5572. Pompeius gave up hope that Furnius would receive him and seized Lampsacus by treachery. Many Italians lived here and were brought as a colony by C. Caesar. He paid the Italians large wages to entice them to serve under him. He now had 200 cavalry and three legions. He attacked Cyzicum by sea and land and he was repulsed in both fronts. There was a very large band of soldiers to guard the walls who were brought there for Antony. Pompeius returned to the harbour of the Achaeans and planned to provide grain for his troops. {Appian, l. 5. p. 749.}
5573. Furnius would not fight and always stayed near his camp with many cavalry. He would not allow Pompeius to get any grain nor seize any cities. Pompeius attacked his camp in front and sent some around who attacked from the rear. Therefore when Furnius went out against him, he had his camp at his back. Pompeius slew many as they fled by the fields of Scamander. The field was very wet because of much rain that fell. Those who escaped, retreated into a safe place but were unable to prepare for a new war. Pompeius received men from Mysia, Propontis and other places. These were poor men who were exhausted with taxes and served under Pompeius for money. He was now famous for the victory he had at the harbour of the Achaeans. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}
5574. Since Pompeius lacked cavalry and therefore could not go very far to forage. He heard that a squadron of Italian cavalry were sent to Antony from Octavia who wintered in Athens. Therefore he presently sent to bribe them with gold. Antony's governor of Macedonia apprehended them and divided the money among the soldiers. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}
5575. Pompeius captured Nicaea and Nicomedia. He gathered money together in abundance because of his great and unexpected successes. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}
5576. When Furnius was camped near him, as soon as it was spring, there came to him a fleet of 70 ships from Sicily. This was the remainder of the fleet which Antony had lent Caesar against Pompeius. When the Sicilian war was ended, Caesar dismissed them. Titius also came from Syria with 120 ships and a large army. They all arrived at Proconesus. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}
5577. Pompeius was very afraid because he was not fully prepared. He selected those places which were most convenient for his flight. He was apprehended in Nicomedia and he asked for peace through his ambassadors and hoped the favours he had done previously for Titius would make him agreeable. Titius absolutely denied to grant any peace unless he surrendered to him all his ships and forces. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402, 403.}
5578. Therefore Pompeius, gave up any hope of safety by sea. He put all his provisions of any weight into his ships and set them on fire. He armed his sailors who would be of more use to him on land with the others. {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.} {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}
5579. Herod feared lest his mother-in-law Alexandra would seek opportunities to create new problems and ordered to have her kept within the palace and to do nothing by her own authority. She was kept so strictly that nothing was concealed from him of all that she did, even to the expenses of her food. She took this captivity very badly and sent letters to Cleopatra and complained of her harsh treatment. She wanted her help. Therefore Cleopatra said that she with her son should flee into Egypt to her. She provided two coffins for her and her son that are used when men die. She ordered those servants that knew the plot that they should carry them out by night, and go to a ship which was ready provided to carry them into Egypt. Aesopus, a servant, told this to Sabbation, a friend of Alexander's because he thought he had known all this before. As Sabbation who was considered an enemy of Herod's since he was suspected to be in on the plot in the poisoning of Antipater, took this opportunity of being reconciled to the king's favour by telling this matter. Herod played along in this until it was being done and surprised her in flight and brought her back. However, he pardoned her and did not dare to punish her. He feared that Cleopatra would not be so contented but would seek any occasion of hatred against him. Therefore under the pretence of a magnanimous spirit, he made show as if he pardoned her out of mere clemency. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.}
5580. Cassius Parmensis, Nasidius, Saturninus, Antistius and other honourable friends of Sextus Pompeius and his dear friend Fannius and his father-in-law Libo could not persuade Pompeius to abandon the war against one who was more powerful than himself especially when Titius came whom Antony had sent. They began to despair and decided to defect to Antony. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750, 751.}
5581. After Pompeius was forsaken by his friends, he departed into the midland country of Bithynia and intending to go (as was reported) into Armenia. He stole away secretly by night from the camp. Furnius, Titius and Amyntas pursued him and marching excessively fast. They overtook him about evening and they both camped around an hill but without either a ditch or trench. It was late at night and they were weary. In this condition, Pompeius sent by night 3000 targateers who attacked them either in their beds or running out from their lodgings who all fled naked most cowardly. If Pompeius had attacked them with all his forces or pursued them as they fled, he might have had an absolute victory. He did not do this and gained nothing by all this. He went on where he was going into the midland country. {Appian, l. 5. p. 751.}
5582. His enemies joined together and kept him from foraging so that he was very short of food. He was forced to demand a parlay with Furnius, who in previous times was a friend of Pompey the Great. He was a man of honour and gravity above the rest. Therefore he stood on the bank of a river that ran between them and he told him that he would commit himself to his protection on the condition that he might be brought to Antony. Furnius answered that this business did not belong to him, but to Titius. Pompeius suspected Titius' faithfulness and offered again to yield himself and entreated that he might be accepted. When this could not be obtained, he desired that he might be received by Amyntas. He told him that Amyntas would do nothing that might be a wrong to him that was to execute the commands of Antony. So the parlay broke off. {Appian, l. 5. p. 751, 752.}
5583. Furnius' soldiers thought that for very want of food, he would on the next day yield himself to Titius. He according to the custom in camps, made many fires in the night and by trumpeters distinguished the watches of the night. He secretly withdrew himself with his army without any baggage not so much as telling them where they were going. He thought to return to the sea and to burn Titius' fleet. He might have been able to do this had not Scaurus ran from him and told of his departure and the way he went, although he did not know what he intended to do. Then Amyntas pursued him with 1500 cavalry and Sextius had none. As soon as he overtook him, Pompeius' soldiers went over to him, some privately and some publicly. Pompeius was now almost desolate and was afraid of his own soldiers and surrendered himself without any conditions when he had previously refused the conditions of Titius. {Appian, l. 5. p. 752.}
5584. Dio wrote that he was surprised, surrounded and taken by Titius and Furnius at Miletum, which is a town of Phrygia. {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.} Appian said that his army was compelled by Titius to take a solemn oath to Antony. {Appian, l. 5. p. 753.}
5585. When Antony knew what happened, he immediately sent letters and ordered Pompeius to be executed. A little later, he repented and ordered that he be spared. However, the carrier of the last letters came before the one that brought the first. Titius then received the letters concerning his death later. He supposed they were indeed written last or knowing the truth would not believe it. He followed the orders of the letters as they were delivered and not what Antony intended. {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.}
5586. There are some who report that it was not Antony who ordered the death of Pompeius, but Plancus. He was the governor of Syria and was accustomed to signing for Antony in letters of importance. He also used Antony's seal either with the knowledge of Antony. (Yet he himself would not write, either because of the fame of Pompeius or because Cleopatra favoured him for the memory of his father, the Great Pompey.) If Antony did not know then Plancus may have done it himself because he was afraid that Pompeius might be some cause of difference between Caesar and Antony, or lest Cleopatra should favour Pompeius and not him. {Appian, l. 5. p. 753.}
5587. Sextus Pompeius was executed at Miletum {Appian, l. 5. p. 753.} {Strabo, l. 3. p. 141.} when L. Cornificius and another Sextus Pompeius were consuls. {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.} Livy has this note about him: {Livy, l. 132}
``When Sextus Pompeius had surrendered to Antony while still making war against him in Asia. He was overcome by his lieutenants.''
5588. We read in Orosius: {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}
``Pompeius fled after being often defeated on sea and land. He was taken and a little later put to death.''
5589. Velleius Paterculus wrote that Antony: {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 87.}
``When he had promised that he would preserve the dignity of Sextus Pompeius then he killed him.''
5590. He wrote in more detail: {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 97.}
``Pompeius fled into Asia and was killed by the order of Antony whose help he implored. Pompeius was undecided whether to be a general or a petitioner and now would retain his dignity and beg for his life. Antony had his throat cut by Titius. By this act, Antony was unpopular for a long time. When he exhibited plays in Pompeius' theatre, he was driven out from it with the curses of the people from the shows that he put on.''
5591. Caesar Octavian held plays on horseback because of the death of Sextus Pompeius. He set up a chariot for the honour of Antony before the rostrum and statues in the temple of Concorde. He gave Antony permission to banquet there with his wife and children as it was formerly decreed to himself. For as yet he pretended to be his friend and comforted Antony concerning the Parthian expedition. Antony told him what envy there was risen against him by reason of the Sicilian victory and the honours decreed to him for it. (??) {Dio, l. 49. p. 403.}
3970a AM, 4679 JP, 35 BC
5592. In the feast of tabernacles, the new high priest, Aristobulus who had just turned seventeen years old, offered the sacrifice according to the law. He was clothed in the priestly attire and came to the altar and performed the ceremony with all decency. He was quite handsome and taller than usual for one that old. He bore in his countenance the honour of his lineage and won the affection of all the multitude. Everyone recalled the worthy and memorable actions of his grandfather Aristobulus. They were overcome with affection for him and were so overjoyed that they could not contain themselves. They publicly prayed for him and wished him all joy and that more freely than was fit under such a king, proclaimed publicly the memory and thanks they owed to that family for all their benefits. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.}
5593. As soon as the feast was ended, he was entertained at a banquet by his mother Alexandra. King Herod courteously enticing the young man into a convenient place and pretended to jest with him after the manner of young men. Because that place was too hot and they were quickly weary, they left their games and went to the fish pools that were near the court to take in the fresh air at noon. At first they saw some of their friends and servants as they were swimming. At length the young man also, by the persuasion of Herod, went in among them. Then those to whom this charge was given, dunked him as he was swimming, as it were in sport and jest. They held him under water and did not stop until he drowned. This was the end of Aristobulus in the eighteenth year of his age and the first of his high priesthood which immediately reverted to Ananelus. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.}
5594. Now when this accident was reported to the women, they were all in an uproar and did nothing but weep and howl over the dead body of the young man. Sorrow seized the whole city, as soon as the rumour was spread abroad and every house bewailed the calamity as if it had been their own. Herod endeavoured by all means to make people believe, that this accident happened without his knowledge. He pretended to be sorrowful but also tears and grief very like to true grief. So that he might comfort the women more, he buried the body with a most magnificent funeral. He was extremely liberal in adorning his monument and in perfumes and other precious things. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.}
5595. His mother Alexandra, although she was often ready to commit suicide since she knew all what happened yet she repressed her passion. She behaved as if she was not suspicious as if she had thought that her son had not been killed on purpose until some occasion of revenge might offer itself. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 3.}
3970b AM, 4680 JP, 34 BC
5596. Antony sought some way how he might the more easily be revenged of Artavasdes, the king of Armenia. He sent Q. Dellius to him and he asked and added many promises also that there might be a marriage between his daughter and Antony's son Alexander (whom he had by Cleopatra.) Finally, he suddenly came in the beginning of the spring to Nicopolis, a city in the lesser Armenia that was built by Pompey. From there he sent for him to come, as though he would make use of both his advise and help in the Parthian war. Artavasdes suspected treachery and did not come. {Dio, l. 49. p. 475.}
5597. Alexandria was incensed by her grief to a desire of revenge, and told Cleopatra by letters of the treachery of Herod and also of the lamentable death of her son. Cleopatra who for a long time was desirous to help her and then pitying the woman's misfortune, took particular care of this business herself. She never stopped nagging Antony to revenge the young man's death and told him it was an unpardonable act that he that by his help had enjoyed a kingdom that rightfully belonged to another and behaved with such insolent rage against the lawful family of the kings. Antony was persuaded by these words. After he came into Laodicea in Syria, he sent for Herod to come before him, to answer to the crime against him about the death of Aristobulus. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.}
5598. Herod committed the care of the kingdom to his Uncle Joseph and ordered him secretly that if Antony should do any harm to him then Joseph should execute his wife Mariamme. He told Joseph that he loved her so much, that he should esteem it a wrong done to himself, if any one should enjoy her beauty even after his death. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.}
5599. Herod went to Antony and so appeased him with his presents which he had brought from Jerusalem for this purpose and so appeased his anger by with many conferences that after this Cleopatra's charges carried less weight with him. Antony denied that it was fitting that a king should give an account of his actions otherwise he would cease to be a king. For having once given him the honour of being a king he should have the free power to do as he wished. He also said that Cleopatra should not meddle too much with other men's governments. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.}
5600. When Joseph governed the kingdom that was committed to him, he talked at various times with Mariamme. Sometimes it was about business and partly to honour her. He often mentioned how much Herod loved her which made the other ladies laugh, especially Alexandra. He was so trying to vindicate the king's love to them that he told them the secret command the king had given him. He thought that this was the best argument of his love because he could neither endure to live without her nor in death be parted from her. The ladies did not interpret it as an indubitable sign of Herod's love but abhorred his tyrannical mind, who though he were dead would yet seek their life. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.}
5601. In the interim, a rumour spread in the city that the king was put to death by Antony. This disturbed all the court especially the ladies. Alexandra also persuaded Joseph that he should take them with him and he should flee to the ensigns of the Roman legions. They were around the city, Joseph should seek the protection of the tribune, Julius so that if at first there should be any troubles about the court, they would be safe and in the favour of the Romans. Moreover it was hoped that Mariamme could obtain anything, if she should ever see Antony and might also recover the kingdom and whatever belonged to the royal family. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4}
5602. As they were holding this meeting, Herod's letters arrived that quashed the rumour. He wrote of what honours Antony had shown for him in public assemblies and by inviting him to feasts. He said that Antony did this even during the accusations of Cleopatra, who was desirous of that country and fought by all means to destroy him that she might usurp that kingdom. However, since Antony had showed himself just, no great danger was expected and he should shortly return after he had his kingdom and alliance confirmed by Antony. There was no hope left now for the covetousness of Cleopatra, since Antony had granted her Coelosyria, instead of what she had demanded. It was given on the condition that she would never again demand Judah or mention this matter to him. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4}
5603. As soon as these letters were received, the reason for fleeing to the Romans vanished but their resolution to do so was not hidden. As soon as Herod had brought Antony some part of the way against the Parthians, (for so he pretended) he returned into Judea. Immediately his sister, Salome and his mother Salome, told him what Alexandra intended to do with her friends. Salome was not content with this but accused her husband Joseph, as if he had been too familiar with Mariamme. She did this from an old grudge, because the queen was a woman of a high spirit and among other women's chatter, she had upbraided her for her lowly birth. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4}
5604. Mariamme had testified to Herod by oath to her chastity and Herod had told her again how much he loved her. She denied that it was wrong for a lover to order that if he should die that also his wife should be put to death. Herod thought this secret could never be known unless she had committed adultery with Joseph. He wanted to kill her for this but he was overcome with love and he barely restrained himself from doing this. However, he ordered Joseph to be put to death and did not so much as allow him to come into his presence. He also put Alexandra into prison since she was the cause of all these evils. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 4.}
5605. In the meanwhile the affairs of Syria were unsettled. Cleopatra never failed to bias Antony against all men and persuaded him to take everyone's government from him and to give it to her. She wanted Judea and Arabia to be given to her and taken from the two kings, Herod and Malchus. She plotted their destruction. However, Antony thought it was unjust to put two such great kings to death as a favour to an importunate woman. In spite of this he no more counted them as his friends and took part of their country from them and gave it to Cleopatra. Moreover, he gave her all the cities which lie between the Eleutherus River and Egypt except for Tyre and Sidon. He knew these were always free cities although by her earnest intreaties she tried to get them also. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13. l. 7. c. 28. Antiq. l. 15. c. 4.}
5606. Thus Cleopatra, by the bounty of Antony, enjoyed a large part of Cilicia, the country of Judea where the balsam grows, Arabia, Nabatea which was Malchus' country, (that is all that bordered the sea) Ituraea, Phoenicia, Coelosyria, Cyprus and some part of Crete. Antony greatly offended the people of Rome with his large gifts. They were upset by the immorality of Cleopatra from whom he had twins previously, Alexandra and Cleopatra, (whom he named one the Sun, and the other the Moon) and also Ptolemy, whom she named Philadelphus. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 36. 9:219 c. 54. 9:263} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:425} {Livy, l. 132.} Cleopatra is said to have understood many languages so that she did not need an interpreter but could speak either Ethiopian, Troglodita, Hebrew, Arabian, Syrian, Mede and Parthian. Her predecessors, the kings of Egypt, scarcely understood the Egyptian languages and some also of them had forgotten the Macedonian language. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 27. 9:197}
5607. Cleopatra accompanied Antony, who was going with his army into Armenia, as far as the Euphrates River. She returned and on the way she visited Apamea and Damascus. Then she came into Judea. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 5.}
5608. The third summer after Lepidus was put out of office by Caesar Octavian in Silicia, Antony undertook his expedition into Armenia {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82. 1:223} after the death of Sextus Pompeius. {*Appian, l. 5. 4:617} He again sent Q. Dellius to the king of Armenia to confer with him while he quickly went to Artaxata, {*Dio, l. 49. b. 5:421}
5609. Cleopatra was entertained by Herod in Judea and he assured her of that part of Arabia that was granted to her by Antony and the revenues of Jericho also were hers. This country bears balsam which was the most precious of all ointments and only grows there. Also there is a large supply of dates. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 5.} The balsam is grown only in the land of Judea and is only in two gardens both of which belonged to the king. One was 20 acres large and the other was smaller. {*Pliny, l. 12. c. 54. 4:79}
5610. By this, Herod became good friends with Cleopatra. She tried to allure him by her wiles either through the intemperance of her lust or else seeking an occasion too by this for her treachery. She only pretended love and Herod refused her. He had a meeting with his friends about killing her but was restrained from this attempt by them. He appeased Cleopatra by generous presents and all manner of attentive service. He accompanied her as far as Pelusium. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13. Antiq. l. 15. c. 5.} He was afraid of her and also of the Jewish people. He made that castle as a refuge for himself and stored as many arms there as would be needed for 10,000 men. {Josephus, Wars, l. 7. c. 28.}
5611. In Armenia, Antony induced King Artavasdes to come to him. He had his friends persuade him as well he frightened him with the size of his forces. The king was deceived by his many promises since Antony always behaved like his friend in his letters and deeds. He come into his camp upon his assurance and was apprehended. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:421} {Livy, l. 131.} {*Strabo. l. 11. 5:339} {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82. 1:255} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 50. 9:255} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}
5612. As soon as Antony had taken him, he carried him about the citadels where his treasure was stored. He did not put him in fetters and hoped to get the treasure without any fighting. He pretended that he took him captive only to get his money from the Armenians for their freedom and his kingdom. This was all in vain since those who kept the treasure, would not obey him. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:421}
5613. Those Armenians who bore arms, made his oldest son Artaxias the king instead of Artavasdes or Artabazes who was taken prisoner. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:421} {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 5.} Antony bound Artavasdes with silver chains as if it were a lowly thing for a king to be tied with iron fetters. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:423} By his silver chains he compelled him to confess where the royal treasure was. When he captured the town where he told him the treasure was stored, he took from there a large amount of gold and silver. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 11.}
5614. After these things, Antony subdued all Armenia either by force or voluntary surrender. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:423} {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 5.} When Artaxias engaged him in a battle, he was defeated and fled to the Parthians. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:423} Antony led Artavasdes bound with his sons, who were princes, into Egypt as a present to Cleopatra along with whatever was valuable in that kingdom. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13. Antiq., l. 15. c. 5.}
5615. At Rome on the 13th (ides) of September, C. Sosius the proconsul triumphed for Judea. This appears in the marble triumphal records. {Gruter, Inscript. p. 297.}
3971a AM, 4680 JP, 34 BC
5616. Antony obtained for a stricter tie of friendship, the daughter of Artarasdes, the king of Media for a marriage with his son. He left his army in Armenia and he returned into Egypt with his enormous plunder. When he entered Alexandria in a chariot, he led before him among other captives, Artavasdes or Artabazes, the king of Armenia with his wife and children. {*Dio. l. 49. 5:423} The Romans were discontented by this as if the best possessions of their country, should be shared with the Egyptians as a favour to Cleopatra. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 54. 9:261}
5617. Antony presented Artavasdes, with his family in chains of gold, before Cleopatra, in an assembly of the people. She was on silver plated platform and sat in a chair of gold. The barbarians neither reverenced her, nor fell on their knees, (although they were often ordered to do so by threats and promises.) They only called her by her own name and for this they were thought to be high spirited and suffered all the more. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:425}
5618. Antony feasted the Alexandrians and assembled the people into the show place where the young men exercise themselves. On the high silver platform, he placed two golden chairs, one for himself and another for Cleopatra and smaller chairs for his children. He then made a speech to the people and decreed that Cleopatra should be called Queen of Kings and her son and partner in the kingdom, namely, Ptolemy Caesarion, King of Kings. He gave them Egypt and Cyprus in a different division which he had previously made. He told them also that Cleopatra was the wife of Caesar the dictator and that Caesarion was his lawful son. He pretended that he spoke this in love for Caesar so that he might make Octavian hated. Octavian was not Caesar's son but only an adopted son. Antony allocated lands to the children whom he had by Cleopatra. He gave Lybia Cyreniaca to their daughter, Cleopatra. He gave Armenia to her brother, Alexander and promised also Media and Parthia and all those countries that lie beyond the Euphrates River even to India after he had conquered them. He also gave to Ptolemy (surnamed Philadelphus) Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia, and all the country on this side of the Euphrates River to the Hellespont. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 54. 9:263} {*Dio, l. 49. 5:425}
5619. Antony also brought out his other sons, Alexander in the clothes of the Medes and wearing the Persian clothes and a turban. Ptolemy came in slippers and cloak with a crown about it. These were the clothes of Alexander the Great's successors and the other of the Medes and Armenians. And as soon as the lads had greeted their parents, the Macedonians were to guard the one and the Armenians the other. Whenever Cleopatra appeared in public, she wore the clothes of the goddess Isis and so spoke to all her subjects in the name of the new Isis. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 54. 9:263} She also ordered that she should be called Isis and the Selene and Antony, the new Osiris and Father Bacchus (Liber) since he was crowned with ivy and wore buskins. He was carried at Alexandria in a chariot like Father Liber. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82. 1:225} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:445} &&& Antony, Mark - Called new Osiris and the Father Bacchus
3971b AM, 4681 JP, 33 BC
5620. Antony went as far as the Araxis River as if he intended to make war on the Parthians. He thought he had accomplished enough by making an alliance with Artarasdes, the king of the Medes. Antony and the Mede promised each other mutual assistance, the one against the Parthians and the other against Caesar. To seal the pact, they exchanged some soldiers. Antony also gave the Mede, part of Armenia that he had recently seized and received from him his daughter Iotape who was very young, to be in time a wife for his son Alexander (born of Cleopatra,) to whom he had given the kingdom of Armenia, which also Livy also confirmed. {Livy, l. 131.} The Mede also gave him the ensigns that were taken from Statianus. {*Dio. l. 49. 5:431,433} {*Plutarch, in Antony, c. 52. 9:255,257}
5621. After peace was made with the Medes, Antony gave to Polemon the Lesser Armenia. He also gave the consulship to L. Cluavius (or Cluvius) who was with him and he took him with him. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:432,433}
5622. Caesar Octavian in the senate and before the people, frequently accused Antony and incensed the people against him. Antony also sent recriminations against him. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 55. 9:263} Caesar among other things, complained that Antony held Egypt that was not assigned to him. He had killed Sextus Pompeius, whom (as he said) he had willingly let escape. He had treacherously taken Artavasdes and put him in prison. He had brought great infamy upon the people of Rome. Caesar demanded also some of the spoils. Above all Caesar upbraided him for his conduct with Cleopatra and the children that he had by her and the countries that he had given to her. He was especially upset because he had brought Caesarion, the son of Cleopatra, into the family of Caesar. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:437} Antony affirmed to the senate that he was acknowledged so by Julius Caesar and that C. Marius, C. Oppius, and the other friends of Julius Caesar knew this. Caius Oppius, as if the business needed a defence wrote a book, and said that Caesarion was not Caesar's son whom Cleopatra said was. {Suetonius, in Julius, c. 52.}
5623. When Antony was in Armenia, he ordered Canidius to go to the sea with 16 legions. However, he took Cleopatra with him and went to Ephesus where his fleets were all to meet. There were 800 ships of which Cleopatra promised 200 ships, 20,000 talents and provisions for all the army during the war. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 56. 9:265}
5624. Antony by the advice of Domitius and some others, ordered Cleopatra to return to Egypt and there to wait the result of the war. However, she feared that Antony and Octavia may be reconciled and she persuaded Canidius with large bribes that he would speak to Antony for her. He was to say that it was not fair that she should be sent back when she had brought so much for the war effort. It would not be good that the Egyptians should be discouraged who made up a large part of the naval forces. Antony was convinced and they assembled their forces and sailed to Samos where they gave themselves over to pleasure. Just as it was ordered that all kings, governors, tetrarchs, countries and cities that were between Syria, Meotis, Armenia and Lauria should help in the war, likewise it was ordered that all the dramatic artists meet at Samos. Whereas almost all the world was filled with weeping and wailing, this one island alone resounded with piping and singing for many days. All the theatre was full of these common players. Every city sent over for sacrifices and the kings strove among themselves who should make the greatest feast and give the greatest presents so that it was normally said:
``What will they do when they are conquerors in a triumph, when for the very preparation for the war is made with such sumptuousness?'' {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 66. 9:267}
5625. From here Antony sailed to Athens and there gave himself wholly over to see plays and shows. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 67. 9:267} He went with a staff of gold, and a Persian sword by his side, a purple robe buttoned with precious stones and a crown so that a king might enjoy a queen. {*Florus, l. 2. c. 21. 1:325}
5626. The king of Media used the help of the Romans that Antony had left with him and defeated the Parthians and Artaxes (or Artaxias the Armenian) that came against him. {*Dio, l. 49. 9:433}
3972a AM, 4681 JP, 33 BC
5627. Herod duly paid the tributes of the countries of Judea and Arabia which Cleopatra had received from Antony. He thought it was not safe to give her any reason for ill will against him. Herod had undertaken to collect the tribute from Arabia and for some time paid 200 talents yearly. Later he was slow and negligent and scarcely paid her half and that very negligently. {Joseph. l. 15. c. 5.}
5628. Caesar and Antony mutually accused each other and mutually defended themselves. This was sometimes done with private letters sent between them. (Among those which Antony sent Caesar was most petulant, {Suetonius, in Octavian} where Suetonius said that he began to live with Queen Cleopatra, whom he affirms to have been his wife for nine years.) Some letters were sent publicly. Caesar publicly pleaded his case and Antony through his letters. On these occasions, they often sent ambassadors one to another so that they might more fully show their cause to be just and spy on the affairs of the adversary. In the mean while, they got money together, as if it had been for some other purpose and prepared for war as if it had been against other enemies. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:437,439}
3972b AM, 4682 JP, 32 BC
5629. The new consul at Rome, Caius Sosius (who had triumphed for Judea) on the first day of January made a long speech in the senate praising Antony and criticising Caesar. (Gnaeus Domitius, his colleague because he had endured many calamities previous, did not get involved.) Sosius was ready to make an edict against Caesar who had purposefully left the city, had not Nonius Balbus, the tribune of the people, opposed it. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:439}
5630. Antony wrote to Rome to confirm that the allocation of lands that he had made at Alexandria of the country between Cleopatra and her children. In spite of this, these letters were not read publicly. Domitius and Sosius, the consuls who most favoured Antony forbid it. Caesar desired that all things might be made public. Since their opinion prevailed, Caesar had the senate agree that none of those that were written would be read concerning Artavasdes with whom Caesar had privately consulted with against Antony and he also begrudged Antony a triumph. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:425,427}
5631. The senate convened and Caesar sat between the consuls in the curule chair, surrounded by his friends and soldiers. They carried concealed weapons. When he at length defended himself and accused Sosius and Antony and saw that neither any other nor the consuls themselves dared say a word, he ordered them to meet again on a certain day. He would show them the wrongs of Antony in writing. The consuls did not dare to oppose him nor were they able to hold their peace. They left the city privately before the day came and went to Antony. Many of the senators followed them. When Caesar knew of this, he said that any one his side was also free to go to Antony in safety lest he should seem to have been forsaken by them for some wrong he had done them. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:439,441} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.}
5632. After the consuls left, Caesar convened a senate and did and said what he wanted to. When Antony heard this, he called a council of his friends and after many arguments on both sides, he declared war. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:441} He ordered a divorce to be declared to his wife, Octavia, the sister of Caesar. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:441} {Livy, l. 132.} {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}
5633. Later he sent some men to Rome, to put Octavia out of his house. She went and took with her all Antony's children whom he had by Fulvia except the oldest who lived with his father. She wept and wailed exceedingly because she seemed to be one cause of the civil war. The people of Rome did not so much pity her as Antony and much more those that had seen Cleopatra who was not superior to Octavia in beauty nor youth. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 57. 9:267,269}
5634. When Caesar heard of the sudden and large preparations of Antony, he was very astonished and feared he should be forced to fight that summer. Caesar was very short of money and vexed the people of Italy with his exactions. It was Antony's most serious fault for delaying the battle. This gave Caesar time to prepare and to settle the uproar over his extractions. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:269}
5635. After King Herod had settled the troubles of Judea and had taken Hyrcanium, (a town which the sister of Antigonus had kept), the war at Actium started in the 187th Olympiad (which was this summer.) Herod made large preparations for the helping of Antony however Antony relieved him of this by saying he did not require them. After Antony heard from Cleopatra and others of the wrong doings of the Arabians that refused to pay the tribute Antony imposed, Antony ordered Herod to make war on the Arabians. Cleopatra also persuaded Antony that it would be for her profit. She hoped that if Herod would defeat the Arabians then she would be the mistress of Arabia. If the Arabians defeated Herod then she would be the mistress of Judea. Therefore Herod returned home by Antony's orders and kept his army there. Soon he invaded Arabia with a good army of foot soldiers and cavalry. He went to Diospolis where the Arabians met him and after a fierce battle, the Jews got the victory. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 14. Antiq. l. 15. c. 6.}
5636. Titius and Plancus were the best friends to Antony and had previously been consuls. They knew all Antony's plans and were secretly envied by Cleopatra because they were much against her presence in this war. They fled to Caesar who willingly entertained them. Caesar learned all Antony's actions and counsels as well as the contents of his will and its location. They were witnesses to it and knew the contents. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:269} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:441} Concerning Plancus' actions (who was formerly secretary to Antony and later Antony made him proconsul of Asia and then of Syria) and of his and Titius' flight, see Velleius. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 83. 1:225}
5637. Antony's will was deposited with the vestal virgins who refused to turn it over to Caesar. However, if he came and took it, they said they would not stop him. Therefore he went and took it. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:269} At first he read it privately and noted some places that were objectionable. Later, he read it publicly in the senate and then to the people. Many were offended that while a man was alive, he should give an account of things to be done after his death. Although it was considered very unjust to do this, yet those things which were contained in the will were of such a nature, that they removed all envy from Caesar for his actions. Antony's will stated that Caesarion was indeed the very son of Caesar the dictator. He counted the children whom he had by Cleopatra among his heirs and bestowed large gifts on them. Concerning his funeral, it said that even if he had died at Rome, he should be carried through the forum and sent to Alexandria to Cleopatra. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 58. 9:271} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 17.} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:441,443}
5638. These things so enraged everyone against Antony, that they believed all things to be true that were reported of him. They thought that Antony, if he should get the power into his hands, would give Rome itself to Cleopatra and move the empire to Egypt. Moreover, all men were so angry with him, that not only his enemies but also his friends blamed him very much. They were astonished at the reading of the will and come to the same conclusion Caesar did about Antony. {*Dio. l. 50. 5:423}
5639. The recent runaway Plancus stated many horrible things against Antony in the senate. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 1. c. 83. 1:227} Calvius, or Clavisius, a friend of Caesar's upbraided Antony also as actions done as a favour to Cleopatra. Most of his charges were thought to be false. However, Antony's friends were intercessors to the people for him. They sent Geminius into Greece to Antony to desire that he would take heed that the empire should not be taken from him and that he should not be declared an enemy to the state. At supper time Geminius was provoked by Cleopatra and told her that all things would go well if she went to Egypt. However, he feared the queen's anger and he was forced to flee as fast as he could to Rome. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 59. 9:273}
5640. As soon as Caesar was sufficiently prepared, he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra. The consulship also (for Antony was appointed consul for the next year) was taken from him as well as all his other power which he had committed to the pleasure of a woman. It is said also that Cleopatra by her charms had so besotted Antony that he was not his own man. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 60. 9:275} {*Dio, l. 50, 5:443} She had so enthralled him that she made him the overseer of the exercises of the Alexandrians and she was called by him queen and lady. She had Roman soldiers in her guard and all of them had written on their shields the name of Cleopatra. She went also into the forum with Antony and helped him put on plays; she sat with him in judgment; she rode horseback with him; she rode in a chariot in the cities while Antony followed her on foot with the eunuchs. In short, she was so bold as to hope for the government over the Romans as if she did at any time. She always swore by a great oath as she hoped to make laws in the capitol. (*Dio, p. 421. 422.) She also, through her womanish desire, wished to reign in Rome. {Eutropius, l. 7.} Horace wrote about this: {Horace, l. 1, Ode. 37.}
This Queen did to
The Capitol provide,
And Empire, ruin,
Joining to her side
The dregs of the World, being above hope now,
Ravished with madam fortune's pleasing brow.
5641. Ovid stated: {Ovid, Metamorphos, l. 15.}
------The Egyptian spouse shall fall,
Ill trusting to her Roman General,
To make our stately Capitol obey
Of proud Canopus shall in vain assay.
5642. If Antony had been declared an enemy, those who were with him, except those who had defected from him, would likewise have been accounted enemies. Lest it should happen, (for the power of his friends was to be feared) he was not in word declared an enemy though he was an enemy indeed. Impunity and commendations were propounded to those who should forsake Antony. However war was publicly proclaimed against Cleopatra whom they knew would never forsake him. It sufficed that this crime might be objected against him that he of his own accord had undertaken a war against his own country by whom he was never offended on the behalf of an Egyptian woman and as if there had now been an actual war. They took their soldiers' coats and went to the temple of Bellona. There Caesar, as if he had been an herald, performed all those things by their orders that were accustomed to be done after the manner of the Romans before the war was started. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:443,445} They added moreover that now those that were to make war with the Romans were Macedonian eunuchs and Pothinus and Iras that trimmed Cleopatra's hair and Charmium (Nairas and Carmio, Gala says were Cleopatra's Maids, {Gala, de Theriaca ad Posonim}) by whom the greatest affairs of Antony's empire were managed. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 60. 9:273,275}
5643. After this, the youth were called earnestly to arms by both sides. Money was coined and all things which were necessary for the war were provided. The preparation for this war was far greater than all the former wars because so many countries sent help to each side. Caesar got help from all Italy, France, Spain, Illyricum, both the Aricks, Sardinia, Sicily, and other islands that lay near the previously mentioned continents. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:447} He had 250 warships, 80,000 foot soldiers and 12,000 cavalry. Antony had more than 500 warships of which some had eight or ten tiers of oars. They were furnished sumptuously and fit for a triumph. He had 100,000 foot soldiers and as many cavalry as Caesar had, 12,000 cavalry. Antony got help from the kings who were his subjects: Bocchus, king of Africa, (that was ousted of his kingdom by the Romans) Tarcondemus, (or Tarcondimotus) of the Upper Cilicia, Archelaus of Cappadocia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithridates of Commagena, and Adallas, king of Thracia. These were personally present in the war. Polemon sent help from Pontus, Malchus, from Arabia and Herod from Judea as well as Amyntas, King of Lyconia and Galatia. Antony also commanded all from the Euphrates River and Armenia, even to the Ionian Sea and Illyricum and from Cyrene to Ethiopia, {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 61. 9:275,277} Thereupon all the countries of the continent of Asia who obeyed the Romans, namely, Thracia, Greece, Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrene, with the borders and all the neighbouring islands and almost all kings and princes and all who only bordered on that part of the Roman Empire. These obeyed Antony. Some came in person, others sent their generals (as it is said) and helped Antony. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:449}
5644. Supplies also were sent to him from the king of the Medes. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 61. 9:277} When Antony saw this he sent them back and recalled his own soldiers whom he had lent to the Medes. That king defeated Phraates, King of the Parthians, and Artaxes (or Artaxias) King of the Armenians. By this Armenia (which Antony had recently conquered) was lost together with Media from the Romans. {*Dio, l. 49. 5:433}
5645. Antony feared even the over attentiveness of Cleopatra herself when he was preparing for the war at Actium. He would not eat anything that had not been previously tasted. She is said by this means to have purged him of this fear. She dipped the uppermost flowers of her garland in poison and put the garland on her own head. Immediately, in the height of their mirth, she invited Antony to drink their garlands. When Antony took it from his head and he put it into the cup and began to drink. She, with her hand, stopped him and said:
``I am she, my dear Antony, who you provide by this new craze for tasters. Do you think that either occasion or invention is lacking, if I could live without you?''
5646. Then she called for a prisoner and ordered him to drink it. He soon died. {*Pliny, l. 21. c. 9. 6:169}
5647. Herod had routed the largest part of the Arabian army at Cana in Coelosyria. Athenio, the general of Queen Cleopatra in that country, hated Herod and assembled a number of the natives and joined with the Arabians. They made a large slaughter of the Jews in the rough and difficult places (with which the enemy was better acquainted.) When the king saw that his men were put to the worse, he sent men on horseback, to bring new troops. However, he hurried as fast as possible to the Jew's camp only to find the enemy had taken it. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 6.}
3973a AM, 4682 JP, 32 BC
5648. From that time on, Herod began to make incursions and to prey on the Arabians. He always camped on the mountains and always avoided to come to a set battle. He was successful by this in that he accustomed his men to labour and continual exercise. He prepared himself to blot out the infamy of his former defeat. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 6}
5649. Antony, intended to go into Italy and to carry on the war there before his enemies were aware. When he came to Coreyra, he heard that some light ships which were sent out for spies were anchored by the Ceraunian Mountains. He suspected that Caesar was come with his whole fleet and went back again into Peloponesus, (for it was now at the end of Autumn) and wintered at Patara. He sent his soldiers into all places that they might guard them better and that there might be a better supply of food for them. {*Dio, l. 50. p. 5:453}
3973b AM, 4683 JP, 31 BC
5650. Caesar sailed from Brundusium and went as far as Corcyra. He thought to attack by surprise the enemy as they were on the way to Actium. He was thwarted by a storm and forced to return. Thus he missed his chance. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:457}
5651. While Herod made inroads on the land of Arabia in the seventh year of his reign (calculated here and hereafter from the death of Antigonus in the month of August 38 BC.) The war at Actium had now begun. In the beginning of the spring, Judea was shaken with an earthquake like it never had before. In the ruins of the houses, 10,000 men were killed. The soldiers were unharmed because they were in the open fields. This calamity was made much worse when the Arabians who were their enemies found out about it. They became quite proud as if all the cities of the Jews were overthrown and all the men were dead so that there were no enemies left. For this reason they laid hold of the ambassadors of the Jews, who in this affliction, came to ask for peace. They slew them and soon prepared for war with all earnestness. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 14. Antiq. l. 15. c. 7.)
5652. Herod encouraged his men and offered sacrifices according to the custom. He quickly marched with his army over Jordan and camped at Philadelphia. The battle started over the citadel that was located between him and the Arabians. The Jews won and forced the dismayed enemy to another battle. There, after continual skirmishes, the Arabians were put to flight. In the rout, they trod under foot their own men when the Jews pursued them. They lost 5000 men and the rest were besieged in their camp and very short of water. They sent ambassadors to Herod whom he despised. They were more earnest and offered 50 talents for their freedom because they were so short of water. Finally, they came out in companies and surrendered to the Jews. Thus 4000 captives were taken in five days. On the fifth day the rest that were in the camp came out to fight, but they were defeated and 7000 men died. By this defeat the courage of the Arabians was subdued and Herod was declared governor of that country by them. He returned home with great glory. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 8, 9.}
5653. Hillel, a Babylonian of the family of David, lived at Jerusalem 100 years before the Jewish account of the destruction of the temple. This is taken from the Gemora Babylonic. tractat. tbf c. 1. He had a large number of disciples of which one was Jonathan, the son of Uzziel, the famous author of the Chaldee Paraphrase of the prophets. The Pharisees were divided into two sects from a difference arising between Hillel and Sammaius (or Sameas concerning whom was formerly spoken from Josephus.) the Pharisees Jerome, {Jerome l. 3.} commentary on Isa 8:14 stated this:
``The Nazarites (such are those who received Christ and yet observed the old law) interpret the two houses of Sammaius and Hillel as two families from whom sprung the scribes and Pharisees.''
5654. He adds moreover:
``Sammaius and Hillel, (or their two houses, of which there is so often mention made in the Talmud) sprang not up long before the Lord was born.''
5655. Phraates, the king of the Parthians, became more insolent by the victory he had over Antony. He dealt more cruelly than before and was driven into exile by his own subjects. Tiridates was made the new king. {Justin, l. 42. c. 5.} {*Dio. l. 51 6:51}
5656. A certain Midian persuaded the Mysians of Asia to revolt from Antony and with their help they made war there against Antony. {*Dio, l. 51. 6:7}
5657. Antony went to Actium where he had appointed to meet his fleet and was not disturbed when he found that almost a third of his sailors had starved to death. He said:
``Well the oars are safe, for I will not lack rowers, as long as Greece has any men.'' {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.}
5658. Thereupon the captains conscripted the travellers, mule drivers, harvesters and young men. In spite of this the ships were not fully manned and many were empty. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 62. 9:277}
5659. Asinius Pollio stayed in Italy all the while after the peace was concluded at Brundusium and had never seen Cleopatra or after that, when Antony was so taken with the love of her, was he active on Antony's side. When Caesar asked if he would go with him to the war at Actium, he replied:
``My services to Antony are too great, his favours to me are more known, therefore I will have nothing to do with your difference with him but will be the prize of the conqueror.'' {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 86. 1:233}
5660. M. Agrippa was sent ahead by Caesar, and captured many cargo ships loaded with grain and arms as they were coming from Egypt, Syria, and Asia to help Antony. He crossed over the bay of Peloponesus and conquered Methona which was fortified with a strong garrison by Antony. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} He killed Bogud there. He determined the best places for the cargo ships to arrive. From there he went into various places in Greece and very much troubled Antony. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:459}
5661. Caesar was encouraged by these results and went from Brundusium with 230 ships having their prows armed and all his forces. He sailed into Epirus after he crossed the Ionian Sea. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:459} {Livy, l. 132} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 62. 9:279} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} He met his foot soldiers whom he had drawn within the Ceraunian Mountains to Actium. He seized with his ships Corcyra which was left without a garrison. He anchored at Fresh Harbour because the harbour was not salty. From there he went with his fleet to Actium where the most of Antony's fleet was also anchored. Then he camped at that place where he later built Nicopolis. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:461,463}
5662. When Antony saw his enemies sailing towards him as soon as it was day, he feared that they would take his ships. He lacked men to defend thema and placed his sailors on the forecastle in arms. He ordered them to hold up their oars on both sides of the ships as if they had been soldiers. So he kept them in the mouth of the harbour at Actium with the prows towards the enemy as if they had been well furnished with rowers and ready for a fight. Caesar was fooled by this stratagem and returned. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:279}
5663. Marcus Agrippa sailed to Leucas and took the island and the ships that were in it from under the very nose of Antony's fleet. He also seized Patoae after defeating Q. Asidius in a naval battle and later took Corinth. {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:229} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}
5664. Marcus Titius and Statilius Taurus suddenly attacked Antony's cavalry and routed them. They also joined in a league with Philadelphus, King of Paphlagonia. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}
5665. Cneus Domitius a very gallant man, who alone of all Antony's party, refused to greet Cleopatra except but by her own name and was extremely hated by the queen. He defected to Caesar by going through great and imminent danger. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465} {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:229} When he was sick with a fever, he took a little boat and went over to Caesar. Although Antony took it badly, he opposed Cleopatra's wishes and sent him all his baggage together with his friends and servants. Domitius, as though he repented of his public treasons, died soon after {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281} because he seemed to have fled from Antony, as though he despaired of Antony's good fortune. Many followed his example. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}
5666. Antony began to despair and suspected all his friends of whom among others, he put to death by torture, Jamblichus a king of part of Arabia. He ordered that some should be torn in pieces including Q. Posthumius, a senator. Antony feared lest Quintus Dellius and Amyntas, King of Galatia, who had been sent into Macedonia and Thracia to hire soldiers should defect to Caesar. He went after them as if it were to help them if the enemy should attack them. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}
5667. In the meantime Sosius on Antony's side, hoped that if he should attack L. Tauresius, who with a few ships kept a guard against Antony's fleet, before the arrival of Agrippa, who was Caesar's admiral, he might do some great exploit. Early in the morning, he suddenly attacked him. He took advantage of a fog lest when Tauresius saw the number of his ships, he should flee. He defeated Tauresius in the first conflict and chased him. By chance he was met by Agrippa hence he did not overtake Tauresius or receive any reward for his victory. However, Sosius was killed along with Tarcondimotus and many others. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:465}
5668. This defeat, as well as the defeat of his cavalry by Caesar's guard, changed Antony's mind about having his camp opposite the enemies' camp. Therefore he left it by night and went to the other side of the Ambracian Gulf where his larger forces were camped. Since he was blockaded from getting provisions, he held a council. He wanted to decide whether they should go to battle now or leave that place and fight the war later. {*Dio, l. 50. 5:467}
5669. Canidius, who commanded the legions and was the reason Antony brought Cleopatra with him, now changed his mind and persuaded him to send her back again. Antony should then go into Thracia or Macedonia and then decide the matter in a land battle because he was stronger on land and also he might make use of the fresh troops that Dicomes the King of the Betae sent. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281}
5670. However, Cleopatra and Antony were frightened by some prodigies. Because of these and the low morale, Cleopatra prevailed with Antony that the war should be decided in a naval battle. However, she prepared for her flight and packed her baggage as if she did not think they would win and all was lost. She planned how she could more easily escape. They determined not to secretly steal away as if they fled, lest they should strike fear into the army since it was already prepared for battle. However, if any would oppose them, that they might by brute force make their way into Egypt. {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:467}
5671. Velleius Paterculus says, {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:229} that King Amyntas, but Plutarch stated that both he and Dejotarus defected to Caesar. Q. Dellius the historian also defected to Caesar, (to whom the third Ode of the second book Carmin of Horace was written.) He was either afraid of the treacheries of Cleopatra, which he said Glaucus, her physician told him of or else he followed his old pattern. He had defected from Dolabella to Cassius and from Cassius to Antony. He was called by Messala Corinus, the vaulter of the civil wars. {Seneca, in Orat. Suasor. 1.} {*Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 84. 1:229} {*Plutarch, Antony, c. 63. 9:281} {*Dio, l. 50. 5:485}