The Decipherment of Harappan Writing
By
Clyde
Winters
Over 3500 years ago a civilization existed in the Indus
Valley . This riverine
civlization is referred to by archaeologist as the Harappan or Indus
Valley civilization (see: The Harappan Civilization
).
Harppan boat on moulded tablet from Mohenjo-daro
The founders of this civilization were
Proto-Dravidian speaking people from middle Africa ( The Proto-Sahara ). Now mainly situated in
South India , these people earlier lived in Central Asia , and even China (see: Shang Dynasty ).
Male head from Mohenjo-daro ,
Mohenjo-daro
Museum ,
MM431.
The Harappans have left us
thousands of written documents. These documents are called seals by
archaeologists. The Harappan seals are written in a
Dravidian language anologous to Tamil (Winters,1990 ).
Scholars early recognized that the Harappans may have spoken a Dravidian language. This view
was supported by 1) the fact that in the West Indus , Brahui , a Dravidian language is spoken in Baluchistan and Afghanistan; 2) the Rig Veda is written in
a form of Dravidian called SumeroTamil ; and 3) the
presence of Dravidian loan words in Sanskrit indicated that Dravidian speakers
probably occupied northern India and Pakistan before the Aryan invasion of the
area after 1000 BC with their grey ware.
Over 4000 Harappan seals have been found at 60
different sites. The script incorparates
419 signs. But there are around 60-70 basic syllabic
signs. The remaining 339 signs are compound or ligature signs formed by
the combination of two or more basic signs (Winters,1987 ).
There are also 10 ideographic signs (Winters , 1987a).
Inscribed Indus Valley Objects
Harappan writing appears
on both steatite seals and copper plates/tablets (Winters ,
1987b). Ninety percent of the seals are square, the
remaining ten percent are rectangular. They range in size from half-an-inch to
around two-and-half inches.
Harappan seals and sealings
The seals have a raised boss on the back pierced with
a hole for carrying, or being placed on parcels. These seals carry messages
addressed to the gods of the Harappans requesting
support and assistanc in obtaining " aram "
(benevolence) (Winters 1984a, 1984b).
The key to deciphering the Harappan script was the recognition that the
Proto-Dravidians who settled the Indus Valley had formerly
lived in the Proto-Sahara were they used the so-called Libyco -Berber
writing (Winters,1985b ).
Further research indicated that
the Indus Valley writing was
related not only to the Libyco -Berber writing but
also the Brahmi writing. Some researchers claim that
the Brahmi writing is related to Phonecian
writing. But a comparison of the Brahmi vowels and Phonecian vowels fail to show similarity.
Comparison of Brahmi and Phonecian Vowels
Although we fail
to see a relationship between the Brahmi and Phonecian vowels, comparison of the Brahmi
and Harappan vowels show complete correspondence.
It is clear that a common system of record keeping
was used by people in the 4th and 3rd millenium BC
from Saharan Africa to Iran , China and the Indus Valley (Winters , 1985). The best examples of this common writing
were the Linear A script, Proto-Elamite , Uruk script Indus Valley writing and the Libyco -Berber writing (Winters ,
1985). Although the Elamites and Sumerians,
abandoned this writing in favor of the cuneiform script, the Dravidians,
Minoans, Mande (the creators of the Libyco -Berber writing) and Olmecs
continued to use the Proto-Saharan script.
The Sumerian, Elamite ,
Dravidian and Manding languages are genetically
related (Winters,1989 ). This is not a recent discovery
by linguist and anthropologists. N. Lahovary in
Dravidian Origins and the West ( Madras ,1957 ) noted structural
and grammatical analogies of the Dravidian , Sumerian and Elamite
languages. K.L. Muttarayan provides hundreds of
lexical correspondences and other linguistic data supporting the family
relationship between Sumerian and Dravidian languages. And D. McAlpin in Proto-Elamo
Dravidians: The Evidence and its Implication ( Philadelphia , 1981) provides
documented evidence for the family relationship between the Dravidian languages
and Elamite .
Using the evidence of cognate scripts and the analogy
between the Dravidian language, and the languages spoken by peoples using
cognate scripts it was able to make three assumptions leading to the
decipherment of the Harappan writing.
One, it was assumed that Harappan
script was written in the Dravidian language.
Two, it was assumed that the Draviaind
language shares linguistic and cultural affinities with the Elamites ,
Manding and Sumerians--all of whom used a similar
writing system. This led to a corollary hypothesis that the Harappan
writing probably operated on the same principles as the related scripts, due to
a probable common origin.
Three, it was assumed that since the Harappan script has affinity to the Proto-Manding writing (Libyco -Berber)
and the Manding language, the Harappan
script could be read by giving these signs the phonetic values they had in the
Proto-Manding script as preserved in the Vai writing, since the northernManding
languages like Bambara and Malinke
are genetically related to Dravidian languages like Tamil. The discovery of
cognition between Vai and Harappan
signs ont the one hand, and the corresponding
relationship of sign sequences in the Harappan and Vai scripts helped lead to a speedy reading and
decipherment of the Harappan signs.
This made it possible to use symbols from the Manding-Vai script to interpret Harappan
signs. The only difference, was that when interpreting
the phonetic values of the Harappan script, they were
to be read using the Dravidian lexicon. The terms used to express the
translation of Harappan signs are taken from Burrow
and Emeneau's , Dravidian Etymological Dictionary. Once the seals were broken down into their syllabic values, we then
only had to determine if the Harappan term was a
monosyllabic word, or if it was a term that was made up of only one syllable.
A comparison of the Harappan
signs, Brahmi and Vai
writing show that the signs have similar phonetic value. It is the similarity
in phonetic value that allows us to read the Indus Valley writing use Vai signs.
Many would-be
deciphers of dead languages have assumed that you can not read ancient language
using contemporary or comparatively recent time-depth lexical material. This is
a false view of archaeological decipherment. For example, Jean Champollion used Coptic to read the Egyptian hieroglyphics;
and Sir Henry Rawlinson , used Galla
( a Cushitic language spoken in Africa ) and Mahra (a South Semitic language) to decipher the cuneiform
writing.
Moreover, we know
from the history of the cuneiform writing several different languages (Eblate , Elamite , Sumerian,
Assyrian, Akkadian , etc.) were used written in the
cuneiform script. This meant that if cuneiform could be used to write different
languages, why couldn't the Proto-Saharan script used in ancient middle Africa
(and later Asia and Europe), be used to write genetically related languages
like the Manding and Dravidian groups.
This decipherment Harappan seals (Winters, 1984a, 1984b, 1987a, 1985, 1987b,
1989) shows that they do not contain the names and titles of their owners. They
are talismans, with messages addressed to the Harappan
gods requesting blessings. This is in sharp contrast to the Mesopotamian seals
which were used for administrative and commercial purposes.
The Harappan seals illustrate that the Harappan
Believer wanted from his god 1) a good fate; 2) spiritual richness; 3) virtue;
4) humility; and 5) perserverance . They were
protective amulets found in almost every room in the city of Mohenjo-Daro .
A Unicorn seal,
note the manger under the head of this god
The Harappan writing was read from right to left. Above we can
see the average Harappan seal and its talismanic
formula: 1) depiction of Diety X (in this case Maal /Mal) as an animal, and then the votive inscription was
written above the Deity.
The manger, under
the head of Maal is made up of several Harappan signs. It reads Puu-i - Paa or " A flourishing
Condition. Thou distribute (it)".
The Harappan seals were often found by archaeologists in a worn
condition. The fact that the seals often had holes drilled in the back, suggest
that the seals were tied with string and hung around the neck or from belts.
Perforated boss on
the back of many seals
The importance of
the Harappan seals as amulets is attested too by the
popularity of wearing totems among the Dravidians. During the Sangam period (of ancient Dravidian history), the warriors
and young maidens wore anklets with engraved designs and or totemic signs.
Moreover at the turn of the century, in South India , it was common
for children to wear an image of Hanumen around their
neck; while wives wore a marriage totem around their necks as a symbol of
household worship.
It is also interesting
to note that K.K. Thapliyal in Studies in Ancient
Indian Seals, found that many Indian seals from the 3rd century BC to the 7th
century AD , portray animals, with an inscription above the animal ( just like
in the case of the Harappan seals) which were
indicative of the religious views of the owner of the seal. This evidence
supports our finding that the Harappan seals were
worn (or carried) by the Harappans to help them
remember the Harappan man's goal, to obtain guidance
from his deity.
In the Harappan worldview animals were used in many cases to
represent characteristics human beings should exhibit. As a result the bird was
recognized as a symbol of the highest love, due to its devotion to its offspring ; and the elephant due to its strict monogamy
symbolized the right attitude towards family life and social organization.
The principal Harappan gods are all depicted on the Harappan
seals. The main god of the Harappans was the unicorn.
The unicorm probably represented Maal
( Vishnu or Kataval ). This
god was held in high esteem by the coherds and shepards . Other Harappan gods were represented by the water buffalo, humped
bull, elephant, rhino, tiger and mythological animals.
Seals depicting
the Harappan gods
The crescent
shaped horns of the oxen or castrated bull on some Harappan
seals may represent the mother goddess "Kali". The lunar crescent
shape of the oxen's curved horns recalled the lunar crescent which was the
primordial sign for the mother goddess.
Siva was probably
represented by the the short horn bull. The elephant
on the Harappan seals may have represented Ganesa/Ganesha the elephant headed god of India . In the
"Laws of Manu", it is written that Ganesha
is the god of the 'shudras ', the aboriginal
population of India . The Tamilian name for the elephant god is 'Pillaiyar ,
palla and veeram '. The
hunter figure on Harappan seals wearing the horned
headdress and armed with a bow and arrow may have been Muruga ,
the son of Uma .
Pillayar , is considered the
shrewdest of animals. He is associated with Harvest time, abundance and luck.
The appearence of mythological animals on the Harappan seals may refer to Pillayar
or Ganesha in one of his many transformations.
In summary , my decipherment of the Harappan
seals indicate that the seals and copper plates/tablets are amulets or
talismans. They are messages addressed to the Dravidian gods of the Harappans , requesting for the bearer of the seal the
support and assistance of his god in obtaining aram (Benenolence ). As a result, each animal figure on the seals
was probably a totemic deity, of a particular Dravidian clan or economic unit
that lived in the Harappan cities. As a result, eventhough the Harappans had
different gods, each god was seen by his follwers as
1) a god having no equal, 2) a god having neither Karma, and 3) as a god who is
the ocean of aram .
The Harappan believed that man must do good
and live a benevolent life so he could obtain Pukal
(fame), for his right doing(s). Through the adoption of benevolence an
individual would obtain the reward of gaining the good things of life--the
present world--and the world beyond. In general, the Harappan
seals let us know that the Harappans sought
righteousness and a spotlessly pure mind. Purity of mind was the 'sine qua
non', for happiness 'within'.
Winters,
C.A.
(1984a). "The Inspiration of the Harppan
Talismanic Seals", Tamil Civilization, 2 (1), pp.1-8.
Winters,
C.A.
(1984b). "The Indus Valley writing is
Proto-Dravidian", Journal of Tamil Studies, no.25, pp.50-64.
Winters,
C.A.
(1985). "The Proto-Culture of the Dravidians, Manding and Sumerians", Tamil Civilization, 3(1),
pp.1-9.
Winters,
C.A.
(1985b). "The Indus Valley and related
scripts of the 3rd millenium BC". India Past and Present, 2(1), pp.13-19.
Winters,
C.A.
(1987). The Harappan script, Journal of Tamil Studies,
no.30, .
Winters,
C.A.
(1987b). The Harappan writing of the Copper Tablets,
Journal of Indian History, 62, .
Winters,
C.A.
(1989). A grammar of Dravido-Harappan
Writing, Journal of Tamil Studies, 35, 53-71.
Winters,
C.A.
(1989b). "Tamil, Sumerian and Manding
and the Genetic model", International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics,
18(1).
Winters,
C.A.
(1990). The Dravidian language and the Harappan
script, Archiv Orientalni ,
58, 301-309.
Winters,
C.A.
(1991). The Proto-Sahara. In The
Dravidian encyclopaedia (Vol. 1, pp. 553-556).
Trivandrum , India : International School of Dravidian
Linguistics.
Winters,
C.A.
(1994). Afrocentrism : A valid frame of reference,
Journal of Black Studies, 25 (2), 170-190.
Winters,
C.A.
(1996). Foundations of the Afrocentric
ancient history curriculum, The Negro Educational Review, 47 (3-4), 214-217.
Send comments to cwinters@enc.k12.il.us
revised : 2004