5202. Caius Antony was defeated at a battle which was fought by the Byllis River, by Cicero's son, a captain of Brutus. A little later his soldiers surrendered Antony and themselves to Brutus. For a long time, Brutus very honourably entertained Antony even so much that he did not take from him the ensigns of his office. {Plutarch, in Brutus}
5203. M. Brutus received three legions from Illyricum from Vatinius whom by a decree of the senate, he succeeded in the province of Illyricum. Brutus also received one that he took from Antony in Macedonia and four others, which he had gathered. In all, he had eight legions and in them many of C. Caesar's old veterans. Moreover, he had a large number of cavalry, lightly armed men and archers. He praised the Macedonians and trained them after the Italian manner. {Appian, l. 4. p. 632. 633.}
5204. As Brutus was gathering soldiers and money, he had some good fortune in Thracia. Polemocratia, the wife of a certain king who was killed by his enemies, was afraid lest some harm should come to her son. She went to Brutus and commended her son to him and gave her husband's treasure to him. He committed the lad to the Cyzicenians to be raised until he had time to restore him to his father's kingdom. In these treasures, he found a large quantity of gold and silver, which he coined. {Appian, l. 4. p. 613.}
5205. After C. Cassius had seized Syria, he travelled toward Judea because he heard that the soldiers that were left in Egypt by Caesar were coming there. He won these troops and the Jews easily to his side. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} He surrounded Palestina Allienus, the lieutenant of Dolabella, as he returned from Egypt with four Legions before he was aware of him. He forced Allienus to take his side since Allienus did not dare to oppose his eight legions with the four he had. Hence, Cassius controlled 12 legions in all. This was more than he hoped for. As well as, he had some Parthian cavalry who were archers. He was held in high esteem with the Parthians ever since the time that he was the quaestor for Crassus and they thought him to be wiser than Crassus. {Appian, l. 3. p. 576., l. 4. p. 623, 624.}
5206. As soon as he had received these forces that A. Allienus had brought from Egypt, Cassius wrote these letters to Cicero concerning these forces. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 11, 12.} This letter was dated on the 7th (nones) of March, from the camp at Tarichaea in Galilee.
C. Casius Proconsul, sends hearty commendations to M. Tullius Cicero.
``If you are in good health, it is well. I indeed am in good health. Know that I am come into Syria to the generals, L. Murcus and Q. Crispus, both are valiant men and good citizens. As soon as they heard what things happened at Rome, they turned over their forces to me. They, together with me, govern the state with a constant resolution. Know also that the legion that Q. Cacilius Bassus had, came to me. Know also that the four legions that A. Allienus brought from Egypt, were turned over to me by him. I do not think that you need any encouragement to defend both us who are absent and the state, as much as lies in your power. I would have you know that there is not lacking for you and the senate strong help that you may defend the state with great hopes and a constant mind. Other things, L. Cartcius my close friend shall deal with you. Farewell. Date. the Nones of March, from the camp at Tarishea.''
5207. After these things, Cassius dismissed Bassus, Crispus and the rest that would not serve under him. He did not harm them in any way. He left Statius Murcus with his office that he had originally and committed the charge of his navy to him. Thus Dio stated. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} Although it appears from Cassius' own letters to Cicero that Crispus was firmly loyal to him. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 11, 12.}
5208. Cassius exacted 700 talents of silver from Judea (not of gold, as it is read in the 45th chapter of the Jewish Histories, as recorded in Arabic, by the Parisiens, in the Bible of many languages.) When Antipater saw his state was in trouble, he feared Cassius' threats. Antipater appointed two of his sons to gather part of the money, Malichus, a Jew who was his enemy, to gather another part and some others to gather the rest. Herod brought first of all 100 talents from Galilee, which he governed, and was greatly favoured by Cassius. It was considered a good policy even then, to win the favour of the Romans at the expense of other men. Under the other governors, the cities were put up for sale along with their inhabitants. The four main cities were Gopha, Emmaus, Lydda, and Thamma. Cassius sold the common people of these cities into slavery. Cassius was also so greatly enraged so that he was about to put Malichus to death, but Hyrcanus sent 100 talents by Antipater and appeased his fury. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 9., Antiq. l. 14, c. 18.}
5209. Caesar Octavian finished the war against Antony that was committed to him, in three months. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 10.} The war was so well managed by him about Mutina that when as he was only twenty years old, Decimus Brutus was freed from the seige and Antony was forced to leave Italy by a dishonourable flight and without his baggage. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 61.} Cicero described the battle in his writings. {Cicero, Philippics, 14} Ser. Galba, who was in the battle, in the beginning of his letters to Cicero, {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 10. epist. 30.} stated that the battle was fought 16 days before May (17th calends). So that from the third day after the victory of Mutina, they seem to start the time of Caesar Octavian. They reckon it to be 56 years, four months, and one day. This may be seen in Theophilus Antiochenus, in his book to Autolycus and Clement Alexandria, {Clement, l. 10. Stromatum} if the errors of his printer are corrected who wrote 46 for 56.
5210. A. Hirtius, the consul (the writer of the Alexandrian and African war, that was fought by Julius Caesar) died in the battle. The other consul Pansa died from his wounds a little later. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 25.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} {Brutus, ibid. l. 11, epist. 9.} {Livy l. 119.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2, c. 61 &c} Tibullus assigns this date the birthday in a poem. {Tibullus, l. 3. Elegic 5.} Ovid in {Tristium, l. 4. Elegic 10.} wrote:
``When both the consuls fell with the same fate.''
5211. Both the armies of the slain consuls obeyed Caesar. {Eutropius, l. 7.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}
5212. The senate was very ungrateful to Caesar, who alone survived of the three generals. In a triumph that was decreed to Decimus Brutus, for being freed from the siege at Mutina by Caesar, the senate made no special mention of Caesar and his army. {Livy, l. 119.} {Velleius, Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.} The ambassadors who were freed, were sent to the army and were ordered to speak to the soldiers when Octavian was out of the way. The army was not so ungrateful as the senate was. When Caesar bore this wrong quietly, the soldiers said they would not obey any commands unless their general was present. Without a doubt, they would have taken the legions from Octavian which he had except that they were afraid publicly to decree this. They knew very well the loyalty and love the soldiers had toward Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 62.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 317, 318.}
5213. The Tarsenses, of their own accord, called Dolabella into Cilicia, as did those of Laodicea into Syria. (??) {Cassius Parmensis. ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 13.}
5214. When Dolabella was about to leave Asia, he sent five cohorts into Chersonesus. Brutus easily captured these because he had five legions, very good cavalry and numerous auxiliaries. {Cicero, ad Brutum, epist. 2. (dated 13 or 11 days before (12 or 14 calends) May)} Dolabella left Asia by land with two legions and Lucius Figulus followed him with the navy. {Appian, l. 4. p. 624.}
5215. Four days before (5th calends) of May, the senate debated making war on them that were considered enemies of the state. Servilius, a tribune of the people, thought that Cassius should make war on Dolabella. Caesar agreed and decreed that M. Brutus also should pursue Dolabella, if he thought it profitable and for the good of the state. Brutus should do what he thought was best for the state. Nothing was decreed about Cassius neither as yet were there any letters come to Rome from him. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 5.} Cassius showed the reasons for the delay in his letters to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 12.}
5216. Dolabella went into Cilicia and Tarsus freely yielded to him. He defeated some forces of Cassius that were in Egae. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}
5217. Cassius was then in Palestine {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.} from where he wrote his second letter to Cicero, dated the 7th (nones) of May from the camp. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 12.} He described the state of his affairs like this:
``I have all the armies that were in Syria. I made some delay, while I paid the soldiers those things I promised them, but now I have nothing to hinder me.''
5218. He then exhorted Cicero that he would defend the dignity of his soldiers and of the generals, Murcus and Crispus. He added:
``I have heard by letters that were written that Dolabella was come into Cilicia with all his forces. I will go into Cilicia. Whatever I shall do, I will do my best to give you speedy notice of it. I willingly wish that we may deserve health of the state and so we shall be happy.''
5219. As soon as Cassius left Judea, Malichus plotted Antipater's death. He thought that by his death, Hyrcanus' government would be more secure. When Antipater found out about the plot, he went beyond Jordan and gathered an army from the inhabitants there and from the Arabians. Malichus was an astute politician and denied that he intended any treason and swore before Antipater and his sons that no such thing ever entered his mind. This was especially true since Phasaclus had a garrison in Jerusalem and Herod had the army at his command. So he was reconciled to Antipater. Murcus, the governor of Syria wanted to execute him but Antipater spared his life. Later Murcus found out that Malichus was going around to create a rebellion against Rome in Judea. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 18.}
5220. When Cassius and Murcus had gathered an army, they made Herod governor of all Coelosyria. They gave him large forces of foot soldiers, cavalry, and naval ships. They promised him the kingdom of Judea after the war was ended that they had against Antony and the young Caesar. {Josephus, Antiq. l. 14. c. 19.}
5221. Cassius made many tyrants in Syria. Marion also the tyrant of the Tyrians was left by Cassius and he ruled in Syria. Marion put out the garrisons that were there and captured three citadels in Galilee that were next to Syria. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 21.}
5222. A certain Cytheraean wrote to Satrius, the lieutenant of C. Trebonius, that Dolabella was killed by Tullius and Dejotarus and that his army was routed. This Greek letter about this matter was sent by Brutus to Cicero, sixteen days before (17th calends) June. {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 6.} This turned out to be false.
5223. Dolabella left Asia and went through Cilicia into Syria. He was refused entry into Antioch by the garrison that defended the city. {Dio, l. 47. p. 433.} He tried many times to enter by force but was always repulsed with the loss of men. After he had lost about an hundred men, he left behind him many sick and he fled by night from Antioch toward Laodicea. That night almost all the soldiers that he had enrolled in Asia, left him. Some returned to Antioch and surrendered to those whom Callius had left there to control the city. Some went down the hill Amanus into Cilicia. Of these, thirty came into Pamphilia. They were told that Cassius, with all his forces, was only four day's journey away just at the time when Dolabella was arriving there. {P. Lentulus, ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 15.}
5224. Dolabella had intelligence about Cassius' forces, and he came to Laodicea, a city that was friendly to him. It was located on a peninsula and faced toward the continent. It was well fortified and had a good harbour facing the sea. It was very convenient for bringing in provisions and also very opportune for sailing out when and where they pleased. {Appian, l. 4. p. 624.} He did not take this city by assault because the citizens truly surrendered themselves to him for the love they had to the former Caesar. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}
5225. At Jerusalem, when Antipater feasted at Hyrcanus' house, Malichus bribed the king's butler and poisoned Antipater. He gathered a band of soldiers and seized the government of the city. Phasaelus and Herod were very angry and Malichus firmly denied all things. Herod planned to soon revenge his father's death and to raise an army for that purpose. However, Phasaclus thought it better to defeat Malichus by craft lest Herod should start a civil war. Phasaelus therefore accepted Malichus' defence and pretended to believe him that Malichus was not involved in his father's death. Malichus built a splendid monument for Antipater. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 19.}
5226. Meanwhile, Herod went to Samaria and found it in a desperate situation. He restored order and subdued the dissentions that were among the inhabitants. Not long after this when the feast of Pentecost was approaching, he came into the city of Jerusalem with soldiers. Malichus was afraid and persuaded Hyrcanus not to allow him to enter. Hyrcanus did this under the pretence that among the holy people, it was not lawful to bring in a mixed multitude of profane men. Herod discounted this excuse and entered the city by night. This greatly terrified Malichus. Thereupon, according to his hypocrisy he publicly bewailed with tears the death of Antipater as his great friend. Therefore it was thought good by Herod's friends to take no notice of this hypocrisy but courteously again to entertain Malichus. Herod sent letters to Cassius notifying him of Antipater's death. Cassius knew all too well what kind of man Malichus was and wrote back to Herod that he might revenge his father's death. He secretly ordered the tribunes that were at Tyre, that they should help Herod in doing this. {Josephus, Antiq., l. 14. c. 19, & 20.}
5227. In Gaul, three days before (4th calends) June, M. Lepidus allied himself with M. Antony. {Plancus ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 10. epist. 23.}
5228. When D. Lentulus, the proquestor of Asia and propraetor extraordinary, saw that Brutus was slow getting into Asia and that Dolabella had left Asia, he thought it best to return as soon as he could from Macedonia to his office. Then he would be able to collect the tribute that was owing and gather up the money that he had left there and send it to Rome. In the meanwhile, as he was sailing about the islands, it was told him that the navy of Dolabella was in Cilicia, (or Lycia) and that the Rhodians had furnished him many ships and already were launched. Therefore he, with those ships that he had or which Patiscus, the ordinary Praetor of Asia had provided, returned to Rhodes. He relied on the decree of the senate by which Dolabella was counted as an enemy and to the league that was renewed with the Rhodians. The Rhodians would not strengthen the proquestor's with their ships. The soldiers were forbidden to come into the city or the port or Rhodes. They were prevented from getting any provisions or even fresh water. Even he had a difficult time getting into the city with his ship. When Lentulus was brought into their city and the elders, he could obtain nothing from them. He complained of this in public letters he sent to the senate and in the private ones he sent to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 14, 15.}
5229. While Lentulus and Patiscus were detained at Rhodes, Sex. Marius, and C. Titius, the lieutenants of Dolabella found out about their coming and soon fled in a galley from the navy from Cilicia, (or Lycia.) They left their cargo ships which they had spent much time gathering. There were more than an hundred cargo ships and the smallest could carry 2000 tons. Dolabella had provided them for this purpose. If his hopes in Syria and Egypt were frustrated, then he might use these ships to transport all his soldiers and all his money and go directly into Italy. He would ally himself with the two Antonys that were relatives. Therefore Lentulus and Patiscus came there from Rhodes with the ships that they had. They captured all those cargo ships and restored them to their rightful owners. From there, they pursued the navy that fled as far as Sida, the remotest country of the province of Asia. They knew that some of Dolabella's fleet had fled there and that the rest had sailed into Syria and Cyprus, (or Egypt.) These were scattered. When Lentulus heard that Cassius had a very large fleet that was prepared in Syria, he returned to his office. {P. Lentulus, ut supra.}
5230. However, Patiscus and Cassius Parmensis assembled a fleet from the sea coast of the province of Asia and from all the islands they could get ships from. They soon had sailers although the cities were very uncooperative. They pursued the fleet of Dolabella which Lucilius commanded. They encouraged them in the hope that Lucilius would surrender and they sailed as fast as they could. Finally, Lucilius came to Corycus in Pamphilia and burned the harbour and stayed there. Therefore they left Corycus and thought it best to go to Cassius' camp. Another fleet that Tullius Cimber had assembled the previous year in Bithynia under the command of Turulius, the quaestor was following them and so they came to Cyprus. (??) {Cassius Parmensis ad Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 13.}
5231. Cicero received letters about the affairs of Dolabella and of his arrival into the city of Laodicea. There are extant two letters written to Cicero. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12.} That is the fourteenth from P. Lentulus from Pamphylia on the 2nd (4th of nones) of June. This was not three days before June, (4th of calends) as appears from the following letter to the senate. It refers us to the one which was dated at Perga, and the thirteenth that was later sent from Cassius on the 13th (ides) of June from Cyprus. In the first letter, Cassius tells of the trouble that Dolabella was in after he entered Laodicea.
``I hope I shall quickly bring him to punishment, for neither has he any place to flee to, nor can he resist so great an army as Cassius has.''
5232. The other letter was from Cassius (if I be not mistaken) Parmensis, who was also one of the murderers of Julius Caesar. He wrote that taunting letter to Octavian, as mentioned by Suetonius (Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 4.} and was not from Cassius Longinus, who then held the office of proconsul of Syria of whom he also mentioned at the end of this letter. From him we have a more accurate description of Dolabella's camp:
``The Tarsenses are very bad allies and the citizens of Laodicea, much more mad. Of their own accord they sent for Dolabella. He had gotten a number of Greek soldiers from both cities and made a kind of an army. He has placed his camp before the city of Laodicea and has broken down part of the wall. He has joined his camp to the town. Our Cassius with ten legions, twenty companies of auxiliaries and 4000 cavalry has his camp at Palium within twenty miles. He thinks he may defeat him without once striking a stroke for wheat is now selling for three tetradrachmas in Dolabella's camp. Unless he has gotten some supplies by the ships of Laodicea, he must shortly perish from famine. He cannot supply himself because of the large navy which Cassius has under the command of Quintilius Rufus. Those ships that I, Turulius, and Patiscus have brought, will easily assist him.''
5233. Dolabella had been at Laodicea some time in good estate. His navy had followed him quickly from Asia. (??) He went to the Aradians to receive from them money and shipping. He was surprised by a few soldiers and was in extreme danger. As he fled, he met the army of Cassius and was defeated. He retired to Laodicea. {Dio, l. 47. p. 344.}
5234. Cassius feared that Dolabella might escape from there and raised a rampart a quarter mile long across the isthmus. It was made with stones and materials brought from the villages that were outside the city and from the sepulchres. He sent messengers to request ships from Phoenicia, Lycia and Rhodes. They were slighted by all of them except the Sidonians. He engaged in a naval battle with Dolabella in which, after the loss of many ships on both sides, five together with all the sailors were taken by Dolabella. {Appian. l. 4. p. 624.}
5235. Again, Cassius sent messengers to those that had slighted his first commands and to Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt and to Serapion who commanded her forces in Cyprus. The tyrants and Aradians and Serapion, without the queen's advice, sent as many ships as they had. The queen excused herself and said that the Egyptians were troubled with famine and pestilence and so sent no ships at all. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.} Also the Rhodians denied they would help in anything toward the civil wars. They said that even those ships that they had given to Dolabella, were only to transport him and they did not know if he used them for war or not. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.}
5236. The Tarsenses tried to keep Tullius Cimber (who was also one of Caesar's murderers) from crossing the Taurus Mountains as he was hurrying to help Cassius. They through fear that Cimber had large forces with him, left the passes and made an agreement with him. Later when they knew the small size of his force, they refused him entrance into their city and did not supply him with provisions. Therefore Cimber thought it better to take his forces to Cassius than to assault Tarsus. He built a fort against them and returned into Syria. When the Tarsenses went there with soldiers they seized the citadel and attacked the city Adana. (It was close to them and they always had a controversy with it because they said they favoured Cassius' side.) When Cassius knew of this, he sent L. Rufus against the Tarsenses. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.}
5237. After Cassius had repaired his fleet as best as he could and after Statius Murcus arrived with the navy he had assembled, he had two more naval battles with Dolabella. In the first, there were equal losses on both sides. In the second battle, he was more successful. On land he had finished his rampart. He brought the battery rams to the walls. Dolabella was prevented from getting supplies by land or sea. Lacking supplies, he soon made an attack but was driven back into the town. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 615.}
5238. Cassius was unable to bribe the night watch whom Marsus commanded. He bribed the day watch whom Quintius commanded so that while Marsus slept by day, Cassius got in by some of the smaller gates and the city was taken. Dolabella asked one of his guard to cut his throat and then escape. The guard cut Dolabella's throat then cut his own. {Appian, l. 4. p. 465., l. 5. p. 673.} We read in the first Suasory of M. Seneca that Dellias (or Q. Dellias, the historian):
``was about to go from Dolabella to Cassius to secure for his own safety if he should kill Dolabella.''
5239. Thus Dolabella was forced to commit suicide by Cassius at Laodicea. {Livy. l. 121.} {Strabo. l. 16. p. 752.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.} {Dio, l. 47, p. 345.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} Marsus also committed suicide {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.} as did M. Octavian, the lieutenant of Dolabella. Cassius afforded them a proper burial although they cast out Trebonius unburied. Those that had followed the camp, although they were declared enemies at Rome, he both gave them quarter and immunity. He did not punish Laodicea any more than by imposing a sum of money on them. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.} Although Appian says that he plundered both the temples and treasury and exacted very large tribute from the rest. Also that he executed every noble man and so brought that city to a most miserable state. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625. 626.}
5240. Cassius commanded the army of Dolabella to take the military oath of loyalty to him. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.} Then he went to Tarsus. When he saw that the Tarsenses had already surrendered to Rufus, he fined them in all the private and public money and laid no other punishment on them. {Dio. l. 47. p. 345.} He imposed a most heavy tax on them of 1500 talents. Thereupon for lack of money when the soldiers violently tried to collect it, they were forced to sell all their public and sacred ornaments and broke down the sacred and the dedicated things. When this was not enough to pay the sum, the magistrates sold those that were born free, first virgins and boys. Later they sold women and old men which fetched very little. Finally they sold the young men, many of whom killed themselves. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.}
5241. After the capture of Laodicea, the governors came from every place and brought crowns and presents to Cassius. Herod expected that Malichus should be here punished for the murder of his father Antipater. However, Malichus suspected this and thought to make the Phoenicians about Tyre to revolt. Since his son was kept in that city as an hostage, he thought to steal him away privately into Judea. While Cassius was preparing for war against Antony, he would stir the Jews to revolt from the Romans and to depose Hyrcanus, and get the kingdom for himself. Herod was a shrewd politician and when he knew of this treachery, he invited both Malichus and Hyrcanus with their companions to supper. At that time he sent out one of his servants under the pretence to provide for the banquet. However, he sent him to the tribunes that they might kill Malichus. The tribunes remembered the orders of Cassius and went out and found him near the city on the shore. They ran him through and killed him. Hyrcanus was so astonished that he fainted. He had barely come to himself when he asked who killed Malichus. One of the tribunes said that it was done by the orders of Cassius. Then Hyrcanus replied:
``truly Cassius has preserved me and my country, by killing the one who was a traitor to both,''
5242. In is uncertain whether he spoke from fear or if he approved of the action. {Josephus, Wars, c. 9., Antiq. l. 14. c. 20.}
5243. The day before July, M. Lepidus was decreed an enemy of the state because he entertained Antony. Also the rest that had revolted from the state were declared as enemies. The law was to come into effect before the first of September. (??) Thus Cicero wrote to C. Cassius, the relative of Lepidus. {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 12. epist. 10.} He added:
``we had gallantly overcome all had not Lepidus entertained Antony after he was pillaged, disarmed and fleeing. Therefore Antony was never so much hated by the city as Lepidus. He raised war from a state that was in troubles but Lepidus when it was in peace and quiet.''
5244. In the same letter Cicero showed that he received letters from Cassius, dated from the camp, the 7th (nones) of March. Cassius stated he held Syria and that he prepared for his expedition into Cilicia against Dolabella. The news of the success of that expedition and of the defeat of Dolabella had not yet reached Rome. He had written to Caesar of his returning to favour as in like manner Brutus had done to the senate concerning the state of affairs. {Dio, l. 47. p. 343.} Brutus, in his letters sent to Caesar, persuaded him to resist Antony and to side with him. {Dio, l. 47. p. 340.} However, in his letters to Cicero, Brutus said something quite different for when Cicero had wrote to Caesar:
``that there was one thing desired and expected from him that he would let those citizens live in quiet whom good men and the people of Rome thought well of.''
5245. In a rage, Brutus wrote back again to Cicero:
``What if he will not, shall we not be? It is better not to live, than to live by his means. I, by my loyalty do not think all the gods, to be so averse from the safety of the people of Rome, that Octavian must be intreated for the safety of one private citizen. I will not say for the deliverers of the whole world.'' {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 16.}
5246. When the senate was informed of the affairs of Cassius, it confirmed the government of Syria on him, (which he then held) and committed the war against Dolabella to him, (which they knew to have been already ended.) {Dio, l. 47. p. 343, 344.} So all governments beyond the sea were committed to the care of Brutus and Cassius. A decree was issued that all the provinces and armies from the Ionian Sea, to the east, who obeyed the Romans, should be obedient to these two. The senate approved of all the things that they had done and praised those armies that had surrendered to them. {Velleius Paterculus, l. c. 62.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 567, 568.}
5247. Octavian saw that the actions of the senate were obviously to the advantage of Pompey's side and to the detriment of Caesar's. He thought it a disgrace that Decimus Brutus instead of himself, was chosen as general for the war against Antony. He concealed his discontent and he requested a triumph for the victory at Mutina. He was slighted by the senate as though he demanded greater things than were suitable for his age. He feared lest that if Antony should be utterly vanquished, he should be more slighted. He began to have some thoughts of siding with Antony according to the advice which Pansa gave him on his death bed. {Appian, l. 3. p. 568.} An agreement with Antony was made by M. Lepidus. {Livy, l. 119.} {Orosius, 6. c. 18.}
5248. Between these three therefore the alliance for controlling the government started. They started by sending letters among themselves and mentioned how they were treated. Antony warned Caesar, how formidable enemies, Pompey's side were to him and to what an height they had come. Brutus and Cassius were extolled by Cicero. Antony told Caesar that he would join his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were commanders of 17 legions, if Caesar refused his alliance. He said moreover that Caesar ought more to revenge the death of his father than he the death of his friend. By the advice and entreaty of the armies, there was an alliance made between Antony and Caesar. The daughter-in-law of Antony was betrothed to Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.} She was Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, by a former husband, P. Clodius, and was scarcely of marriageable age. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 62.}
5249. When the agreement was made with M. Antony, M. Lepidus, then Octavian sent 400 soldiers to Rome to demand the consulship for him in the name of the army. When the senate began to vacillate, Cornelius, a centurion, the leader of the men that brought the message, thrust his soldier's coat behind him and showed the hilt of his sword. He boldly said before the senate:
``This shall do it, if you will not do it:''
5250. The senate was compelled by Octavian's soldiers. Octavian went toward Rome with them. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 26.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 582.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 319.}
5251. While he was on his journey, the praetors placed guards in various places of the city and seized Janiculum with a guard of soldiers they had already in the city and with two legions that had come from Africa. When Octavian entered the city, the praetors came down from Janiculum and surrendered themselves and their soldiers to him. The legions voluntarily gave their ensigns to him. {Appian, l. 3. p. 584, 585.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 320.} In the month of August, the legions that were brought from Janiculum, followed Octavian as it is in the decree of the senate. {Macrobius, Saturnal, l. 1. c. 12.}
5252. On the first day of the choosing of consuls, as Octavian was making an augury in the field of Mars, six vultures appeared to him. When he was selected as consul and spoke to the soldiers from the rostrum, six vultures (some say twelve) appeared again. This was what happened to Remulus in his auguries when he was about to build Rome. Based on this, he hoped that he would found the monarchy. {Julius Obsequens, de Prodigiis} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 95.} {Appian, l. 3. p 586.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 320.} After he was chosen as consul, those with him fled to Quintus Pedius, his colleague. He gave Octavian his portion from the inheritance of Julius Caesar. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 95.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 586.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 320.}
5253. Livy said that he was made consul when he was only 19 years old. {Livy, l. 119.} However, Suetonius more correctly wrote that he became the consul in the 20th year of his age. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 16.} Eutropius {Eutropius, l. 7.} which also Plutarch confirms {Plutarch, in Octavian} in this writing from Brutus:
``his army being planted about the city, he received the consulship, being scarcely come to a man's estate being but twenty years old, as he relates in his own commentaries.''
5254. Velleius wrote: {Valleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.}
``he was made consul, the day before he was twenty years old, nine days (10th calends) before October''
5255. However, Velleius was mistaken in the day he became consul. For there lacked an whole month and five days before Octavian turned 20. He was not born in the month of September but he first obtained the consulship in August from whence the month Sextilus was called August as it is shown from Suetonius {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {Dio, l. 50. p. 552.} and from the decree of the senate as recorded by Macrobius. {Macrobius, Saturnal. l. 1. c. 12.}
5256. Dio noted that on the 19th day of the month of August, he was made consul the first time and that he died the same day. {Dio, l. 56. p. 590.} From this observation in Tacitus, {Tacitus, Annals, l. 1. c. 9.} arose:
``The same day was the beginning of his acceptance of the empire and the last of his life.''
5257. His empire is not incorrectly started from this first consulship which he extorted from the senate against their will, as it is in Tacitus, {Tacitus, Annals, l. 1. c. 10.} and laid it down at his own pleasure. Octavian hypocritically thanked the senate and pretended that he accounted it a benefit that those things which he extorted by force as if they were offered to him of their own accord. The senators bragged that they had conferred these things on him of their own accord. Moreover, they gave to him whom they did not think worthy of the consulship, that after his consulship was over, whenever he commanded the army he would have precedence over the consuls. The consuls commanded the other armies to obey him whom they had threatened to punish because he had gathered forces by his own private authority. The senate assigned the legions of Brutus to Octavian to disgrace Brutus and for the repressing of whom the war against Antony was committed to him. In short the custody of the city was given to him and it was granted that he should have power even without any prescription from the law, to do whatever he wanted. {Dio, l. 46. p. 321.} He retained this power as long as he lived, for the next 56 years. There was good reason why Brutus warned Cicero about this: {Cicero, ad Brutus, epist. 4.}
``I am afraid, lest your Caesar will think himself to have risen so high by your decrees that he will scarcely come down again if he is once made a consul.''
5258. Octavian was not content with the former adoption made by the last will of Julius Caesar and had it confirmed by a decree of the people (which Antony had prevented the previous year) in a full assembly of their wards. He then assumed by public authority the name of C. Julius Caesar Octavian. {Appian, l. 3. p. 586.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 321. 322.}
5259. Octavian soon passed another law that he absolved Dolabella, (whose death was not yet known in Rome), who was declared an enemy by the senate and sentenced to die for the death of Caesar. {Appian, l. 3. p. 586.} Octavian did this so that it might be thought that he did nothing by force but by law. Quintus Paedius, his colleague in the consulship, made the law called Paedia which decreed that all those who were involved in the murder of Caesar, would be banished and their goods confiscated. {Livy, l. 120.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.} {Suetonius, in Nero, c. 3.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 322.} He appointed L. Cornificius to accuse M. Brutus and M. Agrippa to accuse C. Cassius. They were absent and were condemned without any hearing of their case. {Plutarch, in M. Brutus} Capito, the eunuch of Velleius Paterculus, one of the senatorial order, supported M. Agrippa against C. Cassius. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 69.}
5260. Decimus Brutus, one of the murderers also of Caesar and was absent, was also condemned. By the orders of M. Antony, in the house of a certain guest of his who was a noble man called Camelius, Decimus was killed by Capenus, a Burgundian, a year and an half after the death of Caesar. {Livy, l. 120.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 64.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 588.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.} Cicero said Decimus excelled in this kind of virtue: {Cicero, Letters to his Friends, l. 11. epist. 21.}
``he never was afraid nor ever disturbed''
5261. However, Seneca stated {Seneca, epist. 82.} that he showed a cowardly fear when facing death. To encourage him, Helvius Blasio, a man who always loved him because they always were fellow soldiers, killed himself. Decimus witnessed this and was strengthened so he could endure his own death. {Dio, l. 46. p. 325.} Camelius sent the head of the dead Brutus to Antony. When he saw it, he gave it to his friends to bury. {Appian, l. 3. p. 388.}
5262. Trebonius was the next to die for the murder of Caesar. He was the closest friend with the murders and he thought it best to keep those things that he had received from Caesar even though he thought Caesar must die who gave those things to him. While Caesar was alive, Trebonius was the master of the cavalry and commanded the farther Gaul. He was also elected consul by Caesar in the following year after the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa and was also made governor of nearer Gaul. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. p. 64.} {Appian, l. 3. p. 388.}
5263. Also at the same time, Minutius Basillus, one of the murderers of Caesar, was killed by his own servants because in his anger he had castrated some of them. {Appian, l. 3. p. 388.} {Orosius, l. 6. c. 18.}
3962a AM, 4671 JP, 43 BC
5264. When M. Brutus had appeased the army that was likely to rebel by the instigation of C. Antony at Apollonia along with C. Clodius, (??) Brutus went into the higher Macedonia with the largest and strongest part of his army and from there crossed into Asia. He wanted to take them as far away from Italy as possible so that he could better control the troops. In Asia, he received many auxiliaries including those from Dejotarus, a man that was now very old and who formerly had denied help to C. Cassius. {Dio. l. 47. p. 340, 341.}
5265. M. Antony and M. Lepidus left their lieutenants in Gaul and went to Caesar in Italy with the largest and best part of the army. {Dio, l. 46. p. 325.} When those three armies met at Bononia, an eagle sat on the tent of Caesar and drove off two crows that troubled her to the ground. All the army noted this and thought it portended that a time was coming when there would be a difference arise between the colleagues and that Caesar would get the victory over them both. {Dio. l. 47. p. 328.} {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 96.}
5266. These three had a three day private conference at the confluences around Bononia and Mutina in a certain little island that is made by the Lavinius River. They made peace among themselves and agreed that they should jointly govern the state's affairs for five years. {Livy, 120.} {Florus, l. 4. c. 6.} {Plutarch, in Cicero, Antony} {Appian, l. 4. p. 589, 590.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 325, 326.}
5267. Here by a common decree they decided these things. Caesar would turn over the consulship to Ventidius for the rest of the year. A new office of the triumviri would be established to avoid all civil disorder. Lepidus along with Antony and Caesar would hold that office for five years with consular power. The triumviri would immediately be annual magistrates for the city for five years. The provinces should be so divided that Antony should have all Gaul as well as Togara on this side the Alps and Comata on the other side excluding the province of Narbon. Lepidus should have the command of Narbon together with Spain. Africa, along with Sardinia and Sicily should be Caesar's share. Thus was the Roman Empire divided among the triumviri. They deferred the division of the provinces over which Brutus and Cassius commanded. Moreover it was agreed among them that they should put to death their enemies and that Lepidus should for the following year be chosen consul in the place of Decimus Brutus. He would have the guard of Rome and all Italy and that Antony and Caesar would carry on the war against Brutus and Cassius. {Appian, l. 4. p. 590.} {Dio, l. 46. p. 326.}
5268. On the third day, the triumviri entered Rome, each separately with his praetorian cohort and one legion. When Publius Titius, the tribune of the people, called an assembly of the wards, he passed a law for the establishing of the new office. The triumviri were given consular power for five years to restore order to the state. {Appian, l. 4. p. 592, 593.} {Dio, l. 47. p. 328.}
5269. When the triumviri arrived, Cicero left the city and was assured which also come to pass that he could no more escape Antony than Brutus and Cassius could escape Caesar. {Livy with Seneca in a speech, Suasoria. 7.)
5270. M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. Antony and Caesar Octavian, four days before December (5th calends) began the triumvirate. This was to continue to the days before the month of January which was to be six years (or of the sixth year following.) This appears from the Collation Marble. {in inscription Gruteri, p. 198.} At that time, M. Terentius Varro saw Rome rise up with three heads. From that time, Suetonius {Suetonius, Octavian, c. 8.} and Eutropius, {Eutropius, l. 7.} derive the beginning of the government of Caesar Octavian. This was almost 12 years (less three months) before the victory at Actium from which they begin his monarchy.
5271. On the 7th (7th ides) of December when Caesar Octavian substituted himself and Quintus Paedius for the consuls in the place of Pansa and Hirtius, Marcus Cicero was killed by some that were sent from M. Antony. The writer of the dialogue of the causes of corrupted eloquence confirms from the writings of Tiro, a freed man of Cicero's which is ascribed to C. Tacitus. This was the end of his life who was the first that in peace deserved the triumph and laurel of the tongue and was the father of eloquence and Latin learning. Julius Caesar had previously written about him that he had obtained a laurel far beyond all triumphs and by how much it is a greater matter to have extended the bounds of the Roman learning than of the empire. {Pliny, l. 7. c. 30.} These things are recorded about Cicero by these writers. {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 66} {Seneca, in Suasoris oration 7} {Plutarch, in Cicero, fin.}
5272. Cleopatra brought no forces to Cassius although he demanded auxiliaries from her by threats. {Appian, l. 5. p. 675.}
5273. While Brutus was in Asia, Gellius Publicola conspired against Cassius (??) and in Macedonia Gellius' brother, Marcus, sent some for this purpose to get Caius Antony. Therefore Caius Clodius who was left as Antony's guard, killed him when he could no longer keep him safe. He did this on either his own authority or by the orders of Brutus. It is reported that Brutus had a great concern for the safety of C. Antony. After he knew of Brutus' death, he took no more care of him. However, Antony did not punish Gellius although he was guilty of treason against him. He knew that Brutus always considered him among his closest friends and that Marcus Messala, his brother, was very nearly allied to Cassius. Therefore he let him alone. (??) {Dio, l. 49. p. 341.}
5274. As soon as Brutus knew of the acts of M. Antony and the death of Caius Antony, he feared lest there be some new rebellion arise in Macedonia. He hurried back into Europe. {Dio, l. 49. p. 341.}
5275. The triumviri at Rome decreed the construction of a temple to Isis and Serapis. {Dio, l. 49. p. 336.}
5276. When Octavian had resigned the consulship and his colleague Q. Paedius was dead, the triumviri created consul, P. Ventidius (Bassa) the praetor along with C. Curtinus. This may be shown from the inscription in Gruterus. {Gruterus, from the Collation marble, p. 297.} They gave the praetorship to one who was aedile and afterwards removed all the praetors from their office, five days before the office was to expire. They sent them into the provinces and appointed others in their places. {Dio, l. 49. p. 335.} This is what Paterculus referred to: {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 65.}
``This year saw Ventidius, both as consul and praetor in that city, through which he was led in a triumph to Picencium among the captives.''
5277. He was led in triumph. This is described in more detail by {Valerius Maximus, l. 6. c. 9.} {A. Gellius, l. 15. c. 4.} {Pliny, l. 7. c. 43.} Maxiumus added that he got his living when he was a young man very humbly by providing mules and coaches for the magistrates that were to go into the provinces. Thereupon these verses were commonly written through all the streets:
You augurs and auruspices draw near, We have an uncouth wonder happened here; He that rubbed mules doth Salve Consul hear.
5278. At the end of the year, those who were recently elected consuls held a triumph. L. Munatius Plancus triumphed for Gaul 3 days before January (4th calends.) M. Emilius Lepidus held a triumph for Spain, the day before of January. This appears from the Marble Records of Triumphs. {Gruter, in inscript, p. 297.} {Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 67.} {Appian, l. 4. p. 607.}
3962b AM, 4672 JP, 42 BC
5279. In the fourth Julian year, a day was incorrectly added to February. Only three years had elapsed from the first February of the first Julian year until that time. This error continued until the 37th Julian year. They should have added a day at the end of every four years before the fifth year began. The priests added a day at the beginning of the fourth year and not after it was ended. So the year that was correctly ordered by Julius Caesar was disordered by their negligence. {Suetonius, in Octavian, c. 31.} {Macrobius, Saturnal., c. 14. fin.}
5280. After M. Brutus had settled all things in Macedonia, he went back again into Asia. {Dio, l. 47. p. 341.} he took a large army there and arranged a fleet in Bithynia and at Cyzicum. He went by land and settled all the cities and heard the complaints of the governors. {Plutarch, in Brutus} He set Apuleius, who had fled to him from the proscription of the triumviri, over to Bithynia. {Appian, l. 4. p. 616.}
5281. The letters which Brutus wrote in a laconic style to those who were in Asia, are still extant. Aldus preserved them in Greek and Ranutius Florentius translated and recorded them in Latin. Plutarch relates three in his work on Brutus. {Plutarch, in Brutus} The first one is to the Pergamenian is seen at the beginning of the collection that was already published. Another one was to the Rhodians and we shall recite it. The third and shortest of all is inscribed in the published Greek copies to the Bithynians and in the Latin copy of Ranutius to the Galatians and in Plutarch to the Samians. It says this:
``Your council is to no purpose, your obedience to commands are very slow. What do you think will be the end of these things?''
5282. Cassius intended to go into Egypt when he heard that Cleopatra had sided with Caesar and Antony with her large navy. He thought that by this, he might punish her and prevent her from doing this. She was bothered with a famine and had almost no foreign help because of the sudden departure of Allienus with four Roman legions. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625., l. 5. p. 675.}
5283. He hoped that he would have a suitable occasion for this venture when Brutus recalled him to Syria by messenger after messenger. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625., l. 5. p. 675.} {Plutarch, in Brutus} He gave up on his Egyptian plans and he sent again his lightly armed cavalry with bribes to the king of the Parthians. He sent his lieutenants with them to request more help. {Appian, l. 4. p. 625.}
5284. Cassius left his brother's son in Syria with one legion and sent his cavalry ahead of him to Cappadocia. They attacked Ariobarzanes by surprise and took away a great amount of money and other provisions. Cassius returned from Syria and took pity on the Tarsenses who were most miserably oppressed. He freed them from paying any tribute in the future. {Appian, l. 4. p. 626.} When his affairs were settled in Syria and Cilicia, he went to Asia to Brutus. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345. fin.}
5285. After Cassius left Syria, there was a sedition at Jerusalem. Faelix, who was left there (by Cassius) with soldiers, revenged Malichus' death and attacked Phasaelus and the people took up arms. Herod was there with Fabius, the governor of Damascus and he planned to help his brother but was prevented by illness. However, Phasaelus withstood Faelix's attack and first forced him into the town and after agreeing on conditions, he allowed him to go out. Phasaelus was very angry with Hyrcanus who had received so many benefits from him and yet he favoured Faelix and allowed the brother of Malichus to seize some citadels. He held many and among the rest Masada was the strongest. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 20.}
5286. Brutus and Cassius were very joyful and confident when they met at Smyrna and considered their forces that they had. When they left Italy, they were poor and without arms and like abject exiles. They did not have so much as one ship rigged, one soldier or one friendly town. In a short time, they met together with a fleet and were outfitted with cavalry and foot soldiers as well as money to pay them. They were ready to fight for the Roman empire. (Cassius desired to have the same honour as Brutus and to give him the like. Brutus commonly prevented him and came often to him because he was the older and his body the strongest.) (??) {Plutarch, in Brutus}
5287. Both of them planned the war against the triumviri. {Livy, l. 122.} Brutus wanted to go into Macedonia with their joint forces and to settle all in one large battle. The enemy had 40 legions, of which eight were transported over sea to Iconium. Cassius thought otherwise. On the contrary, Cassius thought the forces of the enemy were contemptible and that they would lack provisions for so large a force. The best way was to quell those who favoured the enemy as the Rhodians and Lycians, who were strongest at sea. Otherwise, while they were attacking the enemy, they would attack from behind. Cassius' opinion prevailed. {Appian, l. 4. p. 626.} When they heard that the triumviri were busy about settling the affairs at Rome, they supposed they should have work enough. Sextus Pompey controlled the way against them in Sicily, that was so near. {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}
5288. Moreover, at Smyrna, Brutus desired that he might have part of the money of which Cassius had a large amount of. Brutus said that he had spent all that he had in preparing a fleet by which they might control the whole inland sea. However, Cassius' friends were against Cassius giving Brutus any. They said it was unjust that what they had saved by frugality and gotten by hard work should be spent in bribing soldiers. In spite of this, Cassius gave a third of everything to him. So both of them went to their own work. {Plutarch, in Brutus}
5289. They either went themselves or sent their lieutenants and drew to their side those who had opposed them. They got more men and money to fight the war. All those who lived in those parts and formerly were not so much as spoken to, presently came to side with them. Although Ariobarzanes and the Rhodians and Lycians did not oppose them, yet they refused Cassius' and Brutus' alliance. Brutus and Cassius suspected them of favouring the opposing side because they had received so many favours from the former Caesar. They feared lest in their absence, they should raise some stirs and incite the rest not to keep their promise. They determined first of all to attack them and hoped that by their superior forces they would easily convince them to side with them either willingly or through force. {Dio, l. 47. p. 346.}
5290. As soon as Herod was recovered, he went against the brother of Malichus and recaptured all the citadels that he had seized. Herod also recovered three citadels in Galilee that were seized by Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians. He allowed all the garrison soldiers of the tyrants to leave on conditions. He sent some of them home well rewarded and by this he won the affection of the city and hatred of the tyrant. {Josephus, Wars, l. 1. c. 10., Antiq. l. 14. c. 20. 21.}
5291. The Tarsenses, who had resisted Cassius, were commended by the triumviri. They were given the hope that they would receive something for the losses they had sustained. Also Cleopatra obtained, in that she had sent help to Dolabella, that her son, Ptolemy, whom she said she had by Caesar and was therefore called Caesarion, should be called king of Egypt. {Dio, l. 47. p. 345.}
5292. Brutus demanded men and money from the Lycians because Naucrates, an orator domanaiou had compelled the cities to revolt. They placed themselves on some hills to keep Brutus from passing through. First he sent his cavalry against them when they were eating and the cavalry killed 600 of them. Later he took some citadels and smaller towns and then he let them all go free without ransom so that he might win the favour of the country. However, they were obstinate and discontented for the losses they had received and despised his clemency and good will. {Plutarch, in Brutus}
5293. Brutus defeated in a battle the common army of the whole country of the Lycians. He took over their camp also and entered it as they fled. Many cities surrendered to him. {Dio, l. 47, p. 347.}
5294. Then he besieged the most warlike of them and forced them to retire within the walls of Xanthum {Plutarch, in Brutus} They had levelled their walls to the intent that Brutus should have neither retreat nor materials. They well fortified their city and drove the enemy from the fortifications. They made a ditch fifty feet deep and as broad so that when they stood on the bank they could use their javelins and arrows as if they had been divided by an unfordable river while Brutus endeavoured to get over the ditch. Brutus covered his storm troopers with hurdles and divided his army into two to follow up the assault by night and by day. He brought his materials from a distance (as it is usually done when the business goes on well,) and still urged them on to hasten the work. They did whatever was to be done with great earnestness and labour. Therefore although at the first he thought, he could not overcome the strong resistance of the enemy for many months yet he finished his matter within a few days. He assaulted the besieged from a distance with engines and close to the gate with his cohorts. He continually rotated his men that were wearied or wounded with fresh men. Likewise the enemy held out manfully as long as the fortifications held but they lost heart and the town was battered with the engines. When Brutus knew what would happen, he ordered those who besieged the gate to retreat. The men of Xanthum thought this was done through negligence of the guard and sallied out by night with torches to burn the engines. However, the Roman cohorts hurried there as was prearranged and the enemy quickly fled back to the gate. Those who kept the gate had shut it lest the enemy should break in with them that fled. Hence there was a large slaughter of them that were shut out of the town. {Appian, l. 4. p. 633. 634.}
5295. A river ran past the city. As some tried to escape by swimming underwater but they were taken again by the nets which were let down into the river across the channel. The nets had bells which hung at the top of them which signalled when anyone was entangled. {Plutarch, in Brutus}
5296. The men of Xanthum sallied out again about noon and drove back the guards and burnt all the engines. Since the gate was open for them to return, 2000 Romans rushed in together with the townsmen and others entered in a disorderly fashion. The portcullis (heavy iron grate) fell upon them, either by the action of the men of Xanthum or by the ropes breaking by which it was let down. Therefore all the Romans that had broken in, were either beaten down or shut in. They could not draw it up again without ropes. They were attacked from above by the men of Xanthum and they very barely got into the market place even though it was close by. The area around there was full of archers. Since the Romans had neither bows nor arrows, they fled into the temple of Sarpedon lest they be surrounded. In the meantime, the Romans that were outside, were very anxious for them that were trapped within. Brutus was running up and down and tried all things in all places to rescue them. They could not break open the portcullis and they had lost their ladders and wooden towers by the fire. However, some presently made ladders and other brought props to the walls and used them for ladders. Some fastened hooks to ropes and cast them up onto the walls. As often as any held, they climbed up by them. {Appian, l. 4. p. 634.}