legat. 97. Livy c. 46.) After it was known that Eumenes had arrived at Brundusium in Italy, they sent to him the treasurer, to bring this decree to him. He was to ask whether he had to address the senate about anything. If he had no request to make to the senators, then he should tell the treasurer and quickly leave Italy. After the king had met with the treasurer and understood the pleasure of the senate, he said nothing about business with him and assured him that he needed nothing. By this means the Romans prevented Eumenes' arrival at Rome and procured something else that was of great concern to them. The kingdom of Pergamos was in great danger from the Galatians. There was no doubt that by this disgraceful rejection of Eumenes, the courage of all his friends would be abated. The Galatians would be twice as courageous in waging war. This happened at the beginning of winter. (Polyb. Legat. 97.)
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3386. Mattathias exhorted his sons to the study of piety and to defend the law of God. He commended Simon to them, as a counsellor and father, but Judas Maccabeus, as the commander of their wars because from his youth he was very brave. After this, he blessed them and he died in the 146th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. He had governed the miserable and banished troops one year. His sons buried him in the sepulchres of their fathers at Modin and all the Israelites bewailed him with a great lamentation. (/APC 1Ma 2:49-70 Joseph. l. 12. c. 8. 9.)
3387. Judas Maccabeus' brothers and all who followed his father helped him. He succeeded in his father's place. /APC 1Ma 3:1,2 He went secretly into the villages and exhorted their kinsmen and took those with them who remained loyal to the Jewish religion. They gathered 6000 men and called on the Lord that he would take pity on his profaned temple and the ruined city. He would hear the blood that cried to him and remember the unjust death of the innocent infants and the blasphemies that were committed against his name. They asked that he would show his hatred against the wicked. /APC 2Ma 8:1-4
3388. In the meantime when Antiochus heard of the games held by Emilius Paulus in Macedonia he planned to have more magnificent games than Paulus held. He sent delegates and observers into the cities who declared that at Daphane near Antioch, games would be held by him. His intent was that from all Greece (as Polybius) or from all parts of the world (as Diodorus states) famous men might eagerly come to that show. Polybius in the 31st book of his history thus describes the games.
3389. First there were 5000 men in their prime dressed like Roman soldiers, with clubbed brigantines. After these followed just as many Mysians. Next came 3000 lightly armed Cilicians, harnessed with golden crowns. After this came 3000 Thracians and 5000 Galatians. Some had silver shields. After this came 240 pairs of gladiators. They were followed by 1000 riding on Pisaean or rather Nisaean horses. (The most learned Casaubon has corrected this error.) 3000 were riding on common horses and most had gold or silver crowns. These were followed by about 1000 cavalry by their confederates and friends who were all furnished with golden trappings. With these followed 1000 more cavalry of their associate friends adorned in the same way. Besides these marched 1000 choice men who were excellent horsemen. They were followed by about 1000 called by the Greeks, Agema or the company. Lastly came 1500 horsemen in complete armour from head to toe called by the Greeks, Cataphracti because both men and horses were covered with arms. All these persons had purple coats. Some of the coats were interwoven with gold and had with the image of live beasts. After these marched 100 chariots with six horses abreast and 42 wagons with four horses abreast. There was a chariot drawn with a pair elephants, and another with two horses. After these followed 36 single elephants in no particular order.
3390. Next came about 800 youths with golden coronets and almost 5000 fat oxen with 300 tables for holy uses plus 800 elephants' teeth. Then men carried whatever they said or believed to be gods or Genii. Some carried images of their heroes, Some of them were gilded over and others were clothed in golden robes. Each one gallantly adorned with his eulogy and motto according to the legend written about him. To these were added the images of the night, of the day, the earth, of the heavens, of the morning and of the noon. 1000 pages belonging to Dionysius, the king's secretary, went in this pompous train, carrying silver vessels none of which weighed less than a 1000 drachmas. These were followed by 600 more of the king's pages carrying vessels of gold. Then came about 200 women whose job was to sprinkle the spectators with their sweet ointments from their golden chalices. In the rear came 80 women gloriously clothed and adorned with costly clothes who were carried in litters with golden legs. 500 came in litters with silver legs. These things were most remarkable in the pageantry.
3391. After this, a great number of contests of sports, fencing and hunting were held for 30 days. All this time a variety of ointments was provided by the king for all who played for any prize. For this purpose 15 golden jars were brought full of ointments of saffron. An equal number contained cinnamon and spikenard. These ointments were given freely for the first 5 days. For the rest of the games ointments of olive oil, marjoram, and lilies were given freely. For the guests, sometimes 1000 other times 1500 tables were most richly spread. All these things were magnificently performed. He paid for these from what he had cheated king Philometor out of in Egypt while he was still a minor. Other funds came from the spoils of those many temples which he had plundered. (Polyb. in Athenaus, l. 5. c. 4. & l. 10. c. 12.)
3392. But the glory of this preparation was eclipsed and debased by those unworthy actions the king did personally. For he went riding up and down on a little riding horse ordering as he pleased, some to stand, others to pass. He did this in such a way that except for his diadem no one would have thought him a king who barely qualified as a servant. All the times of the feast, he stood at the doors of the rooms where the feast was kept. He conducted some in, others he placed at the tables. He ushered in the servants that brought in the dishes. Sometimes he walked around, sometimes he sat down and sometimes he lay on the floor. Often he would run around to remove a dish or a cup from the table. In drinking with his guests, he now and then drank to those who drank to him. He sported and jested with such as were so inclined. Moreover, many had left because the feast went on for a long time, he came in a disguise brought in by the actors and laid along on the ground as if he had been one of their company. Finally, he was roused by the sound of music, he got up and started dancing and acting his part with ridiculous gestures. All were so ashamed of the king's behaviour, they left the feast. (Polyb. ibid. & cum secutus Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 321.)
3393. The show finally finished. Tiberius Gracchus, was sent as an ambassador by the senate to Antiochus. He was to determine what the king was up to and spy on his affairs. The king entertained him with such cheerfulness and alacrity that he did not suspect a plot or discover the least token of alienation in him for what had happened at Alexandria. Tiberius opposed those who wanted to impeach him. Antiochus gave his royal palace to the ambassadors of Rome which was as good as his very diadem. Notwithstanding all this ceremony, his will and affection was most irreconcilably alienated against the Romans. (Polyb. Legat. 101. & 109. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 322.)
3394. While Antiochus was at leisure in the games at Daphne, Judas Maccabeus was busy in Judea. He was greatly helped by his brothers. He drove out the enemy, killed his apostate countrymen and purged the land from its uncleanness. (Joseph. l. 12. c. 9.) He attacked cities and villages by surprise and burned them. He controlled the most strategic places. He routed large numbers of his enemies. He usually attacked by night to get the element of surprise. The fame of his valour spread everywhere. /APC 1Ma 3:8,9 2Ma 8:6,7
3395. Ambassadors were sent from the Galatians in Asia to Rome. The senate granted them freedom to rule themselves as long as they stayed in their land and did not attack other lands. (Polyb. Legat. 102.)
3396. Pytho was sent on a mission from Prusias, king of Bithynia to Rome. He complained to the senate about Eumenes. He had pillaged Prusias' territories and seized some places for himself. He charged also that Eumenes would not stop his encroachment on Galatia nor submit to the decrees of the senate. He only advanced his own interests. On the contrary, Prusias obeyed the desires of the Roman people and desired that his country be governed by the precepts of the senate. Likewise, others came from the Asiatic cities with fresh accusations, hinting at an alliance between Eumenes and Antiochus against the Romans. When the senate had heard these things, they did not refute the accusations or say what they would do. They kept everything secret and watched carefully the actions of Eumenes and Antiochus with increasing jealousy. In the meantime, they satisfied the Galatians in some matters and helped them affirm their freedom. (Polyb. Legat. 104. Livy l. 46.)
3397. Astymedes the Rhodian delegate, pleaded his country's cause at Rome before the senate. He was now more moderate and not so hot in his speech as in his former ambassage. He omitted all recriminations and made it his only business at present to show that his countrymen had suffered sufficiently and far beyond the degree of the offence. His main complaint was that the Rhodians had lost the revenue from their harbour. In regard to that, the Romans had discharged Delos from paying tribute and had also taken from the people the liberty which they formerly enjoyed in determining tariffs and other matters of public concern. The custom duties which in former times netted a million drachma now barely amounted to 150,000. The senate knew that only a few were engaged in criminal behaviour and these had been punished by the people. He requested that they would not show their displeasure against those who were not involved in any way but to receive them into their grace and favour as they did before. Their country stood more in need of friends in peacetime than an ally for war. His speech seemed so suitable to the present condition of the Rhodians that when Tiberius Gracchus (who was recently from Asia where he was an ambassador) said this. The Rhodians had submitted themselves to the decrees of the senate and all were executed who had anything to do with bringing the Rhodians into disfavour with the Romans. He silenced his adversaries and prevailed with the Romans that they would take the Rhodians into their alliance. (Polyb. Legat. 104.)
3398. Tiberius could not tell any more to the Senate about the plans of Eumenes and Antiochus than that they know before Tiberius had left Rome. The kings had entertained him most graciously. (Polyb. Legat. 105.)
3399. Apollonius, governor of Samaria raised a large army from the Gentiles and Samaritans and attacked the Jews. However, Judas Maccabeus killed him and many others. The rest fled. Judas took the spoil including Apollonius' own sword which always used in the war after that. (/APC 1Ma 3:10-12 Joseph. l. 12. c. 10.)
3400. Seron who governed Coelosyria heard how that Judas was well equipped with an army and large numbers from all parts were coming to him. Seron mustered all the forces under his command including the renegade Jews and camped near the way up to Bethhoron. Judus routed his whole army and 800 of them were killed. The rest fled into the land of the Philistines near the sea coast. (/APC 1Ma 3:13-24 Joseph. l. 12. c. 10.)
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3401. As soon as the news of this defeat came to Antiochus, he was so furious that immediately levied all the troops of his kingdom. He gave them a year's pay and ordered them to be ready for service. After this salary was paid, he saw his treasury was empty.The Jewish revolt deprived him of 300 talents of silver each year. Also intense persecution raged in the Greek cities and many regions thus reducing his revenues. He did not spare the Gentiles while he try to make the forsake their ancient superstitions and conform to his worship. Insomuch, that he feared that he would not find enough to defray his expenses and gratuities. In this he was very generous and surpassed all the kings that came before him. He determined to go into Persia to get money there. /APC 1Ma 3:27-31 (Joseph. l. 12. c. 11. Sever. Sulpic. Sacr. Histor. l. 2.)