2960. When all the people came flocking to the court in a tumultuous manner, Agathocles took the king with him and went and hid himself in a place called Syringes. This was a gallery or walkway which had on all sides 3 walls and gates to go through before one could come to it. The Macedonians forced him to deliver the king to them. When they had received him, they brought him out to the people and put him on a royal throne. This was a great joy and comfort to all who saw him. Shortly after this, they brought out Agathocles who was well fettered. The first person that met him, cut his throat. Then Nico was brought and then Agathoclia with her sisters and all that generation of them. Finally Oenanthe was hauled from the temple. They were all stark naked and placed on a jade and were brought into the Piatsoe. They were all turned over to the people to do with as they liked. Some started tearing them with their teeth, some lanced them with their knives and others pulled out their eyes. Any who were killed were pulled to pieces until there wqs nothing left. At the same time also, the maidens who attended Arsinoe while she lived, heard that Philammon was come from Cyrene to Alexandria. He was mainly responsible for her murder. They broke into his house and slew him with staves and stones. They found and strangled his little child. They dragged his wife stark naked into the street and cut her throat. (Polyb. l. 15. p. 716, 718, 719.) When the fury of the people was spent, the management of the affairs of the kingdom was committed to Aristomenes, who was born in Acarnania. (Polyb. l. 15. p. 717, & l. 17. p. 771, 772.) He was made governor of the king and kingdom and administered its affairs with a great deal of moderation and wisdom. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 294.)
2961. When Antiochus the king of Syria and Philippus the king of Macedonia, heard of the death of Philopator, they plotted how to get and divide his kingdom between them. They encouraged one another and planned to murder the young king. (Polyb. l. 15. p. 705, Livy, l. 31. Justin, l. 30. c. 3.) Polybius (l. 3. p. 159.) says this:
``When Ptolemy the king was died, Antiochus and Philippus agreed together to share the estate of the young king between them. Philip started this wicked deed by capturing Egypt and Caria and Antiochus took over Coelosyria and Phoenicia.''
2962. Jerome on Da 11 says:
``Philippus, king of Macedonia and Antiochus the Great, conspired together and made war on Agathocles, (he should have said, Aristomenes) and the young king Ptolemy Epiphanes. The condition was that each would take his dominions which bordered his own kingdom.''
2963. Josephus (l. 18. Antiq. c. 3.) gives us more information where he says:
``When Antiochus Magnus reigned in Asia, both Judea and Coelosyria lived in a continual state of trouble. There was a constant war going on. First Antiochus fought with Philopator and later with Epiphanes his son. Whether he won or lost these countries were blighted by him and were tossed and tumbled between his prosperous and adverse fortunes like a ship in the sea between contrary waves. Finally Antiochus had the upper hand and added Judea to his dominions. When Philopator was dead, Epiphanes sent a large army into Coelosyria under his general Scopas. He recovered both Coelosyria and our country for him again, &c.''
2964. He basically said that Antiochus after a long war with Philopator and Epiphanes over of the land of Judea took it finally from Epiphanes. Epiphanes by his general Scopas, recovered it from him again. However he lost it a second time to Antiochus. Eusebius missed this and says that in the 10th year of Philopater:
``Antiochus had overcome Philopater and added Judea to the rest of his dominions.''
2965. In the first year of Epiphanes, Eusebius in his Chron. says:
``Ptolemy Epiphanes, by his General Scopas, took Judea.''
2966. However after Antiochus' defeat at Raphia, we do not find anywhere that he made war on Philopater again. The league, which was made after that battle, was first broken by Antiochus in the very first year of Epiphanes. Scopas was not in charge of that war as appears later. This is shown by Jerome on Da 11 where he says:
``When Ptolemy Philopator was dead, Antiochus broke the league he made with him. He led an army against Ptolemy' son, who was then only 4 years old and was surnamed Epiphanes.''
3801 AM, 4511 JP, 203 BC
2967. When Cn. Servilius Caepio and Cn. Servilius Geminus were consuls in Rome, at Frusino the sun seemed to be surrounded with a little circle and then that circle again was surrounded by a greater body of the sun, (Livy l. 30.) This seems to have been the total eclipse of the sun that happened on May 6th according to the Julian Calender.
2968. The Carthaginians were worn down with the continual victories of P. Scipio and gave up hope of defeating him. They recalled Hannibal from Italy to help them. After Hannibal was 16 years in Italy, he left and returned to Africa. (Livy l. 30.)
2969. Philippus, king of Macedonia, sent Heraclides a Tarentine, and a most vicious fellow to Rhodes to destroy their fleet. He then sent ambassadors to Crete to stir them up to a war against the Rhodians. (Polyb. l. 13. p. 672, 673.)
2970. There was a naval battle between Philippus king of Macedonia and the Rhodians near the Isle of Lada. He captured 2 of their ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece. The rest of their fleet fled into the open sea. They were beset by a bad storm and driven ashore, first on Myndia and the next day on Cos. The Macedonians followed the ships which they had taken at their sterns and went into Lada which is opposite Miletus. They refreshed themselves in the Rhodian camp which they had left. When the Milesians knew of this, they gave Philippus and Heraclides crowns when they entered Miletus. (Polyb. l. 13. p. 672, 673., in Excerpt. Vales. p. 70, 73. from Zeno and Antisthenes, two Rhodian historians.)
3802 AM, 4512 JP, 202 BC
2971. Philippus needed grain and continued to waste all Attalus' country, even to the very walls of Pergamus. He could not take any one of his cities because they were so well fortified. Neither could he get grain or other spoil from the country because Attalus had anticipated his actions. Then he attacked the temple and altars and destroyed them. He broke the very stones of them in pieces so that they might never be put together again. He utterly destroyed the Nicephorian Grove planted near the city of Pergamus and levelled to the ground many temples and shrines in the area. Phillipus left there and went first towards Thyatira but then turned back again. He went to a field called Thebes and hoped to get some booty there. He was unsuccessful and went to a place called Hiera-Come. He sent messengers to Zeuxis, the governor of Lydia under Antiochus and asked him for provisions for his army according to the peace treaty between Antiochus and Philippus. At first Zeuxis acted as if he would honour the treaty. However he resolved to do nothing to help Philippus. (Polyb. l. 16. in Excerpt. Vales. p 66, 69. with Diod. Sic. ib., p 294.)
2972. Philippus had another naval battle against Attalus and the Rhodians near the isle of Chios. 60 Rhodians and 70 men of Attalus were killed. Philippus lost 1200 of his Macedonians and 6000 of his confederates. 2000 Macedonians and 700 Egyptians were taken prisoner. Even though Philippus was defeated, he maintained his honour in two ways. He forced Attalus to flee to Erythrae. He had captured his admiral and chased the ships to their port. (??) Secondly, when he landed on the shore at Argenaum, a cape in Ionia, he made his stand to recover what he could of his navy. (Polyb. l. 16. 723-730.)
2973. When Philippus besieged Prinassa, a city of Caria, he was unable to take it by force. However, he captured it finally by a stratagem. (Polyb. l. 16. p. 730, 731) He put garrisons into Iaslus, Bargyllis and the city of Euromenses. (Polyb. l. 16. p. 731 & l. 17. p. 744.)
3803 AM, 4513 JP, 201 BC
2974. P. Cornelius Scipio utterly defeated Hannibal in Africa in the last battle of the second Carthaginian war. We read in Zonaras that the Carthaginians were amazed by a total eclipse of the sun which happened at this time. However, there was no total eclipse. Livy, (l. 30.) says that indeed the body of the sun at Zama seemed to be somewhat darkened. By the astronomical tables we know that there was a very small eclipse of the sun this year upon the 19th of our October. Some say that Hannibal fled from the battle and came to the sea side where he found a ship ready for him. He sailed directly into Asia to king Antiochus. When Scipio demanded Hannibal from the Carthaginians, they replied that he was no longer in Africa. (Livy l. 30.) Others more correctly say that Scipio never demanded him at all from them. (Plutarch in T. Q. Flamonino.)
2975. When Philippus came toward Abydus, they shut their gates against him. They would not even let his messengers in whom he sent to them. He besieged the place for a long time. So they could be delivered from him, they wanted Attalus and the Rhodians to hurry to help them. Attalus sent them only 300 men and the Rhodians who with their whole fleet anchored at Tenedus, sent them only one ship of four tiers of oars to help. The walls of the city were surrounded with engines of war. At first the men in Abydus kept Philippus' men off very manfully. They were unable to get in by land or sea. Later a breach was made in the main wall and they had cast up another within it. The Macedonians went to undermine that wall also. Then they were forced to send to Philip, to conditionally surrender. They wanted safe conduct for the Rhodian ship with the soldiers and mariners and for Attalus' men that were in the town. Lastly that they might leave with only their clothes on their backs. They could get no answer from him, unless they surrendered themselves wholly and absolutely to his mercy. Therefore in indignation and despair they became very angry. They made 50 of their leaders swear publicly that if they saw the inner wall taken by the enemy, they would go and kill every man's wife and children and throw his silver, gold and jewels into the sea. When that was done, the soldiers agreed that either they would vanquish their enemies or die fighting for their country. (Livy l. 31. Polyb. l. 16. p. 736, 737, 738.)
2976. About the same time Attalus and the Rhodians sent ambassadors to Rome. They complained of the wrongs done to them by Philippus and his Macedonians. They were told that the senate would take care of the affairs of Asia. (Livy, l. 32. with Justin l. 30. c. 3.)
2977. Three ambassadors were sent from Rome to Ptolemy and Antiochus to put an end to all differences between them. The ambassadors were, C. Clau. Nero. Mar, Emil. Lepidus and P. Sempronius Tuditanus. They came to Rhodes and heard of the siege of Abydus. They wanted to talk with Philippus. However, they followed their orders and continued on their journey to Ptolemy and Antiochus for the present time. They sent Emilius the youngest of the three, to Philippus. He met with him at Abydus and told him that the senate of Rome wanted him to stop making war on any Greek city. He was not to lay hands on anything that belonged to Ptolemy king of Egypt. If he did, he might live in peace. If he did not, he should know that the Romans were resolved and ready to make war on him. Philippus returned this reply:
``Thy age, good appearance and above all the name of a Roman makes thee speak thus boldly. However, I would tell you to remember the league and to keep peace with me. If not, I am also resolved to do my best and to make you know and feel that the power and name of a Macedonian is in no way inferior to or less noble than that of a Roman.'' (Livy l. 32. with Polyb. p. 738, 739, 787, 788.)
2978. Justin, (l. 30. c. 3.) states that M. Emil. Lepidus also was sent by the Romans into Egypt to govern the kingdom of Egypt on behalf of this young Ptolemy Epiphanes. There may be one of two reasons why this happened. They may have received an embassy sent to them from Alexandria to take over the guardianship of the young king and to defend the kingdom of Egypt. Antiochus and Philippus were said to have already divided the kingdom between them. (Justin l. 30. c. 2.) Another possibility is that the father on his death bed committed to them this charge. (Justin l. 31. c. 1.) Concerning this Valer. Max. (l. 6. c. 6.) says this:
``The king Ptolemy had left the people of Rome as the guardian of his son while he was under age. Therefore the senate sent M. Emil. Lepidus, the High Pontiff and one that had been then twice consul to Alexandria. He was to take care of the child's estate. He was a very honest and a most upright man. He was well versed in their own affairs and exercised his duty for the benefit of Egypt, not himself.''
2979. For he thought that this man had executed the office of a guardian in Egypt while he was High Pontiff and when he had been already twice consul in Rome. However Epiphanes died before that happened. The reason for the error is this. He had seen some coins containing both the titles of Lepidus' position and his office as a guardian in Egypt. For to this day, there are still some silver coins to be found with this inscription. On the one side it says, "Alexandrea". On the other it has, "S. C. M. Lepidus Pont. Max. Tutor Reg." On the image side is a picture of a man putting a crown on a young man's head who is standing on his right with a sceptre in his hand.
2980. When the Athenians saw their territory wasted by Philippus, they sent and asked aid from all parts, from the Romans, from the Rhodians, from Attalus and from Ptolemy. (Livy l. 31.)
2981. Thereupon the ambassadors of the Romans and Rhodians met with Attalus in Athens. By common consent they agreed to help them. For this the Athenians presently decreed excessive honours, first to Attalus and then to the Rhodians. They went so far as to call one of their own tribes after his name and added it to their ten that they had before. (Livy l. 30. Polyb. Legat. 3. p. 786, 787.)
2982. While the Romans were busy preparing for war against Philippus, ambassadors from Ptolemy or rather from his guardians arrived in Rome. They were informed that the Athenians had needed help from the king against Philippus. Although they were confederates both of the kings and the Romans yet Ptolemy would not send any military support without the consent and authority of the people of Rome. They said that if the Romans would help the Athenians, Egypt would keep out of it. If the Romans did not want to get involved, he could easily supply the Athenians enough forces to overcome Philippus. The senate decreed that the king should be thanked for his kindness and to tell him that the Romans planned to defend and maintain their own friends and confederates themselves. If they needed anything for the war, they would tell him. They knew very well that the king's military forces were very great and were needed for the defence of his own state. The senate ordered presents to be sent to the king's ambassadors. Each received 5000 pieces of brass money. (Livy l. 30.)
2983. In the year 54 for so it is in the Greek manuscript at Lambeth, (not 52, as in the common edition of the second period of Calippus,) 547. of Nabonassar, the 16th day of the month Mesor, the 22nd of our September, 7 hours after noon, the sun was eclipsed at Alexandria. (Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.)
3804 AM, 4514 JP, 200 BC
2984. Toward the later end of autumn, Consul P. Sulpitius Galba, crossed over with an army into Macedonia against Philippus. He was met by ambassadors from Athens who desired that he would raise the seige. Thereupon he sent C. Claudius Cento with a certain number of ships full of soldiers to relieve Athens. Philippus himself did not besiege it but was engaged with the siege of Abydus. (Livy l. 31.)
2985. The men of Abydus recalled their oath and fought so hard that when the night should have ended the fight between them, Philippus was amazed at their courage or rather at their rage in fighting. He was forced to withdraw and to sound a retreat. Glaucides and Theognetus conferred with some of the elders of the town. These had the hardest part to play in this tragedy. They saw that after the fight, there were but few of their men left and these were wearied with wounds and blood which they had lost. As soon as it was day, they sent their priests, in their robes to surrender the town to Philippus. When the town people knew of this, they immediately were so desperate with rage that each man ran to kill his wife and children. They then killed each other. The king was amazed at their fury and ordered his soldiers to stay away. He said that he would give the Abydenians 3 days to die. In that time they did more barbarous acts of cruelty on themselves than they would have expected from an enraged enemy. None was taken alive by the enemy that was not in prison and who was free to kill himself. The king seized their wealth which they had brought all into one place to destroy it. He left a garrison in the place and departed. (Livy l. 31. Polyb. l. 16. p. 738. 739.)
2986. When he came to Bargyllii, he was very troubled to see the Romans, Rhodians and Attalus allied to make war against him. When his army was almost famished, Zeuxis the governor of Lydia and the cities of Mylassa, Alabanda and Milesia sent him some small provisions to relieve them. Against his nature, he flattered any that brought him supplies. When they stopped, he plotted against them. Philocles advised a plan to take Mylassa. When it failed through his own folly, Philippus went and wasted the territory of the Alabandi. These were his good benefactors but he treated them like public enemies. The only reason he gave was that his soldiers needed food. (Polyb. l. 16, in Excerpt. Vales. p. 86, 89.)
2987. In the 55th year of the second period of Calippus, in the 548th year of Nabonassar, on the 9th of the month Machir about midnight, in the beginning of March 20th, there was a total eclipse of the moon at Alexandria. (Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.)
2988. The next summer the Romans, with the help of Attalus and the Rhodians made war on Philippus and his associates in Macedonia. (Livy l. 31.)
2989. Scopas, the head man of all Etolia, was sent from Alexandria by Ptolemy, with a great quantity of money. He hired 6000 foot soldiers in addition to cavalry and shipped them away to Egypt. He would have left no one who could serve in the military if he had his way. However, Damocritus reminded them of the war which they were ready to engage in and of the weakness of the country if they all went. For this reason a large number of the men that were going changed their minds and stayed home. It is uncertain whether he did this out of a true zeal for his country or if Scopas did not bribe him as he did with others. (Livy l. 31.)
2990. About this time Josephus, the son of Tobias, died. The people of Jerusalem were thrown into an uproar by the quarrel of his sons. The older brothers tried to make war on their youngest brother Hyrcanus, of whom I spoke before. Many of the Jews favoured the older brothers including, Simon the high priest because of his family ties. (Josephus l. 12. c. 5.)
2991. In the 55th year of the second period of Calippus, in the 548th year of Nabonassar, on the 5th of the month Mesor, at three o'clock after midnight, on September the 12th there was a total eclipse of the moon at Alexandria. (Cl. Ptol. l. 4. c. 11.)
2992. Before the autumnal equinox, Oreum surrendered to Attalus. He was present at the feast of Eueusis in Athens. When he had sent home Agesimbrotus and the Rhodians, he returned into Asia. (Livy l. 31.)
3805 AM, 4515 JP, 199 BC
2993. After Simon the 2nd died, his son Onius the 3rd succeeded him in the high priesthood of the Jews. (Josephus l. 12. c. 4, 5.) He was a good man. He was gracious, well respected, meek and very cautious in his speech. From his youth he behaved in a very virtuous manner. /APC 2Ma 15:12 In the Fasti Siculi (for here Scaliger's Greek Eusebian Fragments fail us,) he is said to have been high priest for 24 years.
3806a AM, 4515 JP, 199 BC
2994. Ptol. Epiphanes sent a large army under the command of Scopas into Coelosyria. By force, he recovered many cities for Ptolemy including Jerusalem. (Josephus Antiquit. l. 12, c. 3.) Polybius adds: (l. 16.)
``Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's army, marched into the upper regions and subdued the country of the Jews in the winter season:''
2995. Jerome on Da 11 says this:
``When Antiocus held Judea, Scopas the Etolian was sent as general of Ptolemy's forces. He fought valiantly against Antiochus and captured Judea and returned into Egypt.''
2996. Meanwhile Antiochus invaded Attalus' kingdom which at that time was undefended because its forces were employed for the Romans in the Macedonian war. (Livy l. 32.)
3806b AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC
2997. When the senate of Rome had entertained complaints made by Attalus, they sent their ambassadors to Antiochus. They told him that the Romans at that time made use of Attalus' military forces against the Macedonians, a common enemy to both of them. The Romans would be pleased if he did not meddle with the kingdom of Attalus. It was befitting that the kings that were in league and friendship with the people of Rome should also live in peace among themselves. When Antiochus heard this, he withdrew and ceased from any further war against Attalus. Attalus sent his ambassadors to the senate of Rome to thank them for this great favour they did for him. He gave them a crown of gold of 246 pounds for the capitol. (Livy l. 32.)
3806c AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC
2998. At this time, two fleets from Asia, the one under Attalus the king, consisting of 24 ships of 5 tiers of oars a piece and the other from Rhodes of 20 fighting ships commanded by Agesimbrotus joined the Roman fleet. They pursued Philippus as fast as they could. (Livy l. 32.)
3806d AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC
2999. That summer, Antiochus took in all the cities of Coelosyria which Ptolemy controlled. (Livy l. 33.) When Antiochus defeated Scopas in a battle, he recovered all the cities of Syria and grew friendly and favourable to the Jewish nation. (Chron. Euseb.)
3000. Antiochus met Scopas at the head of the river Jordan, where the city Paneas was later built and defeated him. When he had recovered the cities which Scopas had taken from him along with Samaria, the Jews voluntarily submitted to him. They received his whole army with his elephants into their city and supported and helped them, in the siege of the citadel where Scopas had put a garrison. Josephus (Antiqu. l. 12. c. 3.) confirms this from a letter which Antiochus wrote to Ptolemy, the captain of the garrison. He states from Polybius (l. 16.) that after the defeat of Scopas, Antiochus took in Batanea, Samaria, Abila and Gadara. The Jews who lived at Jerusalem where the famous temple was, surrendered to him. Antiochus took and destroyed Gaza which withstood him and sided with Ptolemy. All this is written also in the same book of Polybius. See Vales. Excerpt. (p. 77. & 86.)
3001. Zeno Rhodius, in his Local History, mentioned by Laertius (l. 7.) has described in detail this battle between Antiochus and Scopas at Panias near the source of the Jordan River. This with other excerpts of his from Polybius, the most learned Henry Valesius has given us. (p. 77, 78, 81.) Antiochus routed Scopas and pursued him to Sidon. He besieged him with 10,000 troops. Ptolemy sent to rescue him, 3 famous captains, Eropus, Menocles and Damozenus. They were unable to raise the siege. Finally Scopas surrendered from hunger and he and his troops were allowed to leave the place, stark naked. (Jerome on Da 11)
3807a AM, 4516 JP, 198 BC
3002. By that victory at Panias, Antiochus recovered all Phoenicia, Coelosyria and the other cities of the country. Although Syria belonged rightfully to the kings of Egypt, (Justin. l. 31. c. 1.) he left them to be held after this by the kings of Syria. (Polyb. Legat. 72. p. 893.) Antiochus returned to winter in Antioch. (Livy l. 33.)
3003. In the 551st year of Nabonassar and the 3 years proceeding, the 17th day of the month Athyr, which is unmoveable, to the 21st, as Plutarch in his book, De Iside & Osyride, tells us, the Egyptians celebrated the feast of Isis. This was on December 28th as we have shown in the 7th chapter of our book, "De Macedonum & Asianorum, anno Solari." Eudoxus placed the winter solstice at this time. When Dositheus notes this in his Octaeris, (which, Censorinus tells us was attributed to Eudoxus) or in his Parapegma annexed to it which he published at Coloniae near Athens, (or rather at Coloni in Eolia). Hence it came to pass that the Greeks were of the opinion mentioned by Geminus (c. 6. of his astronomical work), that the feast of Isis was always kept on the winter solstice. This was the shortest day of the year. He there also shows this error was formerly noted in Eratosthenes, in his commentary De Octtaeride.
3004. In this winter season, Philippus came to talk with the Roman consul, Ti. Quinctius Flaminius. He wanted to know the conditions of peace. Among the conditions that Flaminius mentioned was that Philippus should restore to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, all the cities which he had taken since the death of Ptolemy Philopator, his father. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 43, Livy l. 32.)
3807b AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC
3005. In the same year there was an earthquake between the two islands of Theramene (or Thera) and Therasia, in the middle of the sea between them. This created a new island with hot springs. The same day in Asia an earthquake shook Rhodes and many other cities and destroyed many houses there. Some cities were completely swallowed up whole. Thereupon their priests and soothsayers predicted that the rising Roman Empire would swallow up and devour the kingdoms both of Macedonia and Asia. (Justin, l. 30. c. 4.)
3807c AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC
3006. In the beginning of spring, Flaminius sent for Attalus to come to him to Elatia. He went with him to Thebes to try to persuade the Boeotians to join the league with the Romans. Attalus made a speech to them and spoke with more force than his voice could endure. He was now grown old and he suddenly became speechless and fell down. He was sick in Thebes and one side of his body was paralysed. Quintius saw that he was in no danger of dying but needed time to recover from the weakness of his body. He left him there and returned to Elatia from where he came. (Livy in the beginning of 33rd book, printed at Rome, from the manuscript of Bamberg and at Paris 1616 AD with Plutarch in the life of Quinc. Flamin.)
3007. At the same time, Antiochus sent his two sons, Ardues and Mithridates, ahead of him by land and wanted them to wait for him at Sardis. He set sail with 100 fighting ships and other smaller vessels and planned to try to do what he could with the cities of Caria and Cilicia which were controlled by Ptolemy. He hoped to assist Philippus by sea and land. He first took over Zephyrium, Soli and Aphrodisias. He rounded the cape of Anemurium, a foreland of Cilicia. Selinus and other towns, cities and citadels all along that coast surrendered without resistance to him either from fear or to court his favour. At last he came to Coracesium, which much to his surprise, shut their gates to him. (Livy, l. 33.)
3008. While Antiochus besieged Coracesium, Rhodes sent him ambassadors to him. They told him that if he did not stay on the other side of Nephelis, a cape of Cilicia, they would oppose him. This was not for any grudge they had against him but to keep him from joining with Philippus and that he might not interfere with the Romans who had now undertaken to procure and maintain the liberty of Greece. When he heard this, he controlled his anger. He told them only that he would send his ambassadors to Rhodes to deal with this matter. They had instructions to renew the leagues formerly made between them and him and his forefathers. They were to tell them not to fear his coming to them for he would do no harm to them or any of their friends. He would not infringe on his friendship with the Romans. His reply satisfied them. (Livy l. 33.)
3009. The Rhodians laid claim to Peraea, opposite Rhodes on the continent of Asia. It had been always in the possession of their ancestors but was now invaded and occupied by Philippus. At this time Pausistratus, the Rhodian general had routed Dinocrates and the Macedonians. Had he followed up on the victory and marched straight to Stratonicea, it was his for the asking. However, they returned to their camp and this gave Dinocrates with the rest of his army time to get into the city. The Rhodians were unable to take it. This story is described in more detail by Livy. (l. 33.)
3010. Attalus was carried sick from Thebes to his city Pergamus by sea and died there. (Livy l. 33. Polyb. p. 820. Plut. in Quin. Flamin.) He lived 72 years and was king for 44 years. (Livy l. 33. Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 102. and in Suidas, in the word Attalus:) Strabo says he reigned only for 43 years. (l. 13. p. 624.) He was survived by his wife Apollonius of the city of Cyzicum and 4 children, Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaetes and Athenaeus. (Livy l. 33.) Eumenes, who was the oldest, succeeded him in the kingdom. (Strabo, l. 13. p. 624. & Plut. in his book of brotherly love) Plutarch states that the two younger brothers though both brave and lusty spirits, yet lived in deep respect of Eumenes. They were like guards about him for the preservation of his crown and dignity. (Polyb. in Excerpt. Vales. p. 169. and Suidas, in the word Attalus.) Thereupon it was that their mother would often say that she was a happy woman not because of her wealth or that she was a queen but because she saw her 2 younger sons to be excellent guards of the oldest son. The two sons always had their swords with them, yet Eumenes lived in the midst of them without the least dread or fear of them. (Plut. in his book of brotherly love) The filial duty and respect which they all bore to Apollonis or Apollonias, his mother is described in more detail in Polybius (in Excerpt. Vales. p. 113, 114.) and in Suidas. (in the word Apollonias.)
3807d AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC
3011. Philippus' army of foot soldiers and cavalry were defeated in the battle fought at Cynoscephalas, in the country of Thessalia as mentioned in /APC 1Ma 8:5,6 Flaminius offered him a truce because he understood that Antiochus was marching from Syria with an army to come into Europe. Thereupon he made a truce with him for 4 months that in that time Flaminius might send to Rome and submit all to the will and pleasure of the senate. (Polyb. in Legat. 6. p. 792. Livy, l. 33. editio. Roman. & Paris.)
3012. When the Rhodians heard of the defeat of Philippus, they still defended the cities that were allied with Ptolemy and were in danger of being invaded by Antiochus. To some they sent help and to others a letter telling them they would defend them from the aggression of Antiochus. Letters were sent to the Caunians, Myndians, Halicarnassions, and Samians. (Livy l. 33.) However this was not sufficient. Antiochus, in spite of them, surprised Coracesium, Coricos, Andriace, Limyra, Patara, and Xanthus which belonged to Ptolemy. Lastly, he took the city of Ephesus. (Jerome on Daniel, c. 11.)
3808a AM, 4517 JP, 197 BC
3013. Antiochus spent his winter at Ephesus and tried to subdue all of Asia into the empire his forefathers once had. He knew that the rest of Lampsacus in Hellespont planned to fight. He advised them to surrender like the rest. He threatened them in case they would not, fearing lest the rest would follow their example in opposing his plans. When this did not work, he sent some companies from Ephesus to besiege Smyrna and others from Abydus to besiege Lampsacus. (Livy l. 33.) Thereupon both cities as well as others that joined with them, sent their commissioners to Flaminius to ask for help against Antiochus. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 87.)
3014. When Cl. Marcellus assumed his office of consul, ambassadors arrived at Rome to ask for a league to be made with Philippus. Thereupon the senate passed this decree:
``Everywhere the Greeks in both Europe and Asia should be free and live after their own laws. Those that were under Philippus' dominion or had any garrisons of his in them, should before the celebration of the next Isthimian games, turn them over into the hands of the Romans. Those that were in Asia, as Euronius, Pedasa, Burgylia, Iassus, Abydus, Thasus, Myrrina and Perinthus, Philippus should withdraw his garrisons and leave them free. He should not renew his war with the new king, Eumenes, (for Valerius Antias observes, that special notice was taken of him) who was the son of Attalus. Concerning the enfranchising of the Cyani, Ti. Quin. Flaminius should write letters to Prusias that the will and pleasure of the senate was, &c.''
3015. To ensure the execution of this decree, the senate sent 10 commissioners into Greece. (Polyb. Legat. 7. p. 793. & Legat. 9. p. 792. Livy, l. 33.)
3808b AM, 4518 JP, 196 BC
3016. After the Isthmian games were over, the general liberty of Greece was proclaimed by the public crier. Ti. Flaminius and the ten commissioners who came from Rome, listened to Hegesianactes and Lysias who were ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius. They were told to tell Antiochus that he must not meddle with any free city in Asia, much less make war upon them. He must get out of such places as he now controlled which were formerly belonged either to Ptolemy or Philippus. He was ordered not to personally enter Europe and not to send any of his forces there. They added that they would soon journey to Antiochus. (Polyb. Legat. 9. p. 798. 799. Livy l. 33.)
3017. When the assembly was dismissed, the 10 commissioners divided the work they had to do among them. Every man went to see his assigned region to be liberated according to the decree. P. Lentulus went by sea to Bargylia in Asia and freed that city to live according to their own laws. L. Stentinius did the same at Hephaestia, Thalus and the cities of Thracia and wherever he went. P. Villius and Lu. Terentius journeyed to Antiochus and Cn. Cornelius went to king Philippus. (Polyb. Legat. 9. p. 977. Livy l. 33. Plut. in Flamin.)
3808c AM, 4518 JP, 196 BC
3018. At the beginning of spring, Antiochus went by sea from Ephesus and came to Hellespont. He crossed with his land army from Abydus and joined them with his naval forces. He landed in Chersonese. He took over any cities that surrendered to him from fear. From there he went to Lysimachia, which was utterly destroyed a short time earlier by the Thracians. He began to rebuild it and to make it the capital of his son Seleucus' kingdom in those regions. (Livy l. 33. Appian. in Syria. p. 86, 87.)
3019. Everything was going as well as Antiochus could imagine. However, L. Cornelius, who was sent by the senate of Rome to make peace between Antiochus and Ptolemy, came to Selymbria. P. Lentulus from Bargylia, L. Terentius and P. Villius from Thasus were three of the commissioners who went to Lysimachia. P. Cornelius came from Selymbria and met them there at Lysimachia. A few days later Antiochus came there from Thracia and met them. Hegesianax and Lysias, who had previously been sent as ambassadors from Antiochus to Flaminius, happened to be there at the same time. In the conference, P. Cornelius said that he thought it reasonable that Antiochus should restore to Ptolemy all the cities and places of Ptolemy's kingdom that he had recently taken from him. Further, he should withdraw his garrisons from all the places which belonged to Philippus because the Romans had now defeated him. They warned him not to meddle with any free state. Antiochus replied that he wondered first, by what right the Romans quarrelled with him about the cities in Asia any more then he questioned them what they did in Italy. He was content that the cities in Asia should enjoy their liberty but should thank him and not the Romans for it. Concerning Ptolemy, they were good friends already and that he was about to make an alliance with him. (Polyb. p. 800. 769, 770. Livy l. 3. Appian. in Syriac. p. 87, 88.)
3020. P. Cornelius continued and told him that it was reasonable that the ambassadors of Lampsacus and Smyrna should be called and allowed to speak for themselves. They were summoned. Parmenion and Pythodorus represented the city of Lampsacus and Coeramus spoke for Smyrna. They spoke boldly and freely for their own cause. Antiochus stormed to see that he was being called to account for what he had done in Asia to the Romans as if they were his judges. He ordered Parmenion to hold his peace and said that he moved that the controversy be decided before the Rhodian judges and not the Romans. So that conference broke up and nothing was done. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 770.)
3021. Polycrates, who was governor of Cyprus, was in charge of collecting the the king's revenue. He handed the government over to his successor, Ptolemy of Megalopolis and returned to Alexandria. He turned over to the king Epiphanes, a great sum of money. Epiphanes was glad to receive this and Polycrates was thought highly of by all. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 773.)
3022. Shortly after this, the Etolians revolted under their captain Scopas who had a large company of soldiers under him. Since the king was but a child, he could do what he liked. While he dawdled his time away, his plans were cut short. When Aristomenes knew that his friends went to him in his own house and used to sit in council together, he sent a company of the guards and summoned him before the king's council. Scopas was surprised and grew so wild and void of reason that he did not carry out his plans neither did he obey the summons of the king as he should have done. Aristomenes knew what state he was in and sent a company of soldiers and surrounded the house. Ptolemy the son of Eumenes brought him before the king. (Polyb. l. 17. 771.)
3023. He was brought before the council. First the king charged him and then Polycrates and Aristomenes did. He was quickly found guilty and condemned by the king's council and by all the ambassadors of foreign nations who were there. For Aristomenes intended to accuse him and had purposely brought there various illustrious personages of the Greeks and the Etolian ambassadors. They were at that time sent there to work out a peace between the king and them. Dorymachus, the son of Nicostratus was one of the ambassadors. After these all spoke, Scopas with his cohorts were all cast in prison. The next night Aristomenes had him and all his family poisoned. He had Dicaearchus who was a most impious wretch, racked to death. Dicaearchus was the admiral of Philippus' navy and harassed the Cycladian Isles. He erected two altars in a certain port there, the one to Impiety and the other to Iniquity. He sacrificed to them both as to two gods. The rest of the Etolians who wanted to return, the king gave them permission to do so and take what belonged to them with them. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 772.)
3024. When this business of the Etolians was settled and all was quiet, then the whole court started their solemn revels which they used to have when anyone is made king. This event is called Anaclateria. The king was not then old enough to run the government. However, the court thought, that if it known abroad that the king was come now to rule in his own person, things would go better and be more peaceful in the kingdom. Therefore they made all provisions they could do to perform this solemnity for the honour of the kingdom. (Polyb. l. 17. p. 773.)
3025. While the conference at Lysimachia was going on between Antiochus and the commissioners from Rome, it was reported by an unconfirmed source what had happened to Scopas at Alexandria and that Ptolemy was dead. Hence that conference came to naught for neither party would act until they knew exactly what happened. L. Cornelius, whose proper errand was to make peace with both the kings, desired some time to talk directly with Ptolemy. He wanted to get there as soon as possible before anything could be resolved there after the king's supposed death to help establish the state. Antiochus made no doubt of his intentions. If the king were indeed dead, Egypt would be his. Therefore, he sent away the commissioners and left his son, Seleucus with his army to continue rebuilding Lysimachia. He with his whole fleet sailed to Ephesus and from there sent ambassadors to Flaminius to desire him to continue the league and friendship between them. He sailed again and stayed close to coast of Asia until he came to Lycia. At Patara he was told for certain that Ptolemy was living and thereupon he abandoned his journey for Egypt. (Livy l. 33. Appian. in Syria. p. 88.)
3809a AM, 4518 JP, 196 BC
3026. Antiochus hurried toward Cyprus which he certainly hoped to get. When he had rounded the cape of the Chelidonian foreland, his sailors mutinied and he was forced to stay for a while in Pamphylia at the mouth of the Eurymedon River. From there he sailed to a place called the head of the Saris River. A severe storm almost drowned him and all his fleet. Many of his ships were driven on shore and many sank in the sea with all hands. A number of sailors, common soldiers and his nobles and leaders died in that storm. He salvaged what he could from the wreck. Since he was in no position to go on to Cyprus, he sailed to Seleucia in Syria and there started to rebuild his navy. He married his two children, Antiochus and Laodice to each other. He set to sea again for Antioch because winter was approaching. (Livy l. 33. Appian. in Syria. p. 88.)
3809b AM, 4519 JP, 195 BC
3027. The Decemviri or 10 commissioners returned to Rome and told the senate about Antiochus and his return into Syria. (Livy l. 33.) Hannibal's enemies at Carthage, informed the senate of Rome that he and Antiochus daily sent letters to each other. Although this was false, those who fear these men believed the false report. Thereupon they sent ambassadors to the council at Carthage and complained to them that Hannibal was working with Antiochus and told them to get rid of Hannibal by any means. (Livy l. 33. Justin, l. 31. c. 1, 2.)
3028. Flaminius' reply to Antiochus' ambassadors when they asked for a league was that he could do nothing now that the 10 commissioners were gone. The ambassadors would do well to go after them and make their address to the senate at Rome. (Livy l. 34.)
3029. Thereupon Hannibal stole away from Carthage and came safely to Tyre. He was there received by the founders of Carthage as in a second country of his own. After he rested there for a few days, he sailed to Antioch. When he found that Antiochus had left, he there spoke with his son who was celebrating a solemn festival in Daphne. When he had been courteously entertained by him, he sailed again and followed Antiochus overtaking him at Ephesus. Antiochus was trying to decide if he should make war on the Romans or not. He was completely taken by surprise when Hannibal came to him. From now on he thought not as much of the war itself as of what great things he should get by conquering the Romans. (Livy in the end of his 33rd book, Justin, l. 31. c. 1, 2. and Emil. Prob. in Hannib.)
3030. Phormio, a philosopher of the Peripatetic text, had disputed a long time in his school concerning the duty and office of a commander of an army and of the military art and the ordering of a battle. Hannibal could contain himself no longer and cried out that he had heard many a doting fool in his days but a bigger fool than this Phormio was, he had never heard. (Cicer. de Oratore, lib. 2.)
3809c AM, 4519 JP, 195 BC
3031. T. Quinctius Flaminius joined with Eumenes and the Rhodians and fought very successfully against Nabis the tyrant of Lacedemon. (Liv. l. 34.)
3032. When M. Porcius (Cato) was consul, the city of Smyrna began and built a temple to the city of Rome. (Tacit. Annal. l. 4.) By their example, the Alabandenses, not only built another temple to her but instituted some anniversary plays and games in honour of her as a proper goddess. (Livy. l. 34.)
3810 AM, 4520 JP, 194 BC
3033. Eratosthenes of Cyrene, the son of Aglaus, died. He was not only a grammarian, though that were his chief profession, but also a poet, a philosopher and a geometrician, for he excelled in all these areas. (Lucia. in Macrobiss) Apollonius Alexandrinus succeeded him in managing the library at Alexandria. He was a scholar of Callimachus who wrote the Argonautica. Since he lived many years at Rhodes, he was surnamed Rhodius. (Swidas in Apollonius.)
3034. Antiochus knew of the loyalty of the Jews for him. He conferred great favours on them again and by his letters he highly commended them. (Eusib. Chron.) His letters are preserved in Josephus. (l. 14. Antiq. c. 3.) In an address to Ptolemy's government, he mentioned many gifts of his and immunities granted both to the city and also the temple at Jerusalem. In another letter to Zeuxis, he ordered 2000 families of the Jews, who lived in the provinces of Babylonia and Mesopotamia, to be settled in of Phrygia and Lydia. He hoped their presence would keep order there.
3811 AM, 4521 JP, 193 BC
3035. Antiochus prepared to make a war in Greece and to begin his war against the Romans there. He told Hannibal what he purposed who told him that the Romans could only be conquered in Italy. Hannibal asked for 100 of his warships with 16,000 cavalry. With that fleet he first would sail into Africa so that he knew he could instigate a fresh rebellion among the Carthaginians. If that failed, he would land in some part of Italy and there begin the war anew against them. When he had persuaded the king to let him do this, he did not personally go to Africa (as Emil. Probus, in the life of Hannibal thinks) but sent Aristo, a Tyrian born at Ephesus under the guise of a merchant to trade at Carthage. He was to prepare their minds for a revolt against the Romans. Hannibal's enemies laid hold of Aristo at Carthage. They spent many days in consultation trying to determine what to do with him and if they should send him to Rome to justify their innocence in this matter. However, Aristo escaped and sailed back to Hannibal again. Thereupon they sent ambassadors to the consuls and senate at Rome to tell them what had happened. (Livy l. 34. Justin, l. 31. c. 3, 4. Appian. in Syriac. p. 89, 90.)
3036. Meanwhile Antiochus sent Lysias, Hegesianactes and Menippus as his ambassadors to Rome to determine the feelings of the senate. They went under the pretence of trying to arrange a league and friendship between him and them. They told the senate that the king wondered why they should bid him to get out of the cities of Eloia and Ionia, to forego his tributes due to him from other places and not to meddle with matters in Asia and countries of his ancient inheritance in Thracia. These were not commands to be given to friends of theirs as he was, but to conquered enemies. They were told that they should go and ask Flaminius and the 10 commissioners who were formerly sent into Greece. When they came, the commissioners pressed that Antiochus should either stay out of Europe or allow the Romans to take care of what they had already in Asia and acquire more there if they could. The ambassadors told them plainly that they could neither negotiate a deal by which the king's rights and dominions might in any way be impaired. So that matter was left unsettled and the ambassadors were sent away. (Livy l. 34. Appian. in Syriac. p. 89.)
3037. Scarcely had the ambassadors left, when news came from Carthage that Antiochus was busy preparing for war against the Romans and that Hannibal was his general. They were afraid lest a fresh war would start from Carthage. (Livy l. 34.)
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3038. Antiochus gave his daughter in marriage to Ptolemy at Raphia, in Phoenicia or rather in Palestina and returned to Antioch. (Livy l. 35.) He was now fully resolved to make war against the Romans and thought it best to league himself by marriages and alliances with as many kings and princes in the area as he could. Therefore he sent his daughter, Cleopatra, surnamed Syra, to Egypt to marry Ptolemy. He gave him a dowrie with her of all Coelosyria which he had formerly taken from him. He did this to pacify Ptolemy and to keep him from joining with the Romans in this war. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 88.) Jerome on Da 11 says, that Antiochus, planned to get Egypt for his dominion and espoused his daughter Cleopatra, in the 7th year of the young Ptolemy's reign according to Eucles of Rhodes. However Jerome follows Eusebius' Chronicle which said it was the 13th year. According to our calculations it was in the 12th year that he sent her to him. Ptolemy received a dowry of all Coelosyria and Judaea. Antiochus did not get Egypt. Ptolemy and his council perceived his plans and were more cautious in their affairs. Cleopatra took her husband's side rather than her father's. Josephus, (Antiq. l. 12. c. 3.) writes that Antiochus gave his daughter Cleopatra to wife to Ptolemy along with her dowry of Coelosyria, all Phoenicia, Judaea and Samaria. The tribute was equally divided between them from these places. The head men in each of these countries gathered the tribute for them and paid it to them.
3039. He offered Antiochis, another daughter, in marriage to Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia. He sent his 3rd daughter to Eumenes, the king of Pergamus. When Eumenes saw that he planned to make war against the Romans and that this was the reason for the marriage, he refused the offer. When his two brothers, Attalus and Philetaetus wondered why he should refuse such an offer made to him by so great a neighbouring king as Antiochus, Eumenes told them how great a war was now at hand. He said that if the Romans win as he truly thought they would, he would be able to hold his own by them. If Antiochus won then his fortune would be either to be turned out of his kingdom by a powerful neighbouring prince or be forced to live under him. Concerning this, see Eumenes, his own Oration. (in Polyb. Legat. 25. & Livy l. 37.)
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3040. Antiochus crossed the Taurus Mountains and marched through Cilicia. At the very end of winter, he came to Ephesus. (Livy l. 35.)
3041. From there at the beginning of spring, he sent back his son Antiochus into Syria. He was to take care of matters there and in the remote parts of his eastern dominions while he was busy in the west. Antiochus with all his army went to invade the Pisidians who lived around Selga. (Livy. l. 35.)
3042. At that time, ambassadors from Rome arrived at Elaea to see Antiochus. They came under the pretence of an embassy, but were there to see first hand what preparations he had made. They spoke often with Hannibal to try to cool Hannibal's anger toward them. If that failed they hoped to make Antiochus jealous of Hannibal because he spoke frequently with the Romans. The names of the ambassadors were, P. Sulpitius and P., Villius, who among others had met with Antiochus at Lysimachia. (Livy l. 34, 35. Justin, l. 31. c. 4. Fronti. Stratag. l. 1. c. 8. Appia. in Syriac. p. 90, 91.)
3043. The ambassadors went up from Elaea to Pergamus where Eumenes' palace was. Their instructions were first to confer with Eumenes before they went to Antiochus. Eumenes did the best he could to have them make war on Antiochus. Sulpitius remained sick at Pergamus but when P. Villius heard that Antiochus warred against Pisidia, he went to Ephesus. During those few days he stayed there, he made it a point to speak to Hannibal as often as he could. He wanted to know his intentions and to mitigate his anger toward the Romans by assuring him that they intended him no further harm. (Livy l. 35.)
3044. Claudius Quadrigarius who followed the account of the Greek History of Acilius, states that P. Scipio Africanus was in this embassy and that he was the one that spoke with Hannibal at Ephesus. He mentions one talk of theirs in particular. Africanus asked Hannibal whom he thought to have been the greatest general in the world? Hannibal replied that Alexander the Great was. When asked whom he thought was second?, he answered Pyrrhus. When asked who was then third?, he replied, myself. At that, Scipio burst out laughing and said what would you have done if you had defeated me? Hannibal replied that he would have counted himself before both Pyrrhus and Alexander and all others that ever were. His perplexing and intricate answer was but a trick of Punic wit. Scipio was taken in by it as with a pretty kind of flattery. He was not counted better than all the generals yet he had vanquished a better man than Alexander. (Livy l. 35. with Plutarch in T. C. Flaminino, and Appian. in Syriac. p. 91, 92.)
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3045. Villius went from Ephesus to Apamea and there Antiochus heard of the coming of the Roman ambassadors to meet them. They discussed almost the same points which were discussed between Flaminius and the other commissioners on one side and his ambassadors on the other at Rome. When news came of the death of his son Antiochus, who was recently sent into Syria, the conference was suspended. Villius did not want to be there at this sad time and went to Pergamus, when the king and court were all in mourning. The king stopped all preparations for the war and went to Ephesus. (Livy l. 35.)
3046. The Roman ambassadors were told to come to Ephesus. They met in conference with Minio, a principal counsellor and favourite of the king. In his discourse Minio blamed the Romans that under a pretence of setting Greece at liberty, they intended to make war against Antiochus. The Romans held so many famous countries in their subjection and made them pay tribute to Rome. These formerly lived free and according to their own laws. Sulpitius replied for the Romans for he was now recovered from sickness. He called the ambassadors of the other states present there as witnesses for the Romans as they had been instructed to do by Eumenes. Then the conference degenerated into a brawl. (Livy l. 35.)
3047. When Antiochus had heard the embassy of the Rhodians, he told them that if he and the Romans came to an agreement and a league, all they, as well as those of Byzatium, Cyzicum and other Greeks living in Asia would be free. The Eolians and Ionians would still be under the control of the kings of Asia. Therefore the Roman ambassadors returned to Rome when they could get nowhere with the king. For indeed that was the least part of the errand since they came primarily to spy on him. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 92.)
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3048. After this, the Etolian ambassadors came to the king. They offered to make him commander of all the forces which they raised and persuaded him by all means to go over to Greece. They said it was ready to receive him. He should not stay until his armies came down to him from the remote and inner parts of Asia. This made Antiochus all the more eager to go into Greece as soon as possible. (Appian. in Syriac. p. 92, 93. with Polyb. l. 3. p. 159. & Justin, l. 30. c. 4 & l. 32. c. 1.)
3049. Before he sailed, he went up to Ilium and sacrificed to Minerva. He returned to his fleet and sailed with 40 fighting ships, 60 barges and 200 cargo ships. These were loaded with all kinds of provisions and sailed in the rear of the fleet. His whole army consisted of 10,000 foot soldiers and 500 cavalry with 6 elephants. This was barely enough to take over Greece if no one was there to fight with him. How inadequate were these forces to stand up against the Roman military might. (Livy l. 35.)