4178. Cotta moved his camp and marched with his Romans first to Prusia which was formerly called Cierus. From there he went down to the Pontic Sea, and passed by the sea coast. He camped before the walls of Heraclea which stood on the top of an hill. The Heracleans did not trust too much the strength of their location. They joined with the soldiers which Mithridates had garrisoned among them and fought against Cotta, who made valiant attempts against them. More fell on the Roman side than of the other. However, the Heracleans received many wounds from the Roman arrows. Therefore Cotta gave up the attack and sounded a retreat to his soldiers. He camped farther off and started to besiege the city. When the Heracleans were short of food, they sent their ambassadors to the colonies around them and wanted to buy food. The embassy was well received. (Memnon, c. 49.)
4179. A little before this, Triarius who was equipped with the Roman fleet from Nicomedia, attacked the Pontic ships which Mithridates had sent toward Crete and Spain. When he knew that the rest of the ships had returned to Pontus he chased them. Many of them were lost by storms and naval battles in various places. He overtook them at Tenedus and attacked them. Lucullus had 70 ships and the Pontics less than 60. After they had ran violently on one another with their prows, the king's side endured the enemy attack very well for a while. Later they were forced to retire and the Romans obtained a complete and famous victory. This was the end of that large fleet which Mithridates brought with him into Asia. (Memnon. c. 50.)
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4180. Mithridates sent abundant provisions, arms and soldiers to the besieged Amisians from Cabriae. He made Cabriae his winter quarters and levied another army (Appian.) of 40,000 foot soldiers and 4000 cavalry. (Plutarch & Appian) Memnon said there were 8000 cavalry.
4181. Olthacus, whom Appian calls Olcabas, was a Scythian and prince of the Dardarii who live around Lake Maeotis. He was highly commended for warlike exploits, counsel and civil deportment. He was in some of Mithridates' garrisons and contested with some of the princes and his countrymen for superiority. He promised to do a great exploit for Mithridates and would kill Lucullus. The king highly commended him but pretended as if he had been angry with him for it and very formally reproached him. Thereupon he rode off to Lucullus and was treated very friendly by him. (Plutarch.)
4182. The first year of the 177th Olympiad was now approaching. In the spring, Lucullus left Muraena with 2 legions to continue the siege at Amisus. He marched with 3 other legions through the mountains against Mithridates. (Phlegon Trallianus. Chro. l. in Bibliotheca Photii. Cod. 97. Plutarch, Appian.) Muraena was a lieutenant to Lucullus who was the general. He was the son to Muraena, whom Sulla had left as praetor in Asia. Cicero in a speech on his behalf says:
``During the time when he was lieutenant, he led an army, fought battles, defeated the enemy forces, took many cities, some by storm, others by siege. He behaved himself so well in Asia, which at that time was well provided with all luxuries that he left not the least hint of his covetousness or luxury. He demeaned himself so gallantly in that great war that he did many noble acts without the general's assistance and the general did nothing without him.''
4183. Mithridates had ordered his guards that they might keep Lucullus out and give notice by fires in case any unusual thing should happen. Phoenix, who was one of the royal blood, was in charge of them. According to agreement, he warned of Lucullus' approach, but he and all his forces defected to Lucullus. By this action, the mountains could be crossed safely and Lucullus marched down to Cabirae. (Appian.)
4184. After Mithridates crossed the Lycus River he came into a wide plain and tried to provoke the Romans to fight. (Plutarch.) He sent Diophantus and Taxiles against them. At the first their armies, by daily skirmishes, only tested one another's strength. (Memnon. c. 45.) Later their cavalry fought and the Romans fled. Lucullus was forced to retreat to the mountains. In this fight, Pompey or Pomponius, who was the general of this cavalry, was taken prisoner and brought to Mithridates. He was seriously wounded. When Mithridates asked him that if he allowed him to live, would he be his friend in the future? He replied:
``Truly, I shall, if you will conclude a peace with the people of Rome, but if not, I shall remain your enemy.''
4185. After this reply, the barbarians would have killed him, but the king would not allow them. He said that he would not allow any cruelty on a valiant man merely because of misfortune. (Plutarch & Appian.)
4186. After this, Mithridates drew his forces into battle array and stood in that posture for many days. Since Lucullus would not come down to fight, he looked for a way to march up to him. (Appian.)
4187. In the meantime Olcabas, or Olthacus the Scythian who had saved many Romans in the last battle of the cavalry was admitted into Lucullus' inner circle at meal time and knew their counsels and secrets. He came with his usual short dagger by his side, to Lucullus, as he was sleeping at noon in his tent. He said he had some matter of great importance to tell Lucullus but Menedemus, Lucullus' chamberlain refused to let him in. Olcabas feared lest he might be questioned and stole away from the camp and rode on horse back to Mithridates. (Plutarch & Appian.) He revealed to the king another Scythian, named Sobadacus, who intended to run away to Lucullus, who was immediately seized. (Appian.)
4188. Lucullus was afraid to come down to the plain because the enemy cavalry was too strong. However, he was perplexed about how to pass through the mountainous region which was a long way and full of woods and quite dangerous. By chance, he came upon some Greeks who had hidden themselves in a certain cave around there. The oldest of them was Apollodorus who, as Appian says, was an hunter and knew the mountains well. He guided Lucullus and his army to a place where he might safely camp. It also had a citadel overlooking Cabirae. Lucullus used this guide, kindled fires in the camp and marched away. He went through the woods without any difficulty by an unused path and finally arrived at that citadel. At daybreak, he was seen pitching his tents above the enemy. He chose his place so that if he wanted to fight he could and if not, he could not be forced into a fight. He still avoided the plains for fear of the enemy cavalry and camped where there was plenty of water. (Appian.)
4189. Neither army thought of fighting at present. It is reported that as the king's party was chasing a deer, the Romans came that way and stopped their chase. A skirmish began and more came flocking in from both sides. Finally the Romans fled. Lucullus came down alone to the plain and ran up to the forest from where the Romans came running. He ordered them to stop and march back again with him against the enemies. These submitted to the general and the others stopped also. They rallied together and easily made the enemy flee and pursued them to their very camp. When Lucullus returned from pursuing the enemy, he publicly disgraced those who ran away. He took away their weapons and ordered them to dig a 12 foot trench while all the other soldiers stood by and looked on. (Plutarch.)
4190. When Lucullus ran short of food, he sent a party into Cappadocia to forage. He often skirmished with the enemy until at one time the king's troops began to flee. Mithridates ran from the camp and derided them for fleeing and forced them back again. That put such a dread upon the Romans that they ran back without stopping to the mountains. Although the king's troops abandoned the chase, the Romans were so terrified that they still kept running and thought the enemy was at their heels. Mithridates sent messengers to all parts to tell of his victory. (Appian.)
4191. Sornatius was sent by Lucullus with a legion of foot soldiers to get provisions. He saw Menander, one of Mithridates' commanders and followed after him. He stopped until they came to him. Then he fought with them and killed many and put the rest to flight. (Plutarch.)
4192. After this, Adrianus was again sent by Lucullus with some forces into Cappadocia to supply the army with food. Taxiles and Diophantus, Mithridates' generals, sent Menemachus and Miron, against him with 4000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry. They hoped to ambush their wagons as they returned to Lucullus. (Memnon. c. 45. Phlegon. year 1. Olymp. 177. & Plutarch.) Since Cappadocia was the only place where Lucullus might expect supplies, Mithridates hoped to put him in the same distress as he was put in at the seige of Cizycum. (Appian.)
4193. The king's party, attacked by chance a party of the foragers in some narrow passes. They did not wait until they came to a more open place and so the cavalry could not help them. Thereupon the Romans, drew themselves up as fast as they could into battle array. The roughness of the places helped them. They attacked the king's troops and killed some of them and forced others down the precipices of the rocks. The rest fled away. (Appian.) When the Romans, had received some troops from Lucullus, they pursued them to the very camp of Diophantus and Taxiles. In a fierce battle, the Pontics stood their ground for a while. As soon as their commanders began to give ground, the whole army retreated. The commanders were the first that told of this defeat to Mithridates. (Memnon. c. 45.) Plutarch said that all the cavalry and foot soldiers who came with Menemachus and Miron, were killed except for only two. Eutropus wrote that 30,000 of the king's best soldiers were routed by 5000 of the Romans. (l. 6.) Livy stated that Lucullus fought in Pontus against Mithridates with very good success, and killed more than 60,000 of the enemy. (l. 97.) He took into account those who were killed a little later when Mithridates was made to flee.
4194. Mithridates heard this news before Lucullus did. (Appian.) Adrianus had marched by Lucullus' camp in great pomp and brought along with him a large number of wagons laden with provisions and spoil. This sight depressed Lucullus and his soldiers began to fear and tremble. (Plutarch.) However, the king, was sure Lucullus would suddenly attack him, now that he had lost his cavalry. He began to be afraid and think of fleeing. In his pavilion, he told his friends the fix they were in. They did not wait so long until the trumpet sounded to gather up their baggage and moved all their goods from the camp before daybreak. There was such a company of them that the beasts of burden began to crowd one another. No sooner was this seen by the army who knew the drivers of the beasts of burden and feared for the worse. They were not notified and were quite upset and rushed violently from their trenches. (Appian.) They ran in a great chase to the gates and rifled the packs. They attacked those that were carrying them away and killed them all. Dorylaus the general was killed. He only had a purple garment on his back and was killed for that very garment. Hermaeus, a soothsayer, was trampled to death in the gates. (Plutarch.)
4195. The soldiers ran away over the fields in no order and everyone cared only for himself and did not wait for orders from their generals and commanders. As soon as the king knew of the disorder and speed with which they fled, he ran out of his pavilion. He hoped to say something to them. Nobody would listen but pressed so hard on him that he fell down in the crowd. (Appian.) Memnon wrote that he stayed for some time at Cabirae and later made his escape. (c. 46.) Appian stated that he soon went on horseback and fled away to the mountains with only a small retinue with him. Plutarch stated that Mithridates had not lost a soldier and went from the camp with the other throng. Neither was there any of the king's party which had a horse ready. Finally though late, Ptolemy the eunuch, who had a horse, saw Mithridates tossed to and fro in the fight. He leaped off his horse and offered his horse to the king.
4196. When Lucullus knew of the victory of his foragers and saw the flight of their enemy, he sent a good brigade of cavalry to pursue after them in their flight. He surrounded with his legions those who remained in the camp and had put themselves in a defensive position. He told his troops not to pillage the enemy camp, until such time that they had killed as many of them as they could. When the soldiers saw the gold and silver vessels and the rich garments, they ignored the general's prohibition. (Appian.) The king had been overtaken by a company of Galatians, who had caught up with him in the chase although they would not have known him except for one of his mules which carried the king's treasure. It was placed between the king and his pursuers either of its own accord or by the king's plan to slow them down. For while they were busy in gathering up the gold and quarrelling among themselves about the spoil, the king escaped. (Memnon, c. 46. Plutarch & Appian.) When they had taken Callistratus the king's secretary, Lucullus ordered him brought to the camp. Those who escorted him, found he had 500 crowns in the belt he wore and killed him along the way. (Plutarch.) Cicero wrote this of the escape of Mithridates from Pontus:
``Mithridates fled away and left behind in Pontus, a very large store of gold and silver and other precious things. Part of this he had received from his ancestors and part taken in his first war in Asia and added it to his other treasures. While our men were over busy in gathering up all they found, the king escaped.''
4197. Lucullus came as far as Talaura in pursuing Mithridates. This was now the 4th day and Mithridates had an head start and so escaped into Armenia to Tigranes. (He did not go to Iberia, as it is incorrectly stated in Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.) Lucullus marched back again and gave the soldiers the plunder of the king's camp. (Plutarch.) He sent M. Pompey as commander-in-chief against Mithridates while he, with all his forces, moved to Cabirae. (Memnon. c. 47.) Mithridates, in a letter to Arsaces, (in l. 4. histor. Salust.) stated the matter in this way.
``After I recruited my army at Cabirae and had many battles between me and Lucullus, both of us were short of food. He was supplied from Ariobarzanes' kingdom of Cappadocia which had not been touched by the war. Since all parts about me were wasted and destroyed, I withdrew into Armenia.''
4198. Mithridates got safely to Comana and from there hurried away to Tigranes with 200 cavalry. (Appian.) He could by no means get his son-in-law to help him for he would not own him, who had lost so great a kingdom, nor much as to come into his fight for him nor acknowledge him as his kinsman. However, Mithridates procured from him a grant for the protection of his person and was assigned a princely table in some of his citadels nor was he lacking such duties of hospitality. (Memnon, c. 48. Appian.) Although, Plutarch wrote that he put him off with a great deal of contempt and scorn and Mithridates was cooped up in some remote corner in the swampy and unhealthful places.
4199. When Mithridates was on his flight, he sent Bacchus or Bacchides, one of his eunuchs, to kill any way he could his sisters, wives and concubines, who were kept at Pharnacia. (Memnon. c. 49. Plutarch. & Appian.)
4200. Among these were 2 of the king's sisters, Roxane and Statira who had lived as virgins for almost 40 years. Also were 2 of his Ionian wives, Berenice a Chian, and Monima a Milesian. Bacchides came to them and told them that they must die but they should have the freedom to choose what kind of death they thought most easy and free from pain. Monima took the diadem from off her head and made it fit for her neck and hanged herself by it. However it broke and she said:
``O thou cursed band, wilt thou not serve for this use?''
4201. Then she kicked it about and spit on it. She exposed her throat to Bacchides. Berenice took a cup of poison and gave part of it to her mother who was present there and asked for it. So they drank it both together. The poison did work on the weaker body but it did not kill Berenice since she had not taken her full dose. Therefore when Bacchides saw her in pain and a long while in dying, he strangled her. It is also reported that of those two virgin sisters that Roxane, after many a curse and reproach against her brother drank her poison. But Satiras spoke nothing bitter or unworthy of him but praised him highly in that when he was in danger for his life that he should think of them to provide that they should die free women and not raped. (Plutarch.)
4202. When Lucullus besieged Cabirae, the barbarians surrendered conditionally. He made peace with them and took over their strongholds. (Memnon, c. 37.) After the surrender of Cabirae and many other cities, he found rich treasures and prisons in which were many Greeks and also many of the king's friends locked up. They had long thought themselves as dead men and were released to a new life by Lucullus' favour. Nysa, Mithridates' sister, was found among the rest and freed. (Plutarch.)
4203. Most of the governors of Mithridates' garrisons defected to Lucullus. (Appian.) Among these, was Strabo, the geographer's grandfather, by the mother's side and brother to Moaphernes, the governor of Colchis under Mithridates. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 499.) He defected because Mithridates had recently killed his first cousin, Tibius and his son Theophilus. He was instrumental in the defection of 15 other garrisons from Mithridates to Lucullus. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 557.) Thus Pontus was wide open to the Roman legions which before was blocked on all sides so that the Romans could not enter it. (Cicero. pro. lege Manilia, & pro Archia.)
4204. When the Romans had finished their work with Mithridates, they attacked the Cretians, merely from ambition to subdue that noble island. They pretended their reason was that the Cretians favoured Mithridates and had let him have mercenaries for his army against the Romans. Mithridates had entered into an alliance with the pirates whom M. Antionius was chasing at that time. The Cretians had offended Antionius when he was a delegate and had given him two arrogant repliess. Thereupon Antionius soon confidently invaded the island and was so sure of victory that he carried more chains than arms in his ships. However, the enemies intercepted many of his ships and bound those that they took prisoners with sails and ropes and hung them up. In that manner the Cretians hoisted sail and returned back triumphantly to their harbours. Antionius became sick and died thus ending the war which he had started with little success. In spite of that he obtained the surname of Creticus. (Livy l. 97. Flor. l. 3. c. 7. Asconius in Oratio. de pratura Verris Siciliensi. Appian. Legat. 30.)
4205. Antiochus Asiaticus, the son of Antiochus Pius had stayed almost 2 whole years at Rome with his brother and had not yet received a promise from from the senate for those things which he demanded concerning the kingdom of Egypt. On his return home, he journeyed through Sicily and came to Syracuse and stayed in the house of Q. Minucius Rufus. He brought along with him to Rome a candlestick, very elaborately made of bright gems which he intended to bestow in the capitol. Since the temple there was not yet completed, he planned to carry it back again with him into Syria. He would send it back to the capitol by his ambassadors with some other presents at the time of the dedication of Jupiter's image which was done in the next year by Q. Catulus. Verres, the praetor of Sicily, cheated him of this candlestick, many other cups of gold inlaid with gems and another cup for wine which was cut from one large gem. When he demanded them back, Verres ordered him to leave the province before night and told him that he had received news that the pirates were coming from his kingdom into Sicily. (Cicero in Verina 6. or l. 4. in Verrem.)
4206. After frequent massacres in Judea by the Pharisees, the old friends of Alexander Jannaeus went to Queen Alexandra and told her what was happening. The leader of them was Alexandra's younger son, Aristobulus. They made their addresses to the court and asked the queen that they might either be all killed there or else that they might be dispersed into various citadels where they might spend the rest of their lives safe from their enemies' treacheries. Thereupon she, for want of better counsel at that time, entrusted them with the command of all the citadels, except for Hircania, Alexandrium and Machaerus. In these places, she had stored her best treasures. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 24.)
4207. Cotta still besieged Heraclea and had not yet made an assault against it with his whole army. He had only brought up against the town a few of his Romans and placed the Bithynians in the front lines. When he saw how many of them were wounded and slain, he resorted to his engines. None terrified the besieged so much, as the one which they called their turtle, (Latin testudo). This was an engine enclosed with boards and raw hides and under its shelter they might safely scale the walls. Thereupon Cotta brought up all his troops from the camp. He led them up against a tower which they had good hopes of making a breach in. The tower had endured one or two batteries without any damage at all. Contrary to all their expectations, the ram broke off from the engine. The Heracleans were encouraged and Cotta began to despair of ever taking the town. The next day they used their engine again but with little results. Therefore Cotta burnt the engine and cut off the carpenter's head who made it. He left a sufficient guard at the walls of the city and he camped with the rest of his army in the plain of Layca which had plenty of provisions. Thereby he reduced the city to dire need since all the country about Heraclea was utterly destroyed. Thereupon they immediately sent an embassy to the Sevthians, the inhabitants of Chersonesus and to the Theodosians and to the princes about Bosphorus. They wanted to make a league which they agreed to. (Memnon, c. 51.)
4208. While the enemies attacked the city from without, they were almost as badly plagued by disputes among themselves within the town. For Mithridates' garrison was not content to eat what the townsmen lived on. They scourged the citizens, and made them provide things which at that time were quite scarce. Connacorix, the governor, was worse than his soldiers for he did not restrain their insolence but freely permitted them to do what they wanted. (Memnon, c. 51.)
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4209. Lucullus subdued the Chaldeans and the Tibarenians. (Plutarch.) He captured Armenia the less which Mithridates previously controlled. (Plutarch & Eutrop. l. 6.) After he had gone over all Pontus and subdued the province, he came with his fleet to its coastal cities. (Appian.)
4210. Amisus was still besieged. Callimarchus, the governor, had worn out the Romans with his engine devices and his plots. (Plutarch) Lucullus came to besiege them and exhorted them to surrender. When he saw they would not, he moved the siege to Eupatoria and acted as if he had been very careless in attacking them. Those that kept the garrison also became careless and continued still in their false sense of security. Thereupon Lucullus commanded his soldiers to quickly scale the walls. So Eupatoria was taken and immediately pulled down to the ground. (Memnon, c. 47.)
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4211. Not long after Amisus was taken, which (as Plutarch confirms from Salust,) had held out for another winter's siege. For at the same hour of the day on which Callimachus usually withdrew his soldiers to allow them to refresh themselves, Lucullus scalled the walls with his ladders. (Memnon, c.47 & Plutarch.) When a little part of the walls was taken by the enemy, Callimachus burned the city either from his envy that the Romans should have so great a booty or else contriving by this to escape. For nobody hindered any that would sail away. As soon as the flame caught hold on the walls, the soldiers immediately started plundering. From pity for the burning city, Lucullus tried to stop the fire from outside the walls and ordered his soldiers to help to quench it. None heeded him but shouted and rattled their armour. Hence Lucullus was forced to give the plunder to the soldiers that he might save the city from being burnt to the ground. However, they did the exact opposite. When the fire was almost everywhere, the soldiers themselves set fire to some houses. While the city was being taken, the fire was put out by a storm which happened miraculously. Lucullus repaired many places before he left. (Plutarch,) He prevented his soldiers from any further slaughter of the citizens and he gave both the city and the country to those that survived. (Memnon, c. 47.)
4212. At the same time, Tyrannio the grammarian was taken prisoner. Lucullus did not want to make him a slave and gave him to Muraena who freed him. Tyrannio was a citizen of Amisus by birth as Strabo states, who was one of his students. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 548.)
4213. Selene the queen asked the Syrians to help to drive out Tigranes. She was otherwise called Cleopatra, who after the death of her husband Antiochus Pius, reigned jointly with her sons in that part of Syria which Tigranes king of Armenia had not captured. She had some cities of Phoenicia defect from him. Thereupon Tigranes entered Syria with a vast army to quell the rebellion. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24. cf. Plutarch in Lucullo.) In this expedition, it is likely that Tigranes recovered those 70 valleys of Armenia which were naturally fortified with hills and mountains. When Tigranes was a Parthian hostage, he gave this to the Parthians as a gift. He wasted the countries of the Parthians around Ninus and Arbela. (Strabo, l. 11. p. 532.) For this undoubtedly was that recent war of Tigranes against the Parthians which is mentioned by Mithridates in his letter to Arsaces the next year (in l. 4. histor. Salust.) and which also Dio affirms.(l. 35. Histories) He stated that a certain disputed country was taken from the Parthians.
4214. In the 9th year of Alexandria, queen of the Jews, Josephus was born to Matthias Curtus, the priest's son. Josephus was the grandfather to Josephus the historian as Josephus states in the beginning of the book of his life.
4215. Alexander sent his son Aristobulus with an army to Damascus against Ptolemy Mennaeus. He had been a very troublesome neighbour to that city. Alexander marched back again without any results. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24.)
4216. About this same time it was rumoured that Tigranes had entered Syria with an army of 500,000 men and that he would suddenly come into Judaea. This news terrified the queen and the Jews. Thereupon they dispatched ambassadors to him with rich presents as he beseiged Ptolemais and captured it soon after. When the ambassadors found him there, they told him the queen and the Jews would deal honestly and fairly with him. He commended them for their coming on so long a journey to do homage to him and wished them all well. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 24.) Appian wrote that Tigranes overran all the counties of the Syrians on this side of the Euphrates as far as Egypt. (Syriac. p. 118.) Lucullus stated (Plutarch) that he captured Palestine. However, Eutropius stated that he did not march toward Egypt beyond Phoenicia and that Tigranes was master of only part of Phoenicia. (Eutropius l. 6.)
4217. Lucullus sent his wife's brother, Appius Claudius as an ambassador to Tigranes to demand Mithridates from him. (Memnon. c. 48. & Plutarch.) The king's captain brought him through the upper countries by a circuitous and round about way. Finally one of his own free men, a Syrian, showed him the right way. Using him for their guide, they reached the Euphrates River in 5 days and came to Antioch which was called Epidaphne. He was ordered to wait there for Tigranes who was gone to subdue some other cities of Phoenicia which were not yet under his power. He made many of the princes in those parts who did not obey the Armenians heartily, to side with the Romans. Zarbienus king of the Gordians was one of them. (Plutarch.)
4218. Appius promised Lucullus' help to many other cities under Tigranes' control. They had secretly sent ambassadors to him. He ordered them not to rebel at the present time. The Armenians treated the Greeks very badly. The king was worse than the rest and grew more arrogant and conceited with his success. Whatever mortal men wish for themselves and admire, he thought was for him and purposely created for him. Many kings waited upon him as his servants. He had 4 in his retinue as his attendants and guards who on their errands ran on foot by his horse's side. When he sat on his throne and answered questions the countries had asked of him, they stood with their hands clasped together and their fingers folded one within another. This posture more than any other was a sign of their submission to him. (Plutarch.)
4219. L. Motellus was appointed to succeed Verres as praetor of Sicily. (Ascanius in Divinat.) Motellus went against the pirates in Sicily, (not Cilicia, as incorrectly written in Livy's Epitome) and was victorious. (Livy l. 98. Oros. l. 6. c. 3.) When the Sicilians impeached Verres for extortion, Cicero was appointed to represent them. Cicero had a dispute with Hornensius, who was designed consul. (Cicero in Bruio.) In this Q. Cecilius Niger tried his best to prosecute the impeachment of Verres instead of Cicero. Q. Cicilius Niger was Verres' quaestor in that island. He was a Sicilian by descent (as Pedianus noted in Divination adversus Cacilium) and a free man and a Jew by religion. Plutarch writes in the life of Cicero where he relates the jest which Cicero made of Caecilius for being a Jew. It was based on a play on the the word "verres" which means castrated pig in Latin.
``What has a Jew got to do with a pig?''
4220. The passage of Cicero (l. 5. against Verres) shows the condition of things at that time.
``Notwithstanding all this, let him come if he please, let him engage with the Cretians in a battle, let him free the Byzantians, let him call Ptolemy king, let him speak and think whatever Hortensins would have him.''
4221. This agreed with another passage in an letter which Mithridates wrote the next year to Arsaces. (Salust. l. 4. histor.)
``The Cretians were at that time the only people who retained their freedom and king Ptolemy. A little later Ptolemy delayed the battle he was hired to fight. When the Cretians had been attacked once, they were resolved not to stop until they were utterly defeated.''
4222. By comparing the two passages, we may gather that the Romans used for their own advantage the right which Antiochus Asiaticus claimed to the kingdom of Egypt. They deemed it convenient that Ptolemy Alexander should be called king as long as he would purchase the quiet possession of that kingdom by paying a constant tribute. Also that the Romans were fully resolved to start again the first war with Crete which was ended by the death of M. Antionius. This all happened in the following year as we shall see.
4223. Lucullus marched into Asia, which was still in arrears a quarter part of the fruits because of a fine which Sulla had imposed. This tribute was proportioned according to their houses and number of servants. (Appian.) The collectors and money lenders had made such havock of the cities of Asia and had treated them so slavishly. They were compelled to sell privately their sons and their daughters into slavery and sell their ornaments, pictures and images. The end of this was that they became slaves to their creditors.
4224. Lucullus took such an action with those pestilent fellows that within 4 years all obligations were satisfied and possessions were restored free again to their owners to inherit. This public debt was 20,000 talents which Sulla had imposed upon Asia. The creditors were allowed only double the sum which by their usuries had amounted to 120,000 talents. The creditors thought this was too hard a measure and slandered Lucullus at Rome and had the important Romans to be against him. However Lucullus was very well liked by those countries where he had done those good services. He was greatly endeared to all the other provinces who esteemed those people very happy whose lot it was to have such a governor as he was appointed over them. (Plutarch.)
4225. After Lucullus had fully settled Asia with many excellent laws and an universal peace, he relaxed and enjoyed himself. He lived at Athens and he delighted the cities with shows, triumphal feasts, wrestling and fencing. The cities kept the holiday of Lucullia to honour him. He was not as affected by this as the affection they bore toward him. (Plutarch.)
4226. Tigranes killed Cleopatra, surnamed Selena after he kept her securely as a prisoner in the citadel at Seleucia. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 749.) Antiochus Asiaticus, who had some hopes of recovering the kingdom of Egypt by right of his mother, was dispossessed of that part of Syria which she held.
4227. As soon as Tigranes returned to Antioch, Appius the delegate declared publicly that he was come to take Mithridates, as belonging to Lucullus' triumph and if Tigranes refused to surrender him, he was to proclaim war against Tigranes. Tigranes was somewhat troubled with the delegate's outspoken behaviour but held his peace to see what else he would say. In almost 25 years, he had not heard anyone speak freely to him until now. It was for so many years he had reigned or rather played the part of a forager. He replied to Appius that he knew very well that Mithridates was a very wicked man yet he must respect the alliance between them. All the world might well cry out against him, if he should surrender his wife's father into the hands of his enemies. He was therefore resolved not to desert Mithridates and if the Romans started a war, he could put up a good fight. He was very offended at Lucullus because in his letter he had greeted him as king only and not as king of kings. Therefore to get even, when he wrote back, he did not address Lucullus by the title of general. Appius returned quickly to the general. Of the many other presents the king offered him, he accepted only one cup of gold. He feared lest he offend the king if he refused all the presents. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 749. cf. Memnon, c. 48.)
4228. When Tigranes learned that Zarbienus, the king of the Gordians, had secretly allied himself with Lucullus, he killed him with his wife and children. (Plutarch, in Lucullo.)
4229. As soon as Appius was returned and the war with Tigranes was planned, Lucullus paid his holy vows to his gods at Ephesus, as if the victory had been already won. He marched back again into Pontus and camped before Sinope or rather besieged the king's party of Cilicians who were garrisoned there. (Plutarch, in Lucullo. cf. Appian. p. 228.) For as the city was assaulted from outside the walls by the Romans, so was it within the walls by the commander whom Mithridates had appointed to keep the town. The commander was called Cleochares according to Orosius, or Bacchis, according to Strabo. He feared treachery among the citizens and therefore committed various massacres among the citizens. Hence the citizens neither had heart to courageously resist the enemy nor were they in a position to conditionally surrender. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 546.) Memnon said this about that event.
4230. The king had entrusted Leonippus along with Cleochares to defend the city. Leonippus saw that things were hopeless and sent to Lucullus about surrendering the city. However, Cleochares and Seleucus, the chief pirate who was Mithridates' delegate and was in equal authority with the rest, detected a plot. They called a council and accused Leonippus. The citizens paid no attention to the accusation since they had a very high opinion of the man's integrity. Thereupon Cleochares' faction was afraid of his following among the common people and treacherously killed him at night. The common people were deeply disturbed by this. However Cleochares and his party prevailed and did what they wished. They thought that by carrying things with such an high hand, they could escape being calling into account for the murder of Leonippus. (Memnon, c. 55.)
4231. Meanwhile Censorinus, admiral of the Roman fleet, sailed with 15 galleys of 3 tiers of oars which were loaded with provisions. They sailed from Bosphorus for the Roman camp and arrived near Sinope. Cleochares' and Seleucus' Sinopian galleys under the command of Seleucus put to sea and fought with Censorinus. The Italians were defeated and their ships with their provisions were taken away as a prize. Cleochares and his colleague was elevated with this success and behaved more tyrannically than before. They hailed the townsmen to execution without any legal processes and cruelly abused them in other ways. It happened that Cleochares and Selcucus became at odds with each other. Cleochares deemed it best to continue the war but Seleucus wanted to kill all Sinopians and surrender the city to the Romans as a good gratuity. Since they could not agree about the business, they put all they had into ships and sent them away to Machares, Mithridates' son, who at was at that time living at Colchis. (Memnon, c. 55.)
4232. About that time, Lucullus drew up closer to the city and made a most intense attack on it. Machares, Mithridates' son, sent an embassy to Lucullus and requested a league of friendship between them. The petition was courteously received and he told him that there should be a firm league between them provided that they send no more supplies to the Sinopians. Machares observed this and whatever was intended for the relief of Mithridates' party, he ordered it sent to Lucullus. (Memnon c. 56.) Machares, king of Bosphorus, gave Lucullus a coronet valued at 1000 crowns and was admitted as an ally and confederate of the Romans. (Livy l. 98. cf. Plutarch, & Appian.)
4233. Cleochares and Seleucus saw how things went and knew they were in a desperate condition. Thereupon they massacred many of the citizens and carried an abundance of wealth to their ships. They let their soldiers plunder the town then they burned it. After this they burnt their larger ships and they sailed away by night with the smaller ones to the inner parts of Pontus and lived by the Sanegians and the Lazians. When Lucullus saw the fire he guessed what had happened and ordered his soldiers to scale the walls. As soon as he entered the town, he killed 8000 of the king's party who remained behind. He had great pity on the rest and hurried to put out the fires and restored the citizens' goods. Thus was this miserable city by the hands of friends and foes, ruined by those who came to defend it and preserved by those who came to ruin it. (Memnon, c. 56. Plutarch Appian. Orosius l. 6. c. 3.)
4234. The reason why Lucullus took such a care of preserving Sinope and later enfranchising it was this. It was rumoured to be some admonition which he received in a dream. For in his sleep one appeared at his bed side and spoke these words:
``Go a little forward Lucullus for Autolychus is coming to meet thee''
4235. When he awoke, he could not possibly imagine what this meant. The same day that he took the city, he saw a statue lying by the sea shore in his pursuit of the Cilicians who fled away by ship. The Cilicians planned to have made it their companion in their escape and to that end wrapped it up in clothes and bound it up with cords. They did not have enough time to get it onto the ship. When the Romans unwrapped it, Lucullus saw that it looked like the one who appeared to him in a dream the previous night. Later he learned that it was the statue of Autolychus who was the founder of the city of Sinope. When he heard this, he remembered Sulla's warning who wrote in his commentaries that nothing is to be accounted so sure and certain as that which is shown in dreams. (Plutarch, & Appian.) This statue of Autolychus was made by Sthenides. Lucullus took it and Billarus' sphere with him but left all other ornaments of the city behind. (Strabo, l. 12.)
4236. After he was finished at Sinope, he restored Amisus to its inhabitants who fled away in ships. He granted the city the right to use their own laws and gave them their freedom. (Appian.) He repopulated cities for other Greeks, even for as many who wished that favour from him. He added to each city 15 miles of land. Moreover, he was kind to the Athenians who in the time of Sulla had escaped there to live because of Aristion's tyranny. He gave the ones still living clothes and 200 drachmas each and sent them back to their country. (Plutarch.)
4237. Amasea, Strabo the geographer's country, still held out against the Romans, but yielded soon after. (Memnon, c. 56.)
4238. After Cotta had destroyed all around Heraclea, he again attacked the walls. The soldiers lacked enthusiasm for this and he gave up on it. He sent for Triarius and ordered him to quickly blockade the way and intercept the supplies that came by sea for the townsmen. (Memnon. c. 51.)
4239. Triarius came with his 23 ships and 20 Rhodian ships. He sailed with this fleet to Pontus. He notified Cotta of his arrival who drew up his army to the walls of the city and Triarius showed himself at sea. Thereupon the Heracleans were somewhat troubled at Triarius' sudden arrival with his fleet and put to sea with 30 ships. They were not as well manned as they should have been since all the other men were used in defending the city against the enemy's assaults. The Rhodians first attacked the Heraclean ships and 3 Rhodian's ships and 5 of the Heraclean's were sunk. Thereupon the Romans came into the battle. Although they were soundly defeated in the battle, they did more harm than they received from the enemy. At the end, they routed the Heracleans and forced them to retreat back to the city with the loss of 14 of their ships. The conquering fleet rode into the great port and Cotta withdrew his foot soldiers from storming the town. (Memnon. c. 52.)
4240. Every day Triarius' men made their sallies from the port to hinder supplies from coming to the besieged. There was such a shortage of food in the city that a bottle of grain was sold for 80 attics. To make matters worse, a pestilence broke out among them that may have been caused by unhealthy air or a poor diet. They all did not die in the same way but appeared to suffer from different diseases. Lamachus' pangs of death were more violent and tedious than any of the others. This disease raged most among the soldiers of the garrison so that 1000 of the 3000 soldiers died. (Memnon c. 52.)
3935a AM, 4644 JP, 70 BC
4241. Conacorix was now ready to betray the city to the Romans because of the siege. To buy his own safety, he made the Heracleans pay for it. Damopheles, an Heraclean, helped to effect the plot. He was a great rival with Lamachus in all matters and after Lamachus' death, he was appointed over the garrison. Conacorix did not trust Cotta who was a devious man but told the matter to Triarius. Damopheles was also anxious to complete the matter and arrived at a fair bargain for the surrender. The conspirators thought themselves safe and went about their work. It happened that the conspirators' business became public knowledge. Thereupon citizens came together and called for the governor of the city and then for Brithagoras who was an eminent person of authority among his country men. They earnestly asked Conacorix that he would secure their safety too from Triarius. He was very much opposed to this but he very craftily led the Heracleans on with this flattering words for a while. (Memnon. c. 53.)
4242. Thereupon in the dead of the night, Conacorix shipped all his men and left the town. This was the agreement he had made with Triarius that they would march away quietly with all their baggage. Damopheles opened the gates and let in the Roman army with Triarius. Some of them came rushing in at the gate and others clambered up the walls. When the Heracleans saw that they were betrayed, some of them surrendered and the rest were killed. They plundered their household goods and whatever things they had laid aside in hopes of saving. Indeed; the enemy acted very cruelly against the citizens, for the Romans remembered what great losses they had received in the recent navel battle and what great trouble they had in assaulting the town. In revenge, they did not spare those who had escaped for sanctuary to the consecrated places. They slew them near the altars and the temples even though they begged for mercy. Their condition seemed so desperate, that many escaped over the walls and dispersed themselves about the country while others were forced to flee to Cotta. (Mennon. c. 53.)
4243. Cotta was told by those that fled to him that the city was taken and many men were killed and the town was plundered. He was upset by this news and in a very great indignation he marched as fast as he could to the city. His army was also very deeply discontented because they had lost the glory of their valiant achievements and were cheated of all their plunder. Thereupon, they attacked most fiercely Triarius' men and outdid one another by killing each other. When Triarius heard of the rebellion, he put an end to the battle by pacifying Cotta with good words and promised faithfully an equal share of all the plunder they had taken in the town. (Memnon. c. 53.)
4244. Cotta was told that Conacorix had seized Teium and Amastus and immediately sent Triarius to recover their cities again from his hands. Cotta stayed at Heraclea and took into his custody those that surrendered themselves and the prisoners. He went on to other matters. All his administration was done very cruelly. He searched up and down in every corner for the wealth of the city. He did not spare the consecrated things. He took down the statues and images even the very good ones and had a good number of them. He carried Hercules from the market place and ripped off his ornaments from the pyramid and various other things from the temple and city that were every bit as rare and beautiful as they. These he put on his ships. For his farewell, he ordered his soldiers to bring fire and they burnt the city in many places. Thus was Heraclea taken and subdued after withstanding a 2 year siege. (Memnon. c. 54.)
4245. Triarius arrived at the cities assigned him by Cotta and recovered them when they surrendered conditionally. He allowed Conacorix to sail away who had thought to conceal his betrayal of Heraclea by seizing these two cities. (Memnon. c. 54.)
4246. After Cotta had finished matters he turned over all his foot soldiers and cavalry to Lucullus and dismissed the auxiliaries whom he had from their various allies. Cotta sailed away with his fleet. It happened that part of the fleet which carried the spoils of Heraclea, was overloaded and sank not far from shore and the other part was dashed against the sands by a contrary north wind and lost much of their cargo. (Memnon. c. 54.)
4247. Lucullus left Sornatius behind with 6000 soldiers to order the province and took along with him 12,000 foot soldiers and less than 3000 cavalry. (2 legions and 500 cavalry according to Appian) He entered Cappadocia where Ariobarzanes was his friend and made very long marches to the Euphrates River where Cappadocia borders Armenia. (Salust. Histor. l. 4. with Nonium, in vos, Naves codicaria. Memnon, c. 58. Plut. Appian.)
4248. At that time in the winter, the Euphrates River was swollen and rough. About evening, the water began to recede and by daybreak the river was running within its own banks. Thereupon the inhabitants fell down in adoration of Lucullus. The waters did not go down before but only at the very time he came to allow him an easy crossing. As soon as he had crossed over with his army another favourable prodigy happened. One of the oxen came to Lucullus. These animals were consecrated to the Persian Diana whom the barbarians beyond the Euphrates River worship with high reverence. Those beasts are usually not captured without much trouble. However, this one came of its own accord to him and he sacrificed the bull to the Euphrates River for his easy crossing. He camped there all that day. (Plutarch.)
4249. During the time he marched through Sophenes, he did not offend in any way the inhabitants and they surrendered to him and cheerfully entertained his army. (Plutarch.) He only requested some money from them. The inhabitants of those countries did not like fighting so they would not interfere when Tigranes and Lucullus were fighting. (Appian.)
4250. In those parts there was a citadel, where a great deal of treasure was thought to be stored. The soldiers wanted to attack the place but Lucullus pointed at Taurus which might be seen in the distance and said:
``Let us rather attack that stronghold. What is stored here is only reserved to reward conquerors.''
4251. So they marched on and he crossed the Tigris River and entered Armenia. (Plutarch.)
4252. At the same time as Lucullus invaded Armenia, Alexandra, queen of the Jews, became very sick. Thereupon Aristobulus, her young son, desired the kingdom and stole out in the night and took along with him only one servant. He went to the citadels which his father's friends controlled. Only his wife knew of his plans whom he left at home with his children. The first place he came to was Agaba, where Galaestes was in command. He received Aristobulus very enthusiastically. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24. cf. Belli. l. 1. c. 4.)
4253. The next day, the queen noticed Aristobulus' absence, but did not think that he plotted to take over the kingdom. When messenger after messenger came and brought the news of this citadel and then of that citadel being seized by her son, then both the queen and the whole country were in confusion. They feared lest if he should takeover the kingdom, he would call them to account for their hard usage of his close friends. It was therefore thought best to secure Aristobulus' wife and children in the citadel which was near the temple. In the meantime, there was a large crowd of men who defected to Aristobulus and hoped to get something by this revolution. He behaved like a king and gathered an army from Mount Libanus, Trachonitis and the neighbouring provinces. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.)
4254. Thereupon Hyrcanus, the high priests, and the elders of the Jews addressed the queen. They desired her advise about this emergency. She told them to do whatever they thought best for the public interest and to use the present strength and treasure of the kingdom for that. She was in such a weak condition of mind and body that she could not help in the public administration. She died not long after this. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 24.)
4255. Hyrcanus, her oldest son, succeeded her in the 3rd year of the 177th Olympiad when Q. Hortensius and Q. Metellus (later surnamed Creticus) were consuls. (Josephus Antiq. l. 14. c. 1.) His mother in his lifetime had turned over the kingdom to him. However, Aristobulus exceeded him in strength and authority. (Joseph. l. 1. c. 4.)
4256. When the consuls cast lots for their provinces, the managing of war against the Cretians fell to Hortensius. He was more interested in the city and the forum, in which he had the first place after Cicero and freely gave this expedition to Metellus. (Xiphilin. ex Dione.)
3935b AM, 4645 JP, 69 BC
4257. When the senate declared war on Crete, the wisest of the Cretians thought it best to send ambassadors to Rome to clear them of all the allegations, to pacify the senate with good words and secure their reconciliation. This was agreed to and they sent 30 of their most eminent men on this embassy to Rome. They hoped that they would obtain a new ratification of their former contract and be thanked for the favour they had showed to their quester and soldiers whom they had taken prisoners in the recent battle with M. Antionius. The ambassadors by privately visiting the senators at their houses, won them over to their side. When they were brought into the senate, they answered the charges against them and recalled the good services they had done and their alliance in war under the Roman general. It was resolved that the Cretians impeachments should be removed and that after this they would be allies of the Romans. However, Lentulus who was surnamed Spinther, had this decree reversed. Thereupon this particular business was debated several times by the senate. It was concluded that since the Cretians had sided with the pirate ships and had shared in the booty, they should send to Rome all their pirate ships even to boats of four tiers of oars. They should also return the ships which they had taken from the Romans. They were to return all prisoners, renegades and the 300 good hostages. Lasthenes, who had fought with Antonius and Panares, also demanded 4000 talents of silver. (Diod. Legat. 35. Appian. Legat. 30. Dio. Legat. 37. or 38.)
4258. The Romans did not wait for a reply from the Cretians who were at home. They soon sent one of the consuls to receive what was demanded and if they refused, to wage war with them. It was certain they would not comply. For was it imaginable that those, who, at the beginning, before any such things were exacted from them or before they had obtained a victory, would acknowledge any wrong committed by them? However, now after they had a victory, would they meekly submit to such haughty demands? The Romans knew full well what would be the result and suspected the delegates would be bribed to obstruct the wars. Hence they made a decree in the senate, prohibiting any person from lending the delegates anything. (Dio. Legat. 37. or 38.)
4259. When the Cretians debated the commands of the senate, the most politically astute were of the opinion that every detail should be observed. Those of Lasthenes' faction were somewhat obnoxious and feared lest they should be sent to Rome and there be punished for what they had done. They stirred up the people and exhorted them earnestly to fight for their liberty. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 35.)
4260. When Cotta had returned to Rome, he was highly honoured by the senate and honoured with the surname of Ponticus because he had taken Heraclea. (Memnon. c. 61.)
4261. Mithridates had lived in the parts of Armenia for 20 months and had not yet been admitted to see Tigranes, his son-in-law. At last overcome by his desire to present himself, he met him with a gallant train and received his father-in-law with princely magnificence. Nevertheless, 3 days passed without any conference between them. Later by the sumptuousness of the entertainments, he gave sufficient signs of his affection toward him. (Memnon, c. 57.) Then in the conference which was held very privately at court, they allayed the suspicion of Metrodorus Sceptius and other friends on both sides. So Mithridates was sent back again into Pontus with 10,000 cavalry. (Memnon.)
4262. Lucullus drew up a company of troops against the city in which he was told that Tigranes had secured his courtesans and most of his precious things. (Memnon. c. 58.)
4263. Tigranes hung a man as a trouble maker who brought the first news of Lucullus' coming with his army. After that no one brought him any news. At last when he found it to be true, he sent Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus, with 2000 (as Appian) or 3000 (as Plutarch has it) cavalry and a vast number of foot soldiers. He was ordered to take Lucullus alive and bring him to Tigranes to deter others from doing the same. (Plutarch and Appian.)
4264. Part of Lucullus' forces were camped and the remainder were on their march when the scouts brought news of the enemy's approach. Thereupon Lucullus feared lest the enemy should attack his men when they were not ready for battle. He halted the march and started to fortify his camp. He sent Sextilius, the delegate, with 1600 cavalry and almost as many foot soldiers with orders to stop when he was come up to the enemy. He was not to move until he received word that the camp was thoroughly fortified. However, Mithrobarzanes came so quickly on him that he was forced to fight. Mithrobarzanes was killed in this battle and most of the rest fled and were killed in the pursuit. (Plutarch.)
4265. Tigranes left Tigranocerta and committed the custody of the city to Mancaeus. He went about the country to levy an army and retreated to Taurus. He made that place his headquarters. (Plutarch cf. Appian.) Lucullus followed him so closely that he could not assemble an army. For he sent Muraena to attack and take all troops he found marching to Tigranes. Sextilius was sent another way to attack a large band of Arabians and to prevent their coming to the king, (Plutarch.)
4266. Sextilius attacked the Arabians before they knew what happened as they were camped. He captured most of them. Muraena marched after Tigranes and overtook him with a very great force in an uneven and narrow dale. Muraena had some advantage by the terrain and he fought with Tigranes who left behind all his wagons and fled as fast as he could. Many Armenians died in the battle but far more were taken prisoners. (Plutarch.)
4267. Sextilius forced Mancaeus to retreat into Tigranocerta and started plundering the king's palace which was located outside the walls. He made a trench around the city and the castle to place the batteries and undermine the walls. (Appian.) At last Lucullus came to them, and closelt besiege to the city. He thought that Tigranes would not allow him to besiege the town but would come down in a rage to fight him. (Plutarch) The barbarians hindered his actions greatly. They shot many arrows and they shot their naphtha or fire pitch from their engines. This naphtha was a type of a pitchy substance and was so scalding that it burnt all it stuck to. Water would barely quench it. (Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)
4268. Mithridates sent ambassadors with letters, (as Plutarch states and not in person) and then met with Tigranes (as Appian has it) and warned him not to fight the Romans and to rove around the country with his cavalry. He was to lay it waste if possible and by this deprive the enemy of food. This was what Lucullus did to Mithridates not long ago at Cyzicum and made him lose an army without fighting a stroke.
4269. The Armenians and the Gordians joined with Tigranes. Every man of the Medes and Adiabans were brought by their kings. The Arabians also came in numbers from the Babylonian Sea. Many Albans came from the Caspian Sea along with the Iberians, their neighbours who were a free people who lived near Araxes. (Plutarch.) Some came for love of their king and others came because they were induced by gifts. (Plutarch) Others came from fear. (Cicero, in Oratione Maniliana.) For the barbarians thought the Roman army came solely to ransack their countries and their wealthy temple. For this reason many countries including the larger ones went to fight against Lucullus.
4270. These forces came together. At Tigranes' eating tables and council rooms, they talked only of victory and how roughly they would handle the enemy when they had captured them. Taxiles, who was Mithridates' delegate and his assistant, was in danger of losing his head because in a council of war, only he was opposed to fighting with the Romans. He said that the Romans were unconquerable. Mithridates envied the glory of the victory Tigranes would have lest he did not wait until he came and not share with him the glory of the day. (Plutarch.) However Tigranes sent for Mithridates to come quickly to help him. (Memnon, c. 58.)
4271. Tigranes ordered about 6000 soldiers to go and defend the city where his courtesans were kept. These charged through the Roman brigades and got into the town. They found their return trip intercepted by a valley of archers and sent away the king's concubines and his treasures safely by night to Tigranes. At daybreak the Romans and the Thracians fought with those Armenians and killed many of them and took at least as many prisoners. (Memnon, c. 58. & Appian. whose account is corrected from Memnon.)
4272. Tigranes marched against Lucullus with the rest of his army. He was very troubled that he would now only fight with one of the Roman generals, Lucullus, and not with the whole army. Tigranes had in his army, 20,000 archers and slingers, 55,000 cavalry, 150,000 heavily armed foot soldiers who were divided partly into regiments and partly into squadrons and 35,000 who were intended for barricading passes. (Plutarch.)
4273. As soon as Tigranes appeared with all his host at Taurus, he viewed from the top of a hill the Roman army which besieged Tigranocerta. The barbarians in the city welcomed the king's arrival with howlings and acclamation. They annoyed the Romans from the top of the walls and pointed to the Armenians on the hill. (Plutarch.)
4274. Lucullus left Muraena with 6000 foot soldiers to continue the siege of Tigranocerta and marched himself against Tigranes having in his army 24 regiments of foot soldiers of about 10,000 men along with all his cavalry, slingers and archers who numbered about 1000. He camped near a river in a large spacious field. (Plutarch.) No sooner had Tigranes seen the Roman camp but he presently mocked their small numbers and reproached them, saying:
``If these men came as ambassadors, there are a large number of them indeed, but if as enemies there is but 40 companies of them.'' (Memnon. c. 59. Plutarch, Appian, & Xiphilin. ex. Dione.)
4275. As Lucullus was wading with his army over the river, some of his commanders advised him to be careful what he did that day since it was a black or unlucky day on their calendar. For on that very day, the Cimbrians defeated the army under Cupidus. Lucullus replied:
``It behooves us therefore to fight more bravely now, if perchance this may make this dismal and black day, a day of happiness and rejoicing for the Romans.''
4276. That day was the day before the nodes of October. (Plutarch in Lucullo. & Camillo & Apophthegmat.) according to the Roman calendar at that time. However, according to the Julian calendar it was July 5th and the the beginning of the 4th year of the 177th Olympiad. This is the time of this battle as referred to by Phlegon.
4277. Lucullus knew that his soldiers were afraid of the heavily armed foot soldiers and encouraged them. They would have more trouble in stripping them than in defeating them. He first charged them on the hill and when he saw the barbarians give ground he cried out:
``We have overcome them, fellow soldiers.'' (Plutarch in Apothegm.)
4278. No sooner was Tigranes' right wing forced to flee but the left also began to retreat. In the end, they all turned their backs and so the Armenians fled in confusion and haste. The army was slaughtered. (Memnon. c. 59.) The Romans continued the killing for 15 miles and trampled all along the way on bracelets and chains until night came. They were forced to give up the chase and they started stripping the dead bodies. Lucullus had ordered them not to do this until the enemy was soundly defeated. (Appian.)