5477. But yet this interval of time exceeds the true account by one year unless you interpret metaeth kz, in the year after the twenty seventh, as in Mr 8:31. It is said that Christ shall rise again, meta ptirieth Chonok after three days which is more clearly explained Mt 16:21 thpeith imira on the third day. In /APC 2Ma 14:1 moqrieth chirth after the time of three years. The interpreters explain it to be the third year. In the Catalogue of the Station, of Julius Africanus, 211th Olympiad the games of Olympus are said to be celebrated by Nero not at a lawful time, but mita xth dno, that is, in the second year of that Olympiad. {in Graec. Eusebian. Scaligeri. p. 221.} Even in Josephus himself that {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 11.) stated dentef outj
5478. After the city was captured, it was filled with murdered bodies. The Romans were incensed that they had to continue the siege for so long and the Herodian Jews tried to eliminate the opposing faction. There were continual slaughters through the porches and houses. The reverence of the temple did not save the suppliants. They spared neither age nor sex, not even children. Although Herod begged and intreated them to stop, no one obeyed him but continued as if they had been mad and they showed their cruelty without respect of age. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}
5479. Antigonus came down from the town and fell at Sosius' feet. He did not show any pity because of his change of his fortune but insulted him and called him, Madam Antigona. He put him in prison and set keepers over him. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}
5480. When a number of mercenaries rushed into the temple and even its inner sanctuary, Herod restrained them by entreaty, some by threats and some by force of arms. He thought his victory worse than if he had been defeated if any of those things which were not lawful to be seen were beheld by the profane people. He forbid any plundering in the city as much he was able to. Likewise he entreated Sosius and asked if the Romans would make him king of a wilderness since the city was so depopulated with repines and murders. He replied that the soldiers desired the plunder of the city because of the long siege they endured. Herod answered that he would reward every man from his own treasury and by this means he freed the city from any further trouble. He kept his promise and he generously gave gifts to the soldiers and in proportion to the commanders and royally to Sosius. So Sosius, offered a crown of gold to God and left Jerusalem. He took Antigonus with him prisoner to Antony. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult.}
5481. Herod made a distinction between the people of the city. He promoted those on his side and daily killed those on the opposing side. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13, Antiq., l. 15. c. 1.) Among those whom he killed, were all those judges of the great sanhedrim who had accused him of some capital crime before he was king. He spared Pollio, the Pharisee, and his disciple. Samias and he highly honoured them. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 14, Antiq., l. 15. c. 17, l. 15. c. 1.}
5482. He gathered together all the royal ornaments and by collections and by taking away from rich men, he got a large amount of gold and silver which he gave to Antony and his soldiers. He put to death 45 of Antigonus' chief noble men and set a watch at the doors that none of them might be carried out under pretence of being dead. All the gold or silver that was found, was all brought to Herod so that there was no end of these miseries. The covetousness of the needy conqueror consumed all their goods. Since it was a sabbatical year, the fields were not tilled for it was unlawful to sow them. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 1.}
5483. These miserable times were witnessed by Zacharias the priest, with his wife Elizabeth. Of the remains of David's family, Heli and Joseph saw these things. It was also witnessed by Anna the prophetess, of the tribe of Asher and Simon the Just who received an answer from the Holy Spirit that he should not see death until he had seen the Lord's Christ. Lu 2:26
5484. Antony took Antigonus and planned to keep him prisoner with him until his triumph. He saw that Herod was afraid, lest when Antigonus was brought to Rome by Antony, he would contend with him before the senate for his right to the kingdom. Antony heard that the country was ready to revolt from hatred to Herod and they favoured Antigonus. Antony received large sums of money from Herod, he cut off Antigonus' head at Antioch. He gave him the vain hope of life right up to the end. After this was done, Herod was totally free from fear. The government of the Hasmonaeans was now ended. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. ult., l. 20. c. 8., Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}
5485. Two years and seven months elapsed from the beginning of the priesthood and government of Antigonus, to the taking of Jerusalem. From this also the third year of his reign of both Antigonus and Herod, Antigonus was killed by Antony. This is written in the 52nd chapter of the Jewish History which is written in Arabic and set forth in the Paris Bible of many languages. However, Josephus attributes to Antigonus, three years and three months. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 20. c. 8.) If this included the time up until his death, it would extend to August of this year. According to our account, from the beginning of the raise of Judas Maccabaeus until now, elapsed 126 years and two or three months. Josephus, agreed {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14 c. ult.} and wrote that the government of the Hasmonaeans ended and Antigonus was killed, mepi thrus was 125 years. This is calculated from the beginning of Judas Maccabaeus to the beginning of the third year of the reign of Herod when the siege of Jerusalem began.
5486. Other foreign writers have written concerning the taking of Jerusalem and the death of Antigonus. Livy {Livy, l. 128.} referred to this time in the epitome of which:
``The Jews are said to be subdued by the lieutenants of Antony.''
5487. So said the old books, where in the language it is written:
``The ambassadors of the Jews were killed by Antony.''
5488. We have this record of the death of Antigonus preserved by Josephus {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 1.} from the books of Strabo, the Cappadocian:
``Antony brought Antigonus, the Jew, to Antioch and had him beheaded. He was supposed to be the first among the Romans that put a king to death after this manner because he thought that the Jews could not tolerate Herod for their king if Antigonus was alive. No matter how Herod oppressed them, they would not recognise him as king because they held Antigonus in such high esteem. Therefore, it was thought fit to blot out his memory by some ignominious death and lessen the public hatred against Herod.''
5489. Plutarch wrote: {Plutarch, in Antony}
``He bestowed tetrarchies of great countries on many private men and took away kingdoms from many such as from Antigonus the Jew, whom he brought forth and beheaded. No king was ever killed in this way before.''
5490. Dio also mentioned this history {Dio, l. 59. p. 405.} when writing about Sosius:
``He conquered Antigonus who had killed a garrison of the Romans which was with him. Sosius was defeated in battle at Jerusalem and forced to flee. The Jews, (a country of unplacable anger, if it be once stirred) did many wrongs to the Romans but suffered much more themselves. They were taken first by them who fought for the temple of their God and then rested on a Saturday. They observed on that day a festival with so much religion that those that were formerly taken with the temple, as soon as that day was come, they begged permission of Sosius to go and sacrifice in the temple as was their custom. Over these people, Antony made Herod king. Antony killed Antigonus after he had scourged him and tied him to a post, (which was never done to any king before by the Romans.)''
5491. That is, to be beheaded at a post. Concerning this see First Excercitation of Causabon on Baronius, c. 7. This event happened when:
``Claudius and Norbanus were consuls.''
5492. as Dio implied. It is true concerning Antigonus' defeat and of the taking of Jerusalem but not concerning the death of Antigonus. He died when M. Agrippa and Caninius or Canidius Gallus were consuls the next year.
5493. Nothing of note was done by the Romans this year in Syria for Antony spent the whole year in going into and returning from Italy. Sosius, for fear of the envy and anger of Antony passed that time and did no gallant actions lest he offend Antony. He hoped to curry Antony's favour by doing nothing. {Dio, l. 49., p. 405, 406.} When Antony returned from Italy, he replaced him with Plancus as governor of Syria. He appointed C. Furnius, as his lieutenant in Asia. {Appian, l. 5. p. 749, 753.} {Dio, l. 48. p. 371, 372. l. 49. p. 402, 403.}
3968a AM, 4677 JP, 37 BC
5494. After Orodes, the king of the Parthians, had long mourned for his son, he had more problems. He had to select a successor from his 30 sons to replace Pacorus. Many of his concubines who bare him many sons, pestered the old man to make their son the new king. Finally, he selected the oldest, who was the worst of them all and made him king. {Justin, l. 42. c. 4.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} This was Phraates the 3rd called by Plutarch {Plutarch, in Antony} Phraortes. Although he is called Phraates by the compiler of Appian's Parthian stories, which he transcribed word for word from Plutarch and by Plutarch himself in the end of his book. {Plutarch, in Crassus} Likewise Horace {Horace, Ode. 2. l. 2.} speaks of this time:
``Phraates restored to Cyrus' throne.''
5495. He received the kingdom by treachery and killed his brothers, who were born of the daughter of Antiochus. He did this because they excelled him in all virtue and in blood by the mother's side. He also killed Orodes because he was angry by this. {Dio, l. 49. p. 404.} He poisoned him as he lay sick with the dropsy. Orodes was beginning to recover and Phraates stopped the slow poisoning and took a shorter route by strangling him. {Plutarch, in Crassus, fin.}
5496. After Phraates had killed his father, he killed all his brothers. When he saw that the nobility hated him for his wicked acts, he ordered that his son, who was now full grown, to be killed so that there would be no one else to make king. {Justin, l. 42., c. 5.}
5497. After this Phraates went about to kill the nobility and did many wicked things. Many of the chief men fled from him. They went where they could and some, like Moneses, who was a powerful noble man, fled to Antony. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} This happened when Agrippa and Gallus were consuls. {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.}
5498. The rest of the winter, when Gellius and Nerva were consuls, P. Canidius Crassus was left as lieutenant by Antony. Around the region of Armenia, he led his army against the Iberians. He defeated their King Pharnabazus in battle and compelled him to join forces with him. He went into Albania with him and he likewise allied that country to him along with their king, Zoberes. {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} He went as far as Caucasus Mountains with the conquered Armenians and the kings of the Iberians and Albanians. He made Antony's name famous among the barbarous countries. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Strabo, l. 11. p. 501.}
5499. Antony was puffed up with these successes and trusted very much on Moneses and committed the carrying on of the Parthian war to him. Antony promised him the kingdom of the Parthians and granted him the revenues of their cities that were subject to the Romans. He would receive this as long as the war lasted. {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.} Antony compared the fortune of Moneses with Themistocles and equally his own riches and magnificence to the kings of Persia. He gave him three cities, Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, called formerly Bambyca. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5500. Phraates, the king of the Parthians, courteously entertained the captive king Hyrcanus because of his noble descent. He took him from prison and allowed him to live in Babylon where many Jews lived. These Jews honoured him as the king and high priest. Also all those Jews who were in old time deported beyond the Euphrates River by the Assyrians (or Babylonians) of whom there were many millions, honoured Hyrcanus. After he knew that Herod was made king, he began to hope for a favour from Herod whom he had saved when Herod was on trial for his life. Therefore he began to consult with the Jews, who from duty came to visit him concerning his journey. In spite of all their wise admonitions, he could not be persuaded from his desire of returning to his own country. The tetrarchy of Herod was added to his former country. Herod wanted to get his hands on Hyrcanus and wrote to him that he would beg of Phraates and the Jews of that land for this. Herod said that the Jews should not envy the joint power that he should enjoy with his son-in-law. Now the time was come, when Herod might repay him that had preserved him in the past. Herod also sent Saramala, his ambassador, to Phraates himself with large presents to soften him up so that Phraates would not prevent Herod from showing kindness to Hyrcanus. Herod had received Hyrcanus, who was sent by the Parthians, and honourably outfitted by the Jews for his expenses of his journey. Herod entertained him with all honour and gave him the upper seat in all assemblies and the most honourable place at all feasts. He called him father, and thus he lulled him on lest he should suspect any treachery. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2, 3.}
5501. Herod took care that none of the nobility should be created high priest. He sent to Babylon for a priest of lowly parentage, whom he was well acquainted with. He was of the family of the priests but descended from those Jews who were carried beyond the Euphrates River. This man's name was Ananelus (or Hananeel) and Herod gave him the high priesthood. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2, 3.}
5502. Mark Antony refused all honest and wholesome counsel and sent Fonteius Capito to Cleopatra to bring her into Syria. {Plutarch, in Antony} She no sooner arrived when she thought how she might get it into her possession. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 15. c. 4.} She accused the Syrian noble men to Antony and persuaded him to put them to death so that she might more easily take over their estates. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13.}
5503. She accused Pausanias, the son of Ptolomaeus (Mennaeus) the king of Chalcis and Ituraea as favouring the Parthians and had Antony execute him. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 4.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.} (In Dio, Parthian should be read for Pacorus) This was fifteen years after the death of his father Auletes. This is derived from Porphyrius, {Scaliger, Greek Eusebian., p. 226.} where the name of Lysimachus is incorrectly written for Lysanias.
5504. Antony made Amyntas, the secretary of Dejotarus, the prince of Galatia and added to it part of Lycaonia and Pamphylia. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.} {Strabo, l. 12. p. 567.}
5505. Antony also made Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, who was not descended from royalty. He deposed Ariarathes who descended from those Archelai who had waged war against the Romans and his mother was the harlot Glaphyra. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.} From that lascivious epigram of Caesar Octavian, {Martian, l. 11. epigra. 21.} it appears that Antony was involved with Glaphyra.
5506. Alexandra, the daughter of Hyrcanus, the wife of Alexander the son of Aristobulus and mother-in-law of Herod, took it poorly that her son Aristobulus, the brother of Mariamme was condemned because during his lifetime one from another place, usurped the high priesthood. She wrote to Cleopatra through a certain musician and asked her to request the priesthood from Antony for her son. Cleopatra failed to do this. Dellius, a friend of Antony, who travelled into Judea on some occasions, persuaded Alexandra to send the pictures of her son Aristobulus and daughter Mariamme to Antony. He said that once Antony saw them, he would not deny them anything. These were sent. Dellius also added that they seemed to be of divine rather than of the human race. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2.} Dellius was the historian who Plutarch mentioned and whose wanton letters to Cleopatra were common as attested to by Seneca who has related this in his first Swason Oration. Dio also implies the same and whom Antony used dishonestly. {Dio, l. 49. p. 15.}
5507. Antony did not think it proper to send for a lady who was married to Herod and wanted to avoid making Cleopatra jealous. He wrote to Alexandra that she should send her son to him under some honest pretence but he added she should not do it if this would be burdensome to her. When Herod found out about this, he did not think it safe that Aristobulus, a young man of sixteen years in the flower of his age, should be sent to Antony. He was the most powerful of all the Romans and also very much given to lust. Therefore he wrote back, that if the youth left the kingdom, the whole country would be up in arms. The Jews wanted to revolt and have a new king. Antony was satisfied with Herod's reply. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 15. c. 2.}
5508. In the Sicilian war, Caesar Octavian and M. Lepidus defeated Sextus Pompeius. M. Lepidus became proud about the ability of his 20 legions and attributed the whole victory to himself. He was so bold as to oppose Caesar and to claim Sicily for himself. However, his army abandoned him and he was put out of the triumvirate. He was glad to beg for his life and goods from Caesar by whom he banished to Circeli. {Livy, l. 129.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 79, 80.} {Suetonius, in Octavian,. c. 16, & 54.} {Appian, l. 5.} {Dio, l. 49.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}
5509. Sextus Pompeius who had a fleet of 350 ships, now fled into Asia with only six or seven. {Florus, l. 4. c. 8.} Although Appian stated {Appian, l. 5. p. 741.} and Orosius, {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} wrote that he had seventeen ships. He intended to flee to Antony because he had saved his mother from a similar danger. {Appian, l. 5. p.741.}
5510. He put his daughter, his friends, his money and all his best things into the ships that were left which were fastest. Pompeius sailed by night and no one pursued him because he left secretly and Caesar was continually engaged with troubles from Lepidus. {Dio, l. 49. p. 398.} In spite of this, after Pompeius had left Messana, he feared being followed and suspected the treachery of his companions. When he had told them that he would set sail for the main sea, he put out the light that the admiral's ships usually carry and sailed by the coast of Italy. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} When he arrived at the cape of Lacinium, he robbed the temple of Juno of all its offerings. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.}
5511. From there he sailed to Corcyra and into Cephalenia. He received others who were cast in there by a storm. After he had called them together, he took off his soldier's attire and told them that it would happen that if they all stayed together, they would not be able to be of sufficient help to each other nor could they remain hidden. If they dispersed, they might more easily flee. Therefore he advised everyone to shift for himself. Most followed his advise and went their various ways. He along with some who stayed with him, went to Lesbos and {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} stayed at Mitylene. His father had left him here before the Pharsalian battle and after the defeat he picked him up again. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.}
5512. The Parthians were troubled because of the defection of Moneses to Antony and Phraates was quite worried. He sent messengers to Moneses to ask for peace and persuaded him with large promises to return again. When this was known, Antony was angry. However, he did not kill Moneses whom as yet he had in his power. He thought if he did that none of the barbarians would ever trust him. He used politics against the enemy. He dismissed Moneses as if by his means he would make peace with the Parthians. He sent ambassadors with him to Phraates who were to make peace if the king would restore the ensigns and captives that were alive which the Parthians had taken in the defeat of Crassus. He thought he would catch the king unprepared for war by giving him reasons of hope of peace. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 406.}
5513. In the meantime, Antony prepared for war. He came to the Euphrates River which he supposed was unguarded. When he found a strong garrison there, he changed his plan and intended soon to go into Armenia to make war with Artavasdes, king of the Greater Armenia, against the king of the Medes who was the other enemy of the Romans. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.}
5514. Artavasdes, the king of the Armenians, is called by Josephus, Artabazes the son of Tigranes. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 13. Antiq. l. 15. c. 5.} Orosius calls him, Artabanes {Orosius, l. 16. c. 19.} whom when Antony had taken him to be his counsellor, guide and chief for the management of the war, he then betrayed Antony and later created problems for the Romans. {Strabo, l. 11. p. 524. & l. 16. p. 748.}
5515. Antony sent Cleopatra back into Egypt and he went through Arabia into Armenia. He had ordered that his own forces and the auxiliaries of the kings to meet him there. Among these were many friends and allies including Artavasdes or Artabazes, the king of Armenia with 6000 cavalry and 7000 foot solders. When the soldiers were mustered, the Romans and the allies of Italy had 60,000 foot soldiers and the ordinary cavalry of the Spaniards and Gauls 10,000. The auxiliaries from other countries numbered 30,000 cavalry and the light-harnessed soldiers. This is according to Plutarch. However, Velleius Paterculus said Antony had 13 legions. {Velleius, l. 2. c. 82.} Florus stated 16 {Florus, l. 4, c. 10.} Justin {Justin, l. 42. c. 5.} and Livy {Livy, l. 130} 18 legions and 16,000 cavalry.
5516. The guide of his army made the journey from Zeugma to the Euphrates River almost to Atrapatena (which the Araxes River divides from Armenia.) This was 1000 miles and almost twice as far as the correct way. The guide led them over mountains and byways. {Strabo, l. 11. p. 524.} Antony should have refreshed his army in the winter quarters of Armenia who were weary from the 1000 mile trek. Since spring was coming he should have invaded Media before the Parthians left their winter quarters. He could not tolerate any delay because he wanted to be back with Cleopatra. He thought more of returning quickly than of gaining a victory. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5517. Therefore when he knew that the king of Media was gone far from his country to bring help to the Parthians, he quickly marched with the best part of his cavalry and foot soldiers. He left part of his army and baggage with Oppius Stapianus. He ordered them to follow him and hoped that on the first attack, he should conquer Media. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.}
5518. Among the things left behind, were the battering engines which were carried in 300 carts. Among these was a ram 80 feet long. If any of the machines were damaged, they could not be repaired because of the scarcity of materials in those countries. The trees were too short and not strong enough. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5519. After Antony had crossed the Araxes River, he had problems and hardships on all sides. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} As soon as he came into Artapatena, he harassed that country, then he besieged the large city of Phraata. In it lived the wife of the king of the Medes with her children. When Antony realised his error in leaving his engines behind, he was forced to raise a mount near the city. This took a long time and was much work. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} This was the royal city of the Medes and was called by Dio, Praaspa and by Strabo, Vera, (unless I am mistaken in his {Strabo, l. 11. p. 523.}) from Adelphius, (if it is not Dellius the historian) who was with Antony in this expedition. He wrote about this and commanded part of the army. He said this city was 300 miles from the Araxes River.
5520. The Parthians and Medes knew that Antony wasted his time in attacking that city because it was so well fortified with walls and men. They suddenly attacked Statianus as he was tired from his journey and killed both him and all that were with him. Plutarch reckons they killed murious or 10,000 men. Velleius Paterculus said two legions were killed and they took all the baggage and engines of war. Polemo, the king of Pontus and an ally of the war was captured and let go when he paid a ransom. This was an easy victory for the barbarians to do because the king of Armenia was not at the battle who might have helped the Romans. He did not come but left Antony for his own kingdom. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.} { Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82.} {Plutarch, in Antony}
5521. Although Antony hurried to help Statianus when he heard the first news, he came too late for he found nothing but dead men. He was terrified with this defeat. However, none of the barbarians opposed him and he thought that they left from fear of him and was encouraged. Soon after this, they fought and Antony routed them. His slingers, whom he had large numbers of, put them to flight. The slingers' arrows went farther than the enemies' arrows so the heavily armed cavalry were not safe from them. However, not many barbarians were killed because of the swiftness of their cavalry troops. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.}
5522. Antony resumed the assault of Praaspa. He did little damage to the enemy and the garrison inside the city, strongly repelled their attacks. The enemy that was outside the city hindered them with hand to hand combat. {Dio, l. 49. p. 407.} The Parthians who came to help the besieged, threatened the Romans most contemptuously. Antony was unwilling that his soldiers should loose any of their animosity. He took with him ten legions and three praetorian cohorts, and all his cavalry. They went foraging and hoped by this means that the enemy would attack him and so he could fight them. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5523. When he had gone a day's journey, he saw the Parthians, wheeling about him to hinder his return. He ordered the signal for battle to be sounded. However, he packed up his tents as though he prepared not to fight but for his march. Thus he marched by the barbarians who were drawn up in an half moon. He ordered his cavalry that as soon as they were come together that the legions should attack the enemy and they should begin the charge. The Parthians were perplexed at the well ordered army of the Romans. They saw the soldiers passing by, keeping their ranks and shaking their arrows at them but not speaking a word. After the signal and a great shout was made, the cavalry began the attack. They resisted a little. Although immediately the Romans were so close to them, they were unable to use their arrows. Soon, the legions joined the battle with great shouting and the clattering of the armour. The Parthian cavalry were frightened and the Parthians fled before they came to hand to hand combat. Antony hoped that now he should overcome them or at least finish the greatest part of the war. He followed the chase very hard. After his foot soldiers had pursued them about six miles and his cavalry three times that distance, he counted the number of the slain and the prisoners. They found they had taken 30 and killed only 80. This greatly discouraged them for they thought it was very hard if being conquerors they should kill so few and if conquered they should lose so many as they had done when the baggage was taken. The next day as they were returning to their camp, they met at first a few of their enemies. More came and finally all of them, as if they had not been formerly routed but were all fresh men. They reviled them and broke in upon them on every side so that they were barely able to return to their camp again. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5524. In Antony's absence, the Medes who were at Praaspa, attacked the mount and terrified the defenders of it. Antony was so enraged that he decimated them who had forsaken the place and gave the rest of them barley instead of wheat. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5525. In the beginning, the foragers who were sent out by Antony brought enough provisions for the Romans. Later they had consumed all the near by supplies so that the soldiers themselves were forced to go foraging. It happened that if only a few were sent that they brought back nothing and often the foragers were killed. If many left then Praaspa was short of besiegers and the sallies of the barbarians killed many of the Romans and many engines were destroyed. From this it happened that Antony's men who were besieging the city, ran as short of supplies as those inside the city. The townsmen looked for good times for sallies as well as the enemy on the outside. By their sudden incursions and quick retreats, they seriously troubled those who remained in the camp as often as they divided their forces. The foragers who went to the villages were never molested but they attacked them unexpectedly as they were scattered on their return to the camp. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}
3969a AM, 4678 JP, 36 BC
5526. Sextus Pompeius heard that Antony was in Media and made war with the Medes and Parthians. He intended to commit himself to his protection when he returned. In the mean time, he wintered in Lesbos and the people of Lesbos most willingly entertained him for the good memory they had of his father. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} {Appian. l. 5. p. 747.}
5527. As Antony prolonged the siege of Praaspa, the war was very troublesome to both sides. Antony could not get any supplies without having his men killed or wounded. Phraates knew that the Parthians would endure anything except winter in the camp in a strange country. Therefore he was afraid that if the Romans continued the war, his men would leave him since the weather grew very cold after the autumnal equinox. {Plutarch, in Antony} He was also afraid that if the siege were continued Antony either by himself or else with outside help, would seriously weaken the city. Therefore, he secretly bribed some men that should promote the idea of a peace between them in the hope that it would be easily granted. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}
5528. Therefore, the Parthian commanded his men that when they met with the foragers, to treat them more courteously and to talk to them about peace. By this, Antony was persuaded to send a friend to request the restitution of his ensigns and prisoners lest he should seem to be content only to depart with safety. They replied that he should forget about those things. If he desired peace and security, he should leave suddenly. (Plutarch.) Phraates was sitting on his golden throne and twanging a bow string. After that he had in many words railed against the Romans, he promised Antony's ambassadors peace on this condition if he should immediately withdraw his army. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}
5529. Antony received this reply. Although he was very eloquent in both civil and military speeches, yet at that time from shame and sorrow, he did not speak to his soldiers. He had Domitius Aenobarbus speak for him to the soldiers and to encourage them. Within a few days after they had packed the baggage, he departed (Plutarch.) and left his works that he had raised for the assault of Praaspa intact as if he had been in a friend's country. The Medes burnt everything and cast down the mount. {Dio, l. 49. p. 408.}
5530. They were to return by the same plain country where there were no forests. A certain Mardian who knew the customs of the Parthians and had fought well for the Romans at the battle where the engines were taken, persuaded Antony that he should march with his army by the mountains on the right hand. He should not hazard the plain and open fields. The Romans were heavily armed and good targets for the number of Parthian cavalry who were all archers. The Parthians used this occasion by good words to draw him from the siege so that he would show Antony a shorter way with more plentiful supplies for his soldiers. Antony told these things to his council and confessed that he trusted little in the peace with the Parthians. However he commended the shorter way, especially since the journey would be through a plentiful country. He asked for some assurance of the Mardian who surrendered himself to be bound until he had brought the army into Armenia. After he was bound, he led them without problems for two days. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5531. On the third day, Antony thought little of the Parthians and marched securely in confidence of the peace. The Mardian saw the dam of the river was recently broken and that all the way they were to go was flooded. He knew that this was done by the Parthians to force the Roman army to halt. He warned Antony of this and told him to prepare for the arrival of the enemy. Antony ordered his battle and set distances between the ranks. With this, those that used arrows and slings might make an attack on the enemies when the Parthians opened their ranks to surround and disorder the army. When the light horsemen attacked them, they were beaten back after the giving and receiving of many wounds. They came on again until the calvary from Gaul who were held in reserve, gave them a fierce charge and routed them so that they attempted nothing more that day. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5532. Antony learned from this what was to be done. He made his army march in a square body and had a strong guard of archers and slingers in the rear and in the flanks. He ordered his calvary that if the enemy attacked them, they should drive them back. If they fled, they should not follow the chase too far. For four days, the Parthans received as many casualties as they made. They began to ease off and thought of returning since it was winter. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5533. On the fifth day, Flavius Gallus, one of the captains, a valiant and industrious man, asked Antony that he would give him permission to take some lightly armed men from the rear and some cavalry from the front. He planned to do some gallant act. By his rash attempt, he broke in on the enemy with much risk. The Romans sent him help in small companies. They were too weak and were cut off by the enemy until Antony came with the whole strength of the army and rescued the rest from obvious danger. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5534. Florus stated {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} that there were two legions lost to the Parthian arrows. Plutarch stated at least 3000 were killed and that there were 5000 wounded men brought back into the tents. Gallus was shot in four places and later died from his wounds. Antony was very much troubled to see this and went and comforted them that were wounded. They cheerfully took him by the right hand and desired him that he would take care of himself and trouble himself no more for them. They called him their emperor and told him that if he were well then they were all safe and in health. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5535. This victory made the Parthians so proud who were before weary and in despair, that they lodged all night near the Roman camp. They hoped that they would soon be able to plunder all their money and ransack their tents. {Plutarch, in Antony} On that night, a certain Roman whose life was spared in Crassus' defeat, came in Parthian clothes to the Roman trenches and greeted them in Latin. After they trusted him, he informed them what danger was at hand and that the king would come with all his forces. He advised them that they should not march that way they intended but that they should go back again and take the way by the woods and the mountains. He told them that they might meet with the enemy that way also. {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82.}
5536. As soon as it was day, many enemies came together with at least 4000 cavalry. The king also sent there his bodyguard because they were so confident of victory. The king was never at any previous fight. Then Antony lifted up his hands to heaven and made his prayers to the gods that if there were any god offended with his former good fortune that he would lay all the adversity on his own head but give health and victory to the rest of the army. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5537. The next day the army marched on in a more secure guard. The Parthians attacked them and were very much deceived in their expectations. They thought that they came to pillage and plunder and not to fight. They lost heart when they were greeted by the Roman arrows. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5538. As they were going down a certain hill, the Parthians laid in ambush for them and overwhelmed them with their arrows as thick as hail. Then the soldiers who carried large shields, took in the lightly harnessed men under their shields. They kneeled down on their left knee and held their shields over their heads and made a roof over them, (a testudo.) By this, they defended themselves and their friends from the enemies' arrows which fell on the convex shields and slid off the slippery surfaces. {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} {Frontino, Stratagem, l. 2. c. 3.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 409.}
5539. The Parthians had never seen such a thing before and thought that they had all fallen down by reason of their wounds or that they would soon all fall. Therefore they cast away their bows and leaped off their horses and took their spears and came to kill them with their naked swords. Then the Romans rose up again and at the signal, widened their army and made a shout. They attacked their enemies in the front and with their darts they slew the foremost of them and made them all flee. This thing struck such amazement in the barbarians that one among them said:
``Go Romans and farewell, fame with good reason calls you the conquerors of nations, who can outstand the Parthian's shot.'' {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 409}
5540. There were continual skirmishes between them which slowed the Roman march down greatly. {Plutarch, in Antony} When they marched by break of day, they were always bothered with the Parthian arrows. Thereupon, Antony deferred his march until the fifth hour and so made his own soldiers more confident. The Persians left them and they marched without any trouble for that day. {Frontinus, Stratagem, l. 2. c. ult.}
5541. The army then began to be troubled with food shortages because they were hindered from foraging by their often skirmishes. They also lacked grinding mills which were mainly left behind. The beasts were either dead or else used to carry the sick and wounded men. It was reported that little more than a quart of wheat was sold for fifty drachmas and barley loaves for their weight in silver. Then they were forced to eat roots and herbs. By chance they found one that when eaten, made them mad. Those that ate it only dug up stones and removed them and thought they were doing some great business. At last they vomited up a great deal of choler and died because they lacked wine, which was the only remedy. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5542. The famine raged in the camp and they began to flee to the enemy. However, the Parthians slew these runaways in the sight of the rest. All had planned to defect but the cruelty of the Parthians stopped the revolt. {Dio, l. 5. p. 409.}
5543. Antony saw so many of his own soldiers dying and the Parthians continually attacking them. It is reported he often cried out w mieioi wondering at those 10,000 men who under the conduct of Xenophon marched a far longer march from Babylon and often fought with their enemies and yet came home safely. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5544. The Parthians could neither break the spirit of the Romans nor their ranks but were often defeated themselves and repulsed. They began again to talk peaceably with those who went to fetch water and forage. They showed them their unbent bows and told them that they were departing and that they would follow them no more. However, they might have some Medes follow them a day or two but that they would not do them any great harm and only secure some of the remoter villages. They won them over with this talk and they gently took their leave of them. The Romans were very joyful and when Antony desired rather to march by the plain than the mountains because it was said that way lacked water. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5545. While he was in this mind, Mithridates came to him from the enemy camp. He was a cousin of Moneses to whom Antony had given the three cities. Antony asked that some might be sent to him who understood the Syriac or Parthian language. When Alexander, from Antioch and a good friend of Antigonus came, he was told by Mithridates that the Parthians with all their forces lay in ambush in those mountains which he saw. They were waiting to attack them as they passed by the plains. He advised them to travel through the mountains which had no other inconvenience than lack of water for one day. Antony took his advice and the Mardian guided them by night through the mountains. He ordered his soldiers to carry water with them which many did in their helmets and leather bags. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5546. The Parthians found out about this and contrary to their custom, pursued them by night. At sunrise, they overtook the rear guard of the Romans who were tired with the hard march and watching. That night, they had gone 30 miles and did not think the enemy would attack them so soon. This made them more dejected and their thirst also was increased by their fighting. They were forced to march while fighting. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5547. In the interim, the advance guard found a cool, clear river but it was salty. The water from it just increased the thirst of those who drank it. Although the Mardian forewarned them of this, yet they thrust away those who would have kept them from drinking of it and drank freely from it. Antony also was very urgent with them and begged them to stop. Only a short way off there was one that they might drink from and that the rest of the way was so rough and uneven that the enemy could not possibly follow them. He sounded a retreat also so that at least the soldiers might refresh themselves in the shade. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.}
5548. As soon as the tents were pitched, the Parthians according to their custom departed and Mithridates returned. Alexander came to him. He told Alexander that after they had refreshed themselves for a while they should all arise and hurry over the river. The Parthians would not pursue them beyond that point. For this, Antony gave him a large store of gold plate. He took as much as he could hide in his clothes and departed. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5549. They were not bothered on the next day's journey. The following night they became their own worst enemies. Those who had any gold or silver were killed and robbed. The pack animals (sumpters) which carried the treasure were plundered. Finally, all the household belongings of Antony, like his plate and precious tables, they broke and divided among themselves. Therefore because of this tumult and uproar in the army, they thought that the enemy had attacked the sumpters to rob them. Antony called a free man and ordered him to kill him and to cut off his head so that neither he may not be taken alive by the enemy nor known when he was dead. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.} {Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.}
5550. As his friends were weeping about him, the Mardian encouraged Antony for he knew there was a river nearby. Others told Antony that this tumult arose from their own covetousness and doing wrong one to the other. Therefore Antony gave the signal to make camp in order to quell these tumults and disturbances in the army. It began to grow light and the army fell into good order again. When as the rearguard was hit by enemy arrows, the light cavalry were signalled to fight. The men who carried the large shields came together as they did before and defended them from the Parthian arrows. The Parthians did not dare come too close. As they marched a little distance the river was seen by the advance guard. Antony interposed his cavalry between the enemy and the army. He made all the sick men to cross over first. The men that fought were now braver and strengthened. As soon as the Parthians saw the river, they unbent their bows and bid them in god's name and highly commended their valour. So they crossed leisurely over the river and were glad they did not trust the promises of the Parthians. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5551. After Caesar Octavian had settled his affairs in Sicily, on November 13th (ides) he entered Rome from Sicily and made a speech. This is shown in the marble triumphal records. {Gruter, Inscript., p. 297.} {Suetonis, in Octavian, c. 22.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 400.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} He had a gold statue erected for him in the rostrum which showed his image with this inscription:
``For peace restored after continual wars both by sea and land.'' {Appian, l. 5. p. 746.}
5552. He was 28 years old, after which manner those words of Appian are to be taken. gu Caioar itan is tste dktai kn eikqsi.
5553. He received also the tribunal power for ever by a decree of the senate who invited him by this honour to lay down the triumvirate. Concerning this, he wrote privately to Antony by Bibulus. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}
5554. Antony's men came to the Araxes River on the sixth day after the battle. It divides Media (Atropatena) from Armenia. The crossing was very difficult because of the depth and swiftness of the river. There was a report that the enemy lay in ambush to attack them in their crossing. After they were safely crossed over and entered Armenia, it was as if they had recently landed from sea. They kissed the earth and embraced one another with tears of joy. When they marched through a fruitful country, they so gorged themselves with food after so long a famine that many began to be sick with dropsies and fluxes. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5555. Antony numbered his army and found that he had lost 20,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. Half of these died of diseases and not from fighting against the enemy. {Plutarch, in Antony} In the whole army, at least a quarter of the men were dead or missing. The grooms and slaves lost about a third of there staff. Hardly anything remained of the baggage. However, Antony called this flight his victory because he was still alive. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 82.}
5556. In 21 days, he had fled 300 miles. {Livy, l. 130.} The march continued for 27 days all together from Phraata (or Phraaspa). In that time the Parthians were repelled in battle 18 times. The 16,000 cavalry, who were armed after the Parthian custom and were used to fighting with the Parthians did not help the Romans. Artavasdes had brought them from Armenia. The Parthians could not so often rally after their battle since they were so often beaten by the Romans if the Romans had the Arminian cavalry to pursue the Parthians. Therefore all men egged on Antony to punish the Armenians. He did not do this neither did he upbraid him with his treachery but used him with the same honour and courtesy that he had always done. He did this because he knew the army was weak and lacked provisions. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5557. Now that Antony was no longer more troubled with enemies, he hurried to Cleopatra and was unwilling to winter in Armenia. He took a quick journey in cold winter weather and continual snows. He hurried his soldiers on and he lost 8000 men by extremities of the weather. {Livy, l. 130.} {Plutarch, in Antony} As they crossed over the mountains of Armenia which were covered with snow, the many wounds they had received, greatly bothered them. Therefore many died or became unfit for service. Antony could not endure to hear of these things and forbid that anyone should speak to him about it. Although Antony was angry with the king of Armenia and wished for revenge because the king had deserted him, he tried to endear the king to him so that he might get provisions from him. Finally, the soldiers could not endure this journey in winter any longer. Antony persuaded the king by flatteries and promises that if he would let his army winter in his country, he planned the next spring to have his army attack the Parthians again. {Dio, l. 49. p. 410.}
3969b AM, 4679 JP, 35 BC
5558. Finally, Antony came to Syria with barely a third of the original sixteen legions. He returned to Antioch. {Orosius, l. 6. c. 19.} Here he foolishly began to brag as if he had gotten the victory because he had gotten away. {Florus, l. 4. c. 10.}
5559. He came down to the sea side with a few of his company and stayed in a citadel between Berytus and Sidon, called Leucocome. He awaited Cleopatra's arrival for whose absence he pined away. To pass the time, he started feasting and drinking excessively. During this time, he would arise and run to see if she were coming until at last she finally came. {Plutarch, in Antony}
5560. Cleopatra brought for the soldiers a great amount of money and apparel. Some reported that Antony took the apparel which she had brought and gave it to the soldiers. He gave the money to the soldiers that she had given him. {Plutarch, in Antony} Concerning this matter Dio wrote this. The money which was brought to him by Cleopatra he gave to the soldiers. He divided to every soldier of the legions, 35 drachmas (or denarii) and to others proportionably. When that money ran out, he made up the rest from his own treasure and gave satisfaction for what he had received from Cleopatra. He also received much money from his friends and exacted much from his allies. When he had done this, he went into Egypt. {Dio, l. 49. p. 410.}
5561. Herod was continually pestered with the nagging of his wife Mariamme. She wanted him to restore the high priesthood to her brother Aristobulus according to his due. Therefore he called a council of his friends, he bitterly complained against his mother-in-law Alexandra, as if she had secretly done treason against his kingdom and had endeavoured, by Cleopatra's means, to make her son the new king. However, lest he should seem to be disrespectful to her and the rest of the family, he said that he would now restore the priesthood to her son. Ananelus had before this been preferred because Aristobulus was so young. Alexandra was almost beside herself for joy and grieved that she was suspected of treason. She wept and cleared herself of these accusations. She thanked Herod many times for her son's honour and promised that after this she would be most obedient to the king. Thus Herod gave the priesthood to Aristobulus in the lifetime of Ananelus. He was only seventeen years old. {Josephus, l. 15. c. 2, 3.}
5562. Sextus Pompeius learned of Antony's ill fortune in Media. Caius Furnius, who at that time was governor of Asia, was not friendly toward Sextus, so he did not stay in Lesbos. He started to hope that he should either succeed Antony (if he died) in all his power or at least should receive some part of it. He was especially encouraged since from Sicily and from other places, many came to him. Some came from the reputation his father had and others came because they did not know where else to live. So that he took the trappings of the general and prepared to capture Asia. He always remembered the recent example of Labienus who had quickly overrun it. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747.} {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.}
5563. When Antony came into the country of his friends, he knew what Pompeius had done. He promised that if he would lay down his arms he would pardon him and make him his friend. Pompeius promised he would and so wrote him back. He condemned Antony for the disastrous defeat he had received and that he was so soon gone into Egypt. Pompeius carried on his plans. {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.} Not wishing to burn his bridges, he sent messengers to Antony and offered to be his friend and ally. The real purpose was to spy on Antony. In the meantime, he sent ambassadors to the governors of Thracia and Pontus. He thought that if he failed to take Asia, he could flee through Pontus into Armenia. He sent ambassadors also to the Parthians and hoped that they would willingly use him for their captain in the war that was not yet ended against Antony. Pompeius was a Roman and also the son of Pompey the Great. He also provided for ships and exercised the mariners. He let on that he was afraid of Caesar and that this preparation was for the service of Antony. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747}
5564. As soon as Antony heard what Pompeius was up to, he kept on his journey but sent Marcus Tiotius, who formerly had revolted from Sextus Pompeius to him, as general against him. He had received a fleet and army from Syria. He was to use all his power to resist Pompeius if he made any war. If Pompeius would submit himself, he should receive him with all honour. {Appian, l. 5. p. 747} {Dio, l. 49. p. 402.}
5565. Pompeius' ambassadors who were sent to the Parthians, were captured by Antony's captains and brought to Alexandria. When Antony had learned all these things from these ambassadors, he called the other ambassadors who were sent to him and brought them face to face. They excused Pompeius as being a young man in a desperate situation and feared he should not be accepted by Antony and was forced to try the good will even of counties that were the greatest enemies of the Romans. If he had known Antony's mind, there had been no need of all the solicitations and craft. This he believed, since he was not a malicious man but well meaning and generous. {Appian, l. 5. p. 749.}
5566. When Octavia was at Rome, she intended to sail to Antony, and Caesar agreed. The reason was not as most have written from any respect to Antony but that he might have an honest pretence for war against him if he slighted or harmed her. {Plutarch, in Antony} She went to Athens and wintered there. {Appian, l. 5. p. 750.}
5567. At this time war broke out between the king of the Medes (Artarasdes) against Phraates, the king of the Parthians and Artabazes or Artaraseds king of the Armenians. Artarasdes was angry with the Armenians because by their means, the Romans were brought in upon him and with the Parthians because he neither received any great amount of the spoils of the Romans nor any honour at all. Artarasdes was afraid also that he would take away his kingdom from him. He sent Polemo, the king of Pontus, as an ambassador to Antony and desired his friendship and alliance. He wanted Antony to come to him and promised him the help of all his forces. Antony was pleased for the only thing which seemed to prevent the overthrowing of the Parthians, was his lack of cavalry and archers. He thought now he should have and do more good in the receiving them than the king did to him in giving them. Thereupon, Antony had great expectation and he departed again to go through Armenia. He called the king of the Medes to the river Araxes and then started the war with Parthia. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.}
5568. Antony wrote to Octavia who was now at Athens and told her to stay there and informed her of an expedition that he was about to take. She took this badly and thought this was just an excuse. However, she wrote to him to know what he would have her do with those things sent that she brought for him. She had brought much apparel for the soldiers, many cavalry, much money and presents for his captains and friends. In addition she had 2000 choice men all armed like the praetorian cohorts. Niger, a friend of Antony, was sent by Octavia to tell Antony this. He added the deserved commendations for Octavia. Antony accepted both her own and others gifts and also the soldiers that she had begged from her brother for this purpose. {Plutarch, in Antony} {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.}
5569. Cleopatra, feared lest Octavia should draw Antony from her and seemed to languish for the love of him. She made her body so weak by her feminine tricks as though she could not live if she were deprived of him. Antony was overcome and abandoned his journey to the king of the Medes although he received news that the Parthians were in civil wars. He returned again into Alexandria. {Plutarch, in Antony} From that time on, he give himself over to the love and wishes of Cleopatra. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.}
5570. Antony summoned Artavasdes, king of Armenia into Egypt as a friend. He hoped to get him into his power so that he might more easily kill him. Since the king did not come, he suspected some deceit. He then found other means to deceive him. He did not publicly show his anger against him lest he should provoke him to war. {Dio, l. 49. p. 411.}
5571. C. Furnius, the governor of Asia, (whom we read in Plutarch's Antony, and Jerome's Chronicle, to be a man of great authority and to be the most eloquent among the Romans,) entertained Pompeius who came to him presently. Furnius was not strong enough to drive him out neither did he know want Antony wanted to do. When he saw Pompeius' soldiers exercising, he also mustered them that were of his province and sent for Aenobarbus who commanded the army and was next him. He called quickly for Amyntas to help him. When they came immediately, Pompeius complained that he was counted for an enemy at the time when he was expecting an answer from Antony by the ambassadors whom he had sent to him. However, Pompeius planned to take Aenobarbus by the treachery of Curius, a close friend of his. He hoped that it would be a great matter if anything happened. The treason was discovered and Curius was put to death after he was condemned in the council chambers of the Romans. Pompeius also killed Theodorus, a freed man of his who only knew of this business, as if he had been the one to tell his secret. {Appian, l. 5. p. 749.}