HREF="http://www.revelationwebsite.co.uk/index1/ussher/ussher40.htm"> James Ussher - The Annals of the World


4376. At this time, Cicero who was then a praetor, made his speech for the Manilian law in the 23rd year after that cruel slaughter of the citizens of Rome which was perpetrated in Asia by Mithridates' order in one day:

``He now reigns, the 23rd year from that time and reigns so not as to hide himself in Pontus or Cappadocia but to break out and invade the tributaries and breathe your Asian air.''

4377. Pompey was still following up on his victory over the pirates in Cilicia. However, Plutarch (in Pompey) stated that the war was ended and he had nothing to do and was visiting the cities around there. When he received letters from Rome, he knew what had happened there. His friends congratulated him on the news. However, he is reported to have frowned and struck his thigh as if he were already weary and discontented with his command. They all knew he really wanted that opportunity. (Plutarch in Pompey, Dio. l. 36.) Although he had formerly made a plan of sailing into Crete to Metellus, he forgot that now and all his maritime business as if there was nothing left undone. He applied himself fully to war with the barbarians. (Dio. l. 36.) He recalled the soldiers to him and requested the assistance of those kings and potentates he had received as friends. (Plut. in Pompey.)

4378. Tigranes the younger, the grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter, revolted from his father, Tigranes, and was defeated but not captured. He joined with the chief men who were discontented with his father and defected to Phraates, the king of the Parthians. (Livy l. 100. Appian. p. 242. Dio, l. 36.)

4379. Pompey continued in his war with Mithridates and renewed his league with Phraates, the king of Parthia (Livy.) on the same conditions which were previously offered with Sulla and Lucullus. Pompey (Lucan l. 8.) said this about that:

--If those pacts were sworn to me By th' Latian Thund'rer, continu'd be Which your own Magi joined--''

4380. According to agreement, Phraates with Tigranes the younger invaded Armenia which was subject to Tigranes. They advanced as far as Artaxata, overcoming all opposition on the way and besieged it. Tigranes the elder retired among the mountains from fear. (Dio.)

3938b AM, 4648 JP, 66 BC

4381. Pompey wanted to find out Mithridates' intentions and sent Metrophanes to him with very friendly proposals. Mithridates hoped that Phraates who was the new king of Parthia would have joined with him and rejected the proposals. When he knew that Phraates had a league with Pompey and was engaged to invade Armenia, he had second thoughts and immediately sent ambassadors with propositions of peace. Pompey required that he should lay down arms and surrender those that had revolted. (Dio.)

4382. As soon as Mithridates' army heard this, the runaways who were many in number, suspected they would be turned over and the barbarians thought they would have to continue the war without their help and rebelled. This would have been disastrous for Mithridates, had he not pretended that he sent his ambassadors to spy out the strength of the enemy rather than to desire peace. (Dio.) He swore moreover he would neither have friendship with the Romans because they were so covetous and neither would he surrender any of them or do anything unless it was for the common good. (Appian.)

4383. When Pompey was come into Galatia, Lucullus came to meet him (Dio.) at the citadel of Danala. (Strabo. l. 12. p. 567.) Lucullus, in respect of his age and dignity of his consulships was the better man but Pompey's dignity, in respect of the number of his commands and two triumphs that he had, was the greater of the two. Both of them had garlands of laurel carried before them in honour of their victories. Pompey's laurels were dead and withered because he had come a long journey through dry and squalid countries. When Lucullus' lictors saw this, they courteously presented him with some of theirs which were fresh and green. Pompey's friends looked on this sign of friendship as a good omen that he should carry the rewards of Lucullus' victories. (Plutarch in Lucullo & Pompey.)

4384. Lucullus told him that all things were already subdued and there was no reason for that expedition at all. Also he said that persons had come who were sent by the senate to settle affairs. He failed to persuade Pompey to go back and started to complain and slander him (Dio, l. 36.) so much so that there began to be a great argument between them. Pompey objected to Lucullus' covetousness and Lucullus about Pompey's insatiable desire for command. Neither of them could be accused of saying anything false in what they said. (Velleius Pater. l. 2. c. 33. Plutarch in Pompey.)

4385. For this reason Lucullus disposed of those lands he had taken from the enemy as he pleased and gave away many good gifts besides. Pompey sharply reproved him for this in that he settled and conferred honours and rewards while the enemy was not defeated. This was not normally done until the war was over. Pompey was offended and moved his camp a little further from him and ordered that no one should obey or come near Lucullus. He made a public edict and forbid the confirmation of Lucullus' acts or the council his officers should suggest. Since Pompey had the larger army, he was the most formidable. Pompey left him only 1600 for his triumph and took away all his soldiers. They were as useless to him by their rebellious behaviour as they were to Lucullus. (Plutarch in Pompey, & Lucullo.) Only the Valerian or Fimbrian legions served Pompey faithfully although they were rebellious with Lucullus. (Dio. l. 35, & 36.)

4386. Lucullus returned from there to Rome and brought along with him a good number of books which were part of his spoil from Pontus. (Isidor. Origin. l. 6. c. 3.) He placed them in his library which was always open to all people especially the Greeks. (Plutarch in Lucullo.) He was also the first one who brought cherries into Italy. (Pliny, l. 15. c. 25.) In spite of his poor treatment by Pompey, he was received very honourably by the senate. (Plutarch in Pompey.)

4387. When Metellus had defeated the island of Crete, he took away the laws from an island which before that time was free. (Livy l. 100.) He removed their liberty which they had for so long enjoyed, by imposing his taxes on them. (Velle. Patere. l. 2. c. 38.) Orosius (l. 6. c. 4.) stated that Metellus subdued that island in 2 year's time and wore it out with continual skirmishes. Eutropius (l. 6.) said that he overcame the whole country in 3 years in several large battles. Velleius Patere agrees with him and said (l. 2. c.34.) this:

``About that time the island of Crete was subdued by the Romans. They had resisted with an army of 24,000 young men who were pernicious with respect of their agility, patient in respect of labour and skilful in respect of the management of their arms. Under the command of Panares and Lasthenes, they had for 3 years together tired the Roman army.''

4388. L. Flaccus along with the commander-in-chief, bore the brunt of that war. (Cicero pro Flacco.) Caius Nasennius, a Suessan freeman, commanded the 8th century and was called the chief. (Cicero ad Brutum. epist. 8.) Cnius Plancius was a person very much approved by C. Sacerdos, the ambassador and by L. Flaccus. He was a soldier under C. Metellus. (Cicero pro Plantio.)

4389. Hence the men of Crete who were before free and had never yet known any foreign command, were brought under the yoke and Metellus received the name of Cretensis after them by the senate. (Dio. l. 36.)

4390. Antipas who was also called Antipater, was the governor of Idumea and father to Herod, the king of Judea. He was a rich man, a trouble maker and energetic. He feared Aristobulus' power because of some grudges between them and he sided with Hyrcanus' party. When the secret aspersions of Aristobulus prevailed then Antipater stirred up the chief of the Jews to enter into a conspiracy against him. He suggested it would be very unwise to let Aristobulus occupy a position he had usurped by force and displaced his older brother and robbed him of the prerogative of his birth. Antipater worked away on Hyrcanus continually. He added that his very life was in danger unless he fled, for Aristobulus' friends were continually plotting how they should establish the authority on another when they had removed him out of the way. However, Hyrcanus was a good man and not easily moved by rumours and gave little credence to his information. His quiet disposition and gentleness of mind had given him the reputation of being slothful. However, Antipater continued to complain about his brother as if he had plans to kill him. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.)

4391. Phraates found the siege of Artaxata would likely last for a long time. He left part of his forces with Tigranes' son and returned home. (Dio. l. 36.)

4392. The nearer Spain was allocated to C. Julius Caesar when he was a quester. He was ordered by the praetor to travel about the various countries and decide matters of law. When he came to Gades, he saw in Hercules' temple, Alexander the Great's tomb. He was depressed that he had done nothing of note by the time he was 34 when Alexander had conquered the world. He became greatly depressed and begged that he might be sent back to Rome so that he might at the first opportunity attempt some noble thing. He left before his time and went to some Italian colonies that were in rebellion. He would have stirred them to do something, had not the consuls kept them in control with their legions which were raised to go into Cilicia. (Sueto, in Julio. Caesare, c. 7, 8.)

4393. Pompey controlled all the seas between Phoenicia and the Bosphorus with his navy. He advanced against Mithridates with a select army of 30,000 foot soldiers arranged in a phalanx for the safe keeping of his country. Plutarch said he also had 2000 (3000 Appian) cavalry. (Plut. in Pompey. Appian. p. 238.) Moreover that because Lucullus had recently pillaged that country, he had caused a great shortage of provisions for the enemy. Many fled to Pompey although Mithridates used all the severity he could to prevent this. He threw them down steep rocks or put out their eyes or burned them alive. This prevented many from defecting but they were very short of provisions. (Appian. p. 238.)

4394. Pompey placed some troops in ambush and sent out others to face the king's camp and provoke him to battle. They were ordered to turn and flee after they came out and thereby draw them into his trap. The king suspected it and drew out his foot soldiers. They might possibly have pursued them as far as their camp. This was the first skirmish between the cavalry. (Appian p. 238.)

4395. Mithridates was outnumbered and avoided fighting Pompey and destroyed the countries where he came. He tried by marching up and down to wear out his enemy or cause them a shortage of provisions. Pompey went into Armenia the Less, which was subject to Mithridates, partly to get food and partly to take it over since it was without enemy troops. Finally, Mithridates went there lest that province in his absence should fall into the hands of his enemies. (Dio. l. 36.)

4396. Mithridates camped on a strong and secure hill opposite his enemy. He stayed there quietly with his whole army and hoped to drive the Romans into distress by intercepting their provisions and thereby defeat them. Mithridates was in his own country and was well supplied from all parts. Under this hill there was a plain into which he sent some cavalry to encounter and cut off all they met. By this it happened that many defected from the enemy to him. (Dio. l. 36.)

4397. Pompey did not dare to attack the enemy in that place and moved his camp to another spacious area that was surrounded by woods. By this he secured himself from their troops and arrows. He laid ambush in a convenient place and he made a few advances and faced their camp. After raising a tumult, he drew the enemy from their works to the place he had planned and gave them a great defeat. By this victory, the Romans were encouraged and Pompey sent out others to the other parts of the country to bring in provisions. (Dio. l. 36.)

4398. Mithridates left the hill where he camped because he thought it was a barren, dry place. Pompey came and occupied it. When he saw how the plants grew so well and the hollowness of the place, he thought there must be water there. He ordered his troops to dig wells up and down the hill. They soon had so much water in their camp that he wondered why Mithridates had not found it long ago. (Plutarch.)

4399. Mithridates camped on a mountain near Dastira in Acilisena which had abundant water and not far from the Euphrates River which divides Acilisena and Armenia the Less. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.) Orosius wrote that Pompey blockaded the king's camp near the Dastrocus Mountain in Armenia the Less, (l. 6. c. 4.) and made a line around the king of about 18 miles. He built several citadels there so that he might intercept their foragers. The king did not hinder the work either from fear or folly which was often the forerunners of disaster. (Appian.) Mithridates was besieged for 45 days (Plutarch) but Appian said it was for 50 days. They could scarcely keep themselves alive after they had killed all the cattle they had and only spared the horses.

4400. Finally Mithridates knew that the enemy had been supplied with provisions and had captured a country in Armenia called Manaitin. Many of his men defected to Pompey and Marius' army along with the legions which Suetonius has said were raised for Cilicia where he was governor were coming to Pompey. Mithridates was afraid and planned to leave that country. (Dio.) He killed those who were sick and of no use and he went out in the night with the entire army very quietly and escaped. (Plutarch, Appian, and Orosius) He planned by marching in the night to go into Armenia the Greater which was subject to Tigranes (Dio.) and there to drive off Pompey if he pursued him. (Oros. l. 6. c. 4.)

4401. The next day, Pompey after much trouble caught up to him and attacked his rear. The king, in spite of his friends' advice, would not fight and was contented to beat back the enemy with some cavalry only. In the evening he retired into the woods. (Appian.)

4402. The next day, Mithridates occupied a village, that was surrounded by rocks on all sides and there was only one way in. He guarded that with 4 companies of foot soldiers. The Romans also guarded the entrance to prevent the escape of the king. (Appian.)

4403. When they were come to the borders Pompey feared Mithridates would get ahead of him and cross the Euphrates River and make his escape. He resolved to force a battle with them at night. (Plutarch & Dio.) He moved his camp and deceived the barbarians who rested until noon. He marched the same way they were to come. He occupied a convenient place among the hills and drew up his men into the highest parts of it and waited for the enemy. The barbarians did not suspect this and since the Romans did not fight with them, they did not even send scouts ahead to spy out their way. (Dio.)

4404. It is said that at that time Mithridates had a vision in his sleep which forewarned him of what was to happen. He seemed to be sailing with a fair wind in the Pontic sea and came within sight of the Bosphorus. He was overjoyed with certain and unquestionable safety and began pleasantly to accost those who carried him. Suddenly, he found himself deserted and tossed about on a small part of the ship. While he was thinking about this vision, his friends who were around him awoke him and told him that Pompey was near. Therefore he was forced to fight for his camp and brought out his army. Both sides drew into battle array. (Plutarch.)

4405. When Pompey saw that they were prepared for a fight, he thought it best not to fight in the night but to surround them so they could not escape. He could attack them next morning with his army which was much stronger. However the older and chief of his officers by their urging, provoked him to attack then. (Plutarch.)

4406. Therefore, it was agreed that all the trumpets would sound a charge together. After this, the soldiers and the whole multitude would give a shout and then some would strike their spears against their brass vessels. The mountains echoed and made the noise more horrible. When the barbarians suddenly heard this in the night in a deserted place, they were exceedingly dismayed and supposed they were fallen into some misery inflicted by the gods. In the meantime, the Romans from above threw down stones, arrows and darts on every side. Since there were so many barbarians almost every object hit someone. After they had shot all their arrows, they ran down violently on the barbarians. They were kicking and pressing each other forward and were killed and not able to defend themselves nor attack the enemy. Most of them were cavalry men and archers who could do little in the dark and in confined a space. (Dio.)

4407. As soon as the moon was up, the barbarians thought they might repel the enemy in its light and were encouraged. This might have helped them but the moon was on the Romans' backs. As the moon began to set and their shadows appeared long ahead of their bodies and close to the enemy. They judged their distance by these long shadows and shot arrows not far enough to hit the Romans. The Romans later attacked them and easily defeated them. (Dio. cum Flo. Plut. & Eutrop.)

4408. This battle was in the night. (Livy, l. 100, Florus l. 3, Plutarch in Pompey, Dio l. 36, Eutropius l. 6. Orosius l. 6. c. 4.) Only Appian says it was in the day and happened like this. Both armies were drawn up early in the morning and some soldiers from both sides advanced and skirmished among the rocks. Some of the king's cavalry men came running on foot without orders to relieve their fellow soldiers. They were charged by a large number of the Roman cavalry and they ran back in one company to their tents to get their horses to better confront their enemy. The Pontics who were on guard, saw from an high place the noise and haste as they ran and thought their camp had been breached in some other part and that was the reason of their flight. They threw away their arms and fled but there was nowhere to escape. They ran afoul of one another until by their crowding they threw themselves down the rocks. It was easy for Pompey to perform the rest and to kill and take them prisoners that were unarmed and so entangled among the rocks. There were 10,000 slain and their camp was taken along with all their ammunition and baggage. (Appian in Mithridatic. p. 239, 240.)

4409. Plutarch stated that many more than 10,000 were killed. Dio said that there were very many killed and as many taken prisoners. Eurtopius stated the total was 40,000. Orosius stated there were this many either killed or captured. Eutropius says Pompey lost only 20 or 30 of his men and 2 of his captains. Orosius stated the Romans had 1000 wounded and about 40 killed.

4410. Mithridates with a troop of 800 cavalry broke through the Roman lines. Finally the rest abandoned him and he was left with only 3 in his company. Hypsicratia was one of these whom the king called Hypsicrates because of her masculine spirit. Plutarch calls her his concubine but Valer. Maxim. and Eutropius said she was his wife. Although she wore a Persian man's cloths and rode on horseback, yet she was neither tired by the tediousness of her own flight nor with the care and solicitousness of the king. (Plutarch, Valer. Maxim. l. 4. c. 6. Eutropius, l. 6.) His daughter Dripetine, accompanied him in this distressing time. She was born to him by Laodice the queen but was very deformed by a double row of teeth. (Valer. Max. l. 1. c. 8.)

4411. Hence the king escaped through the confusion of the battle and was helped by a clear night. He lead his horse by his hand when he came into places and trembled at every noise he heard. (Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) Finally, he came to some mercenary cavalry and 3,000 foot solders and was escorted into the citadel of Sinoria where he had stored much money. (Appian.) Plutarch calls the citadel Inora, Strabo, Sinoria or Synoria and it was located on the border of Armenia the Greater and the Less. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.)

4412. He gave gifts and a year's pay to those who had escorted him in his flight. He took (Appian) 6000 talents along with him. He also gave expensive garments to those that came to him from the rout. He also gave deadly poison to his friends to carry about with them lest any of them should fall into the enemy's hands. From there he marched into Armenia to Tigranes. (Plutarch.)

4413. Tigranes was pestered by the ambassadors from Mithridates and would not receive Mithridates but threw his ambassadors into prison. He pretended that Mithridates was the cause of his son's rebellion. Thus Mithridates' hopes were frustrated. He crossed over the Euphrates River and fled into Colchis (Plutarch. Appian. Dio.) which was formerly subject to him. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 555.)

4414. He did not stop and on the 4th day he crossed the Euphrates River. They armed themselves for 3 days and assigned those troops he had with him or who came to him. He attacked Chotenis the chief town in Armenia because the Chotenians and Iberians had tried to impede the march with slings and arrows but he was able to beat off their attack. Then he advanced to the Absarus River. (Appian.)

4415. Pompey sent out troops to pursue Mithridates but he had crossed the Phasis River and escaped. So Pompey built a city in the same place where he won his victory (Dio. l. 36.) between the two rivers which had their source in the same mountain. These were the Euphrates and Araxes Rivers which are located in the Lesser Armenia and for that reason he called the city, Nicopolis. He gave this city with the consent of his soldiers to those who were old or lame or sick or wounded or disbanded. Many of the neighbours moved there also and the Nicopolitans lived after the customs of the Cappadocians. (Dio. l.36. & Strabo, l. 12. p. 555. & Appian. p. 243, 251. & Oros. l. 6. c. 4.)

4416. Tigranes, the father, advanced against Tigranes, his son, who was left alone to besiege the Artaxati and defeated him. He fled first toward Mithridates, his grandfather. When he heard that he also was defeated and was likely in more need of help than being able to help him, Tigranes defected to the Romans. (Dio. l. 36.) He was willing to help them, even though he was the grandchild to Mithridates by his daughter. (Appian.) He met Pompey at the Araxes River (Plutarch.) and guided Pompey and his army into Armenia against his father who was considered a confederate of Mithridates. (Dio. l. 36.) They went to Artaxatis to the court of Tigranes. (Appian.)

4417. When Tigranes, the father, knew of this he was exceedingly terrified. He heard that Pompey was of a gentle and pleasant nature and he sent a trumpeter to him and by him turned over Mithridates' ambassadors that he imprisoned. His son prevented him from obtaining any tolerable conditions and Pompey nevertheless crossed the Araxis River and approached near to Arraxatis. Finally Tigranes surrendered the city and all the garrison was in it. He with his friends and kindred went out to meet Pompey without sending so much as an herald before them. He surrendered all his right into his hands and appealing to him for justice against his son. (Plutarch. Appian. Dio.)

4418. So that he might appear to Pompey worthy of respect and compassion, he said he would retain a mediocre position between his former dignity and his present misery. He had taken off his gown that was half white and his royal robe of purple but wore his diadem and the ornaments for his head. (Dio.) When Pompey sent the captains and officers of his cavalry to meet and honour him, his friends that were with him, fled for they worried about their security because they had sent no heralds ahead of them. (Appian.)

4419. When Tigranes came to Pompey's camp which was 16 miles away from Arraxatis, two lictors from Pompey came to him and ordered him to get off his horse. According to the customs of his country he had entered the very works, for no man living was ever seen to enter the Roman camp on horse back. Tigranes obeyed and unbuckled his sword and delivered it to them. (Eutr. Plut. & Dio.) Pompey saw him enter on foot after he had thrown away his crown. He prostrated him himself on the ground according to the custom of the barbarians. Pompey was touched with compassion and he ran over to him. He caught him by the hand and lifted him up and put on his crown again that he had cast away. Pompey ordered him to sit down on one side of him and his son on the other side. Tigranes' son did not rise up to greet his father nor show him any respect. (Cicero pro P. Sextio. Eutrop. l. 6. Dio. Appian & Plutarch. in Pompey & Lucul. & Cimonis collatione.)

4420. Tigranes surrendered himself and his kingdom to Pompey, for he had previously stated that there was no man in Rome or any other country that he would have surrendered to except Pompey. He said that he would be content with whatever happened to him, whether it was good or bad. He also said that it was no disparagement to be conquered by him, whom it was a sin to conquer, nor was it dishonourable to submit to him whom fortune had exalted above everyone. (Vel. Pater. l. 2. c. 37.) He and his son were later invited by Pompey to supper but the son excused himself and gave Pompey a reason to be offended at him. (Dio.)

4421. The next day after their disputes were heard, Pompey restored the kingdom of Armenia, (the ancient possession of his forefathers,) to Tigranes, the elder. Strabo stated he added the greatest and best part of Mesopotamia (l. 16. p. 747.) and took away those countries he had gained in the war. He imposed a fine of 6000 talents of silver on him which was to be paid to the people of Rome because he had waged war with them without a cause. He gave his son the command of Gordena and Sophena with the freedom of joining the rest of Armenia to it when his father died. He gave the treasure in Sophena, (a country in the borders of Armenia) to the father otherwise he would not be able to pay his fine. (Cicero, Velles. Pater. Plut. Appian. Dio. & Eutrop. as was said before.)

4422. Tigranes, the father, was very glad for these conditions and that he was called a king by the Romans. He left and went through Cappadocia, some parts of Cilicia, and all of Syria and Phoenicia from the Euphrates River to the sea. He controlled these provinces with part of Cilicia when he had driven out Antiochus Pius. (Livy, l. 101. Vellei. Patercul. l. 2. c. 37. Plutarch, Appian, Dio, & Eutrop.)

4423. Tigranes, the younger, was badly disappointed and plotted to escape. Pompey knew of this and restrained him but with liberty to move around. He sent messengers to those that kept the money, to demand it for Tigranes the elder. They refused and stated they only took orders from Tigranes the younger whom they thought this country belonged to. Tigranes was sent to the citadel and was shut out. Against his will, he ordered them to open to him, but the keepers refused and said he only made the order because Pompey forced him to. Pompey was displeased and chained the younger Tigranes and finally got the treasure for his father. (Dio. l. 36.)

4424. Appian said that the Armenians who deserted the king on his journey to the Roman camp, asked his son who stayed with Pompey to dispose of his father but he was taken and put in irons. However, when he was bound, through his messengers he persuaded the Parthians to fight the Romans and pretended he was imprisoned for the triumph.

4425. After the father received his money, he gave a greater portion of money than was agreed on by Pompey. He freely gave to every soldier, 50 groats, or (as Strabo says) 150, to every captain 1000, every colonel 10,000, or (as Strabo and Plutarch have it) a talent, which is but 6000 drachmas. By this he was counted among the friends and confederates of the people of Rome. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 530. Plutarch. Appian, Dio.) Pompey delivered the money due to the people of Rome, according to his custom, to the treasurer for the public use. (Velei. Pater. l. 2. c. 37.)

4426. Pompey gave Ariobarzanes the whole kingdom of Cappadocia, Sophena and Gordena, which he had first assigned to Tigranes the younger. This area was later called the province of Cappadocia. Pompey also gave him Cabala, (or Gabala) a city of Cilicia and some others which Ariobarzanes later left entirely to his sons. (Appian. p. 243, 244.)

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4427. A few days before C. Julius Caesar entered into the office of the aedile, he was suspected of a conspiracy with Marcus Crassus the consul. Sulla and Antionius were also suspected as their term as consuls expired. They were condemned for trying to overthrow the republic at the beginning of the year. (January corresponded to October on the Julian calendar when Cotta and Torquatus entered the consulship.) They planned to invade the senate and kill whom they pleased and Crassus was to become the dictator and he should be called the master of his horse. The whole state would be run as they saw fit and the consulship would be restored to Sulla and Antonius. From this it was that Cicero in an letter to Axius stated that when Caesar was consul, he settled the kingdom as he planned to when he was an aedile. (Sueton, in Julius Caesar, c. 9.)

4428. Pompey left Armenia under the command of Afranius and pursued Mithridates through those countries that lie around the Caucasus. These were the large countries of the Albanians and Iberians. They allowed him to go through when he first came. (Plutarch) However, Livy (l. 101.) said that Pompey fought and overcame them because they refused to allow him access. This battle is briefly mentioned by Plutarch and Appian. Dio. gave more details. Pompey divided his army into three parts and took his winter quarters near the Cyrnus River in the country around Tanais. In spite of this he did not have peace. Oroesus, the king of the Albanians who inhabited the country above the Cyrnus River (or Cyrus) (Florus, l. 3, c. 5. & Eutropius, l. 6. & Orosius, l. 6. c. 4. called him Orodes.) advanced against the Romans. He did this partly to gratify his friend, Tigranes the younger but especially because he feared the Romans would invade Albania. He hoped that if he attacked in the winter by surprise, then they would not have pitched their camp in one place. He wanted to do some brave exploit. He advanced with his army against the Romans in the midst of their Saturnals. He personally marched against Metellus Celer who had Tigranes with him. Others went against Pompey while others against the commander of the third party under Lucius Flaccus. He wanted to attack all three at once so they could not help one another. (Dio, l. 36.) Appian stated that Oroezes, the king of the Albanians and Otocus, (or rather Artocus) the king of the Iberians, set an ambush with 70,000 men for Pompey near the Cyrnus River. Plutarch stated that at least 40,000 barbarians crossed the river against Pompey in the Roman festivals to Saturn which were celebrated in the month of December. (In that year it happened in September or the Julian October that is in the beginning of autumn or winter according to those that divide the year into two parts only, summer and winter. This we saw in Thucydides history of the Peloponnesian war.)

4429. Metellus defeated Oroesus. Flaccus made an inner ditch around his camp. The first ditch around his camp was too large to be defended. The enemy thought he did this from fear and advanced into the outer ditch. Flaccus made an unexpected sally on them and killed many in the conflict and many in the chase. Pompey knew of the barbarian attacks on the two camps. He attacked those who were marching against him and defeated them. Pompey went directly against Oroesus himself but could not find him. After Oroesus was beaten by Metellus and had heard of the defeats of the others, he fled. (Dio.)

4430. Pompey camped where they crossed the Cyrnus River. He finally agreed to their supplications and gave them peace. He planned to recompense their attacks by invading their country. Since it was winter, this would be difficult to do. (Dio l. 36. fin) Plutarch wrote that Pompey routed a great number of them and brought in their colours. Later their king sent ambassadors and he made peace with him.

4431. Mithridates wintered in Dioscuriade (Appian. p. 240.) where the isthmus between the Euxine and the Caspian Sea begins. (Strabo. l. 11. p. 468.)

4432. Antipater urged Hyrcanus to flee to Areta, the king of the Arabians and promised to help him. He was barely able to convince him, yet he finally did go. Arabia bordered on Judea. Antipater was sent ahead to the king to get his promise that he would not deliver up Hyrcanus to his enemies. As soon as he had given his word, Antipater returned quickly to Hyrcanus at Jerusalem. Antipater took him by night along with him and they stole from the city and after a long journey, they came to a city called Petra where Areta's court was. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.)

4433. Antipater was very close to Areta and requested that he would restore Judea to Hyrcanus. His constant urgings and his presents finally convinced him to help Hyrcanus. Hyrcanus promised if he would help him get his kingdom again, he would return to him a country with 12 cities which his father, Alexander Jannaeus, had taken away from the Arabians. The cites were these: Medaba, Naballo, Livias, Tharabasa, Agalla, Athone, Zoara, Orouae, Marisa, Rydda, Lusa and Oryba. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 2.)

3939b AM, 4649 JP, 65 BC

4434. Alexander 2nd, the king of Egypt and the son of Alexander 1st, was expelled by the Alexandrians. (Suet. in Juli. Casare.) Ptolemy, a natural son, replaced him and he was the son of Ptolemy Lathurus. He was called Dionysius the New, or Bacchus and Auletes because he most effeminately followed the ways of the Dionysii. He put on women's clothes and danced to the cymbals in the celebrations of Bacchus. (Lucian de non tem. cred. calum.) He also practised their piping so much that he boasted of it. He was not ashamed to celebrate contests in his court in which he contested with others. (Strabo. l. 17. p. 796.)

4435. Aretas, the king of the Arabians, with 50,000 men defeated Aristobulus. After this battle many ran away to Hyrcanus so that Aristobulus was abandoned and fled to Jerusalem. Aretas brought his army with him and besieged him in the temple. The people helped Hyrcanus and only the priests were loyal to Aristobulus. Aretas, with the Jewish and Arabian army, most vigorously continued the siege. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 3.)

4436. These things were done before the time of the feast of unleavened bread. The leaders of the Jews abandoned their country and fled into Egypt. Onias in Judea was an honest and just man. In a great drought, he prevailed by the piety of his prayers for rain. When he foresaw the civil war that followed, he hid himself in a cave. However, the Jews caught him and brought him into their camp. They wanted him to curse Aristobulus and his side just as he had prayed for rain. For a long time he refused. Finally the multitude compelled him and he stood in their midst and prayed:

``O God, thou that art King of the whole world, for as much as these that are with me are thy people and those that are besieged are thy priests, I beseech thee that thou wouldst neither hear these against them nor them praying against these.''

4437. After this some wicked men of the Jews surrounded him and killed him with stones. God immediately revenged this wickedness and punished the slaughter of Onias in this way. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 3.)

4438. While Aristobulus was besieged with his priests, the feast of the passover arrived. It was the custom for them to make many sacrifices to their God. Because of the siege, they asked the Jews that besieged them if they would give them sacrifices at whatever price they would set. They demanded 1000 groats should be sent them for every ox. Aristobulus and his priests willingly agreed to this and let down their money from the wall. When they had the money, they gave no animals in return for the sacrifice. This was the height of impiety in that they broke their faith with men and robbed God of his due honour. But the priests who were defrauded, prayed to God that he would take vengeance on them. This soon happened. A violent storm greatly wasted their grain so that a bushel of wheat was sold for 15 groats. (Joseph. l. 14. c. 3.)

4439. Pompey waged war with the Iberians. They were exceedingly desirous to gain the favour of Mithridates and to drive out Pompey. Up until now they had never been subject to the Medes, Persians, Alexander or the Macedonians. (Plutarch.) When Lucius Cotta and Lu. Torquarus were consuls, Artoces, their king, feared lest Pompey would attack him. He sent ambassadors to Pompey under pretence of treating for peace but in the meantime he prepared to attack them by surprise. Pompey knew this and before Artoces had sufficiently prepared and secured the passes, Pompey attacked their country. Before Artoces knew anything of his coming, Pompey had advanced as far as the city of Acropolis which was located in those passes where the Caucasus Mountains runs. It was fortified for the defence of that pass. Artoces lost the opportunity of strengthening himself and he was terrified. He crossed the Cyrnus River and burned the bridge. When the city saw him flee and themselves beaten, they surrendered the town. By this means, Pompey got control of the passes and put a garrison over them. He marched from there and subdued the whole country that lay on that side of the river. (Dio. init. l. 37.)

4440. Pompey was about to cross Cyrnus River when Artoces begged a truce by his ambassadors. He offered to make him a bridge and to furnish him with all supplies besides. This he did to obtain peace. As soon as Pompey had crossed that river, Artoces immediately fled to the Pelorus River. He ran from Pompey whom he had helped cross the river when he might have prevented his crossing. Pompey was aware of this and pursued him. When he caught up to him, he fought and defeated him easily. Before the bowmen came to fight, he had routed them. When Artoces had crossed the Pelorus River and burnt that bridge also, he fled. The remainder were cut off. Some died in the battle and some attempted to cross the river on foot. Many fled to the woods and held out for some days by shooting arrows from the large trees. Pompey had the trees cut down and they also died. (Dio. init. l. 37.) Plutarch reports there was 6,000 killed in the battle and more than 10,000 taken prisoners.

4441. Artoces sent ambassadors to Pompey to sue for peace. They brought presents of a bed, a table and a chair, all of gold which he begged him to accept. Pompey took the presents and turned them over to the quaesters to be recorded in the public records. He refused to give them peace unless Artoces would deliver his sons for hostages. Artoces hesitated until the Romans had found a ford in the river in summer time and crossed it with much trouble although no one hindered their crossing. Artoces sent his sons for hostages and made peace with Pompey. (Dio. l. 37. & Plutarch. & Flor. l. 3. c. 4.) Eutropius stated that Pompey defeated Arthaces, the king of Iberia, in battle, and received him into favour on some conditions. Sextus Rufus and Jomandes stated that the kings of both Iberia and Arthaces, surrendered themselves to him. However, Orosius (l. 6. c. 4.) stated that he defeated Artoces, the king of the Iberians, and subdued all of Iberia.

4442. Mithridates travelled through the country of the Scythians who were offended by his presence. He persuaded some and others he constrained by force to help him. He went to the Heniochians but the Archaeans tried to resist him and were defeated. Later he entered into the Maeotic countries and defeated many of their commanders. Because of the fame of his achievements, he was warmly welcomed. He gave and received many gifts. He formed marriage alliances with the most powerful men there. (Livy, l. 101. Appian p. 240, 241, Dio. l. 36.) Strabo also refers to this place. (l. 11. p. 496.) The Heniochi had 4 kings at that time when Mithridates fled through their country into Bosphorus from Pontus. He gave up any hopes of passing through the Zygians because the way was difficult and the people were fierce. Therefore with much trouble he was many times forced to follow the sea and marched along the shore. Finally he arrived among the Achaeans who received him. (Appian said they resisted him.) Here he ended his journey of almost 500 miles which began at Phasis. Strabo stated the countries he passed through, based on those writers who wrote of the affairs of Mithridates. The countries in this order were: the Achaeans, the Zygians, Heniochians, Cercetans, Moschians and the Colchians. (p. 497.) Hypsicrate his queen went through all these unruly countries with an indefatigable mind and body. She followed her distressed husband. So she might more easily share in his labour and pains, she shaved her hair. She was accustomed to ride on horse back and bear arms. She was faithful in all his distresses and was the greatest and most pleasant asset to Mithridates. He seemed to wander with his whole fortune and family while his wife accompanied him in his banishment. (Valer. Maxim. l. 4. c. 6.)

4443. Machares, the son of Mithridates, reigned in Bosphorus Cimerius and favoured the Romans. He heard that his father in so short a time had overcome so many fierce and warlike countries and passed the very borders of Scythia which were never passed before. He sent ambassadors to him to let him know it was of necessity that had forced him to that friendship with the Romans. He knew his father's animosity so he fled into Pontius Chersonesus and burned his ships to prevent his father from following him. When he sent against Mithridates another fleet, he was killed. (??) Mithridates killed all those friends that he had sent with his son for companions when Machares first went into his kingdom. Mithridates sent his servants away safely. (Appian p. 241.) However Dio (l. 36.) stated that the father corrupted his son's friends with promises of safety and with bribes. He persuaded them to kill his son. Orosius said that Machares was killed by his father. (l. 6. c. 5.)

4444. Pompey made his journey into the northern parts of Scythia by the stars as if he had been at sea and attacked the Colchi. He camped beneath the Caucasus Mountains and ordered their king Orodes to come down into the plains. (Florus l. 3. c. 5.) Florus said that Orodes was king of the Alcans along with Eutropius and Oronus. For "Orodes" in this place means the name "Olthaces", whom Appian said was the king of the Colchi and was led in triumph by Pompey (p. 253.) or "Aristarchus", whom Appian said (p. 251.) and Eutropius (l. 6.) was said to be made king of Colchis in his place.

4445. Plutarch says that at the Phasis River, Servilius met Pompey with the fleet which was left for the defence of Pontus. The pursuit of Mithridates who had hid himself in the countries around Bosphorus and Maeotis had caused him much trouble. Pompey went to Colchis that he might see the place of the wanderings of the Argonauts and Castor and Pollux. He especially wanted to see the place where Prometheus was said to be bound to the Caucasus Mountains. These sights drew him from the neighbouring countries. (Appian. p. 241, 242.) He won the Colchi also and the hostile countries to his side, partly by fair words and partly by fear. He found that his journey would be difficult by land through many warlike and unknown countries. If he went by sea it was would be worse. The inhabitants were hostile and the country lacked ports. Pompey commanded his ships to stay there and to watch Mithridates that he might not be allowed to escape and to block all provisions going to him. Pompey headed against the Albani but took a round about way so they would think themselves safe and he could come suddenly on them and easily defeat them. However, Plutarch stated that the Albani finally revolted and that Pompey was incensed with anger and desire for revenge. He marched immediately against them but he returned to Armenia and crossed the Cyrnus River. It was fordable at that time of the year. (Dio. l. 37.)

4446. After great difficulty, he crossed this river. The barbarians had for a long time fortified it by pounding down stakes into it. (Plutarch.) Where the river was calm, Pompey first crossed over with his cavalry, then his train and then his foot soldiers. He had the horses break the force of the river with their bodies and if anything of the train should be carried away by the current it, would land against those who accompanied it and be carried no further. (Dio.) After he had come from a long, dry and rocky way, he filled 10,000 water bottles and continued his journey. (Plut.)

4447. Finally, with no resistance from the enemy, he arrived at the Gambyses River. His whole army was badly bothered by the heat and from thirst although they marched mainly in the night. He selected guides from the prisoners but they did not show him the easiest way. Moreover the river proved harmful too. The water was extremely cold and they drank too much and it made them quite sick. They did not rest until they came to the Abans River. All that time they took only water, for the inhabitants bountifully supplied their needs. Hence they marched through and did them no harm. (Dio.)

4448. When they had crossed the river, they heard that Oroeses was coming toward them. (Dio.) He had in his army 60,000 foot soldiers and 12,000 or 22,000 (according to Strabo) cavalry. Most of these were poorly armed and clothed with only the skins of wild beasts. They were commanded by Cossis, the king's brother. (Plut. & Strabo, l. 41. p. 502.) Pompey wanted to draw them into a battle before they knew the numbers of the Romans. He first drew up his cavalry and told them what to do. Behind them he placed his foot soldiers. He had them lay down and cover themselves with their shields and lie still without making any noise. By this, Oroeses had no knowledge of them until he had joined battle. He despised the cavalry whom he thought were all alone and attacked them. In a moment they fled as they were ordered to by Pompey and Oroeses chased them furiously. The foot soldiers rose up suddenly and made a space to allow the cavalry to retreat through. They charged the enemy and surrounded a large number of them and killed them. The rest were killed by the cavalry who came around on the right hand and the left and attacked their rear. So the cavalry killed a large number. The enemy fled to the woods which was set on fire and killed them. The Romans shouted to them to remember what happened at the Saturnals. About that time as is said before, the Albani laid an ambush and attacked the Romans by surprise. (Dio. l. 37.)

4449. In the battle, Cossis the king's brother charged Pompey himself, and with his dart struck him through the joint of his arms. Pompey ran him through with his spear and killed him. In this fight it was reported that certain Amazons that lived in the mountains next to the Thermontes River, came to help the barbarians. While the Romans were taking the plunder in the field, they found some Amazon shields and buskins but no women were found. (Plut.) Also Appian (p. 242.) stated that this and the former battle with the Albani were the same battle. However, Orosius with Eutropius and Sextus Rufus stated that Pompey defeated Oroeses, the king of the Albani and his commanders. (l. 6. c. 4.)

4450. Pompey destroyed the country around there. Finally he was persuaded to accept a peace from Orodis or Oroeses. He sent Pompey a golden bed and other presents to make peace. (Florus, l. 3. c. 5. Dio. l. 37, Eurtop. l. 6. Oros. l. 6. c. 4.) They commemorated their Italian origins because they followed Hercules from the Mount Albanus and they greeted Pompey as one of the mothers of their country. (Justin, l. 42. c. 3.) Pompey made peace with the Albans and all the inhabitants from Mount Caucasus in the Caspian Sea even so far as that mountain that was in Pontus. These people requested peace through their ambassadors. (Dio. l. 37.) Strabo wrote that from all parts and both the Chipeari and the Cholchian, he warred against the Ibearians and Albani. (l. 11. p. 492.) Pompey wanted to see Hyrcania and the Caspian Sea since it was only a 3 day journey from there. He was thwarted from that plan by the number of deadly serpents in the area. Hence he went into Armenia the Less. (Plutarch) (This paragraph in both the English and Latin copies is almost unreadable. Editor.)

4451. After Pompey had crossed the Taurus Mountains, he advanced to Antiochus Commagenus and finally received him into favour (Appian. p. 244.) when he surrendered to Pompey Seleucia, a castle in Mesopotamia with all that he had captured in his excursion there. (Appian. p. 251 & Strabo. l. 16. p. 745.) Pompey defeated Darius and the Medes either because he had helped Antiochus now or Tigranes previously. Appian in his Mithridatic. (p. 244.) stated that Darius and the Medes were numbered among the princes and peoples that Pompey defeated. (p. 250, 253.) Velleius Patercules, (l. 2. c. 40.) numbered Media among those countries Pompey had successfully invaded. Although Plutarch stated that Pompey only returned a civil answer to the kings of the Medes and Elymaes who had sent ambassadors to him.

4452. Phraates, the king of the Parthians saw Pompey warring so successfully that Armenia and that part of Pontus that was next him was taken by Pompey's commanders. Gabinius had crossed the Euphrates River and was advancing as far as the Tigris River. He was frightened and sent ambassadors to Pompey to renew the peace with the Romans which they had before. The embassy was unsuccessful because Pompey was elated with his present successes and the hopes he had of future conquests. Hence he had little respect for Phraates. Among his arrogant demands, he ordered that Cordenies or Gordyones be given to him. This was a disputed country between Phraates and Tigranes. The ambassadors did not have the authority to do this so they did not reply. Hence, Pompey wrote to Phraates. (Dio. l. 37.)

4453. In his letters Pompey neglected to give Phraates the title of King of kings. All other people gave him this title including the Romans and Pompey did, after in his triumph. He addressed him only as a king. Phraates scorned the letter since his kingdom was plundered also. Pompey did not wait for a reply but sent Afranius immediately with an army into Cordenies. They defeated those Parthians that had invaded it and pursued them as far as Arbelius. Thus they restored the country to Tigranes. (Dio. l. 37. Plut. in Pompey.)

4454. Josephus stated that Gabinius was sent from Armenia into Syria by Pompey (Belli, l. 1. c. 5. & Antiq. l. 14. c. 4.) This we think was Armenia the Lesser into which we have learned from by Plutarch that when Pompey retired there when he had finished the war with the Albanians. Josephus was mistaken by the similarity of the names and thought it was the Greater. Therefore he wrote that at the same time when Pompey was fighting with Tigranes, Gabinius was sent into Syria. This could not be unless with Appian, he made Tigranes defeat to follow after his expedition against the Albanians. This we showed from Livy, Velleius, Florus, Plutarch, Eutrop. and Orosius, to be before not after that expedition.

4455. As soon as Scaurus came to Damascus, he found it recently captured by Metellus and Lollius. He left there and understood that something was happening in Judea. He went there as a convenient place. As soon as he had entered the country, he met ambassadors from Hyrcanus that had besieged the temple of Jerusalem and from his brother, Aristobulus who was besieged there. Both asked for his help. When Aristobulus offered 400 talents, Hyrcanus offered him as much. However, Scaurus preferred Aristobulus and when he received his money, he sent ambassadors to Hyrcanus and Areta the king. They were helped by many of the Nabathae although they were not very enthusiastic about the war. He commanded them in the name of the Romans and Pompey, to lift the siege. Aretas was frightened and withdrew from Judea into Philadelphia and Scaurus returned to Damascus. Aristobulus gathered all the forces together that he had and planned to punish Aretas and Hyrcanus. He fought with them at Papyron and defeated them. About 7000 of the enemy were killed including Cephalius, the brother of Antipater. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 4.)

4456. Pompey returned from Armenia and met with certain kings and rulers, whom Plutarch stated to be 12 barbarian kings. He heard their complaints and gave them his judgments. He confirmed some in their kingdoms. He increased some kingdoms and he took away from others their kingdoms. (Xiphilin ex Dione) Va. Maximus seems to refer to this famous time in history.

4457. Ariobarzanes turned over his kingdom of Cappadocia to his son in the sight of Cn. Pompey. Ariobarzanes had taken the throne by Pompey's invitation. When he sat on the throne, he saw his son with his secretary in a place inferior to his dignity and fortune. He could not stand to see his son beneath himself, so he arose from his seat and put the crown upon his head. He urged him to go up to the throne. The young man immediately started weeping and his body trembled and the crown fell to the ground. He could not bring himself to ascend to the throne. Even when his father urged him to receive the kingdom he refused. This matter was not settled until Pompey concurred with his father. Pompey called his son, king and ordered him to take the crown and to sit in the ivory chair. (Valer. Max. l. 5. c. 7.)

4458. From there, Pompey went into Coelosyria and Phoenicia which were recently liberated from their kings and invaded by the Arabians and Tigranes. He stayed there although Antiochus tried in vain to recapture them. Pompey subdued them and made them into one province. They received the laws from him and were administered according to the custom of the people of Rome. (Xiphilin. ex Dione.)

4459. Justin, (l. 40. c. 2.) Appian in Mithridatic. (p. 244.) and Porphyrius, (in Gracis Eusebianis Scaliger, p. 227.) stated that this was Antiochus Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus. However, the same Appian more correctly in his Syriacis, (p. 119 & 133.) stated that he was Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius and Selena. 4 years earlier, either by Lucullus' favour or permission, he was given the kingdom of Syria which Tigranes had abandoned. In Pompey's festivals, (which he mentioned on p. 133.) while Pompey was busy in other matters, Antiochus kept it for one whole year. This was after Tigranes had most justly surrendered what he had in Syria to the people of Rome. Although in Pompey's presence he desired his father's kingdom, yet Pompey did not give it to him even though he had done nothing against the people of Rome. Indeed, it was an easy matter for so large an army to oppress an unarmed prince. However, another reason was given in that it seemed unfair that after the ancient kings who had been defeated by Tigranes' armies and driven from Syria, that the kingdom should go to the defeated Seleucians rather than the Romans who defeated them. Pompey did not think it was right to give Antiochus that which he was unable to defend from being invaded by the Jews and Arabians. (Justin. & Appian in places noted above)

4460. When Julius Caesar was an aedile, he won the favour of the people and tried through some of the tribunes to get the government of Egypt by an order from the people. There was a reason for this command in that the Alexandrians had driven out their prince who was an associate and friend of the Romans. The senate disallowed this commission by the people because a large number of the nobles opposed it. (Sueton, in Julio. c. 11.)

4461. Pompey was called into Egypt by Alexander the second who was expelled. Pompey was to quell some rebellions there. He was presented with many gifts like money and clothes for his whole army. Pompey did not go there either from regard of the envy of his enemies or because of the oracle of Sibyl or for some other reasons. (See note on 3948 AM << >>) (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 251.)

4462. Pompey came to Damascus and went about Coelosyria. At that time, ambassadors came to him from all parts of Syria, Egypt and Judea. At the same time, it appears that the 12 kings came to him that Plutarch mentions. Josephus mentioned this from Strabo's history: (Antiq. l. 14. c. 5.)

``There came from Egypt an embassy with a crown of 4000 crowns of gold. Judea sent a vine or a garden which piece of workmanship was called "the Delight". We saw this present at Rome and it was dedicated in the temple of Jupiter Capitoline with this inscription, "From Alexander, the king of the Jews." It was valued at 500 talents.''

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