3846. Concerning the tower built by John, which Herod later called Antonius' Tower, and where he placed the robe and the rest of the high priest's ornaments, Josephus states: (Antiq. l. 20. c. 6.)
``Hyrcanus was the first high priest by that name. He built a tower near the temple and lived in it most of his time. Since he kept in his own custody the high priest's robe, which nobody else used but himself, he took it off in that place when he put on his ordinary clothes. This custom was observed by his sons also and their posterity.''
3847. After Hyrcanus died, the stones which were set in the high priest's breast plate and the onyx stone upon his right shoulder grew dim and lost their lustre. The light from these stones showed God's approval of the conduct of the Jews. Josephus stated this showed God's displeasure with them for transgressing his laws. (Antiq. l. 3. c. 9.) This was 200 years before he began to write his books concerning the Jewish history. At the end of those books, he stated he completed them in the 13th year of Domitian's reign, 4807 JP.
3848. Judas, the oldest son of Hyrcanus was otherwise called Aristobulus and surnamed Philellen from his familiarity and commerce with the Greeks. He succeeded his father in the government and the high priesthood but he held them for only a year. He was the first of anyone who after the return from the Babylonian captivity to place the crown on his head and changed the state to a monarchy. (Joseph. l. 1. Belli. c. 3. Antiq. l. 13. c. 16. & l. 20. c. 8.) However, Strabo wrote that his brother and successor Alexander, was the first that made himself king. (l. 16. p. 762.) He likely disregarded Aristobulus since he held office for so short a time.
3849. Aristobulus promoted his second brother Antigonus whom he liked far more than the rest, to be a partner in the kingdom. He committed the other three to be bound in prison. He also cast his mother into prison who quarrelled with him for the government because Hyrcanus had left her over the entire government. He rose to heights of cruelty when he starved her to death in the prison. (Joseph. l. 1. Bel. c. 3. & Antiq. l. 13. c. 19.)
3850. Cleopatra in Egypt was greatly troubled that her son Ptolemy Lathurus was joined with her in the government of the kingdom and she stirred up the people against him. (Justin, l. 39. c. 4.) She selected from among her eunuchs those whom she trusted and brought them into the public assembly pitifully cut and slashed. She charged Ptolemy as if he had secretly hired men to ambush her and disfigure her eunuchs. The Alexandrians were so enraged at that spectacle that they would have killed him. Since he had secretly sailed away out of danger, they greeted Alexander as king, who had returned from Cyprus, not very long after this event happened. (Pausan. in Attic. p. 8.)
3851. Before he was banished from the kingdom, his mother Cleopatra had taken from him his wife Selene. The indignity was the greater in that he had two sons by her. (Justin. l. 39. c. 4.) As for Alexander, who was called in by his mother and made king of Egypt in his brother's place, at that time he was in the 8th year of his reign in Cyprus and his mother was in the 11th year of her reign in Egypt. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scaliger, p. 225.) Athenaeus (l. 12. c. 27.) notes how that Alexander grew as fat and swag bellied as his father, Physcon. He mentions this passage concerning him, from Posidonius Apamenus in the 47th book of his histories.
``The king of Egypt was not popular with the common people. He was blinded with the insinuations and flatteries of his friends and living in continual luxury. He could not walk a step unless he was supported by two men. In the dancing which was the custom at the feasts, he would leap bare-foot from the higher beds and move his body in dancing as nimbly and actively as the best.''
3898b AM, 4608 JP, 106 BC
3852. Aristobulus marched with an army into Itura and added it to Judea. He forced the inhabitants under penalty of banishment, to be circumcised and keep the other Jewish ceremonies. Strabo affirms this in these words from Timagenes the historian.
``He (Aristobulus) was an upright man and one who furthered the Jews' interest very much. He enlarged their territories and annexed part of Itura to them and secured it by the covenant of circumcision.'' (Joseph. l. 13. c. 19.)
3899a AM, 4608 JP, 106 BC
3853. Antigonus returned from the wars in triumph at the time the Jews held their solemn feast of tabernacles. It happened, that king Aristobulus fell sick and stayed in his bed in the tower which was later called Antonius' tower. However, his brother Antigonus, intended to be present at the holy solemnities and went up to the temple very gloriously attired. The main purpose of his going there was to pray for the sick king's recovery. Aristobulus was told by some wicked persons, who meant no good to Antigonus that he should beware of his brother who had a plot against him. He placed some of his guard in a dark vault underground near the tower and ordered them that if his brother came unarmed no one should touch him. Otherwise, they should attack and kill him. He sent secretly to him a man who told him he should not come armed. However, Salome the queen and the rest of Antigonus' friends persuaded the messenger to tell him just the opposite. The king wanted to see him dressed in his military attire. Judas, one of the sect of the Essenes, was a famous person for telling the future. He had foretold that Antigonus would die that very day in Straton's tower. He did not know that there was any other Straton's tower besides that which was later called the Cesarean tower and about 75 miles from Jerusalem. Therefore when he saw Antigonus going up to the temple that day, he wished he might die immediately. He feared lest he might be proved a false prophet and ruin his reputation. Shortly after this, Judas heard that Antigonus was killed in that underground place which was called by the same name of Straton's tower as was that other Cesarean tower on the sea coast. (Joseph. Belli. l. 1. c. 3. & Antiq. l. 13. c. 19.)
3854. Aristobulus' sickness grew worse and worse from the remorse from his horrid murder of his brother. At last his pains were so violent, that he vomited blood. As one of his servants was carrying forth the blood to empty it, it happened that his foot slipped and he spilt Aristobulus' blood on the very same place which was stained with Antigonus' blood. Aristobulus was told of the accident and acknowledged the just judgment of God by it. He immediately gave up the ghost in extreme anguish of body and soul. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 19.)
3855. After Aristobulus died, his wife Salome, whom the Greeks call Alexandra, released his brothers whom he had kept prisoners for a long while. She made Alexander Jannaeus the king since he was the oldest and most modest of them. As soon as he had the kingdom, he killed one of his brothers when he discovered he was plotting against him. He acted quite civilly toward the others and was content to live a retired life and at ease. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 20.) He was called Absolom and was taken prisoner at Jerusalem by Pompey 42 years later. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.)
3899b AM, 4609 JP, 105 BC
3856. Alexander Jannaeus ordered the affairs of the kingdom in such a way as seemed most proper to him. He marched with an army against Ptolemais and defeated them in a battle. He forced the enemy to retreat within the walls and then he besieged them and made his batteries. At the same time, the two brothers Philometor or Grypus and Cyzicenus in Syria were so weakened by their battles between themselves, they took no notice of the problems of Ptolemais. Zoilus, a tyrant, saw the dissentions between the two brothers and used the opportunity to seize Straton's tower and Dora. He helped the besieged but not very much. Ptolemy Lathuras who was thrown out of the kingdom of Egypt by his mother Cleopatra, took over Cyprus. The men of Ptolemais sent ambassadors to him asking that he would come and rescue them from the danger they were in by Alexander. They promised that as soon as he entered into Syria, he would have the men of Gazaea, Ptolemais, Zoilus, Sidon and many others on his side to help. He was encouraged by their good promises and he prepared for the voyage. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.)
3857. In the meantime Demenaetus, a popular and eminent authority persuaded the men of Ptolemais to alter their resolutions. He told them that they had better take the fortunes of war with the Jews where they might win than to submit to certain bondage by calling in a king over them. Moreover, thereby not only undergo the brunt of the present war, but also they were to expect another from Egypt. Cleopatra would not sit still and allow Ptolemy to gather forces from the adjacent parts but would quickly march with a strong force to hinder his work. For the queen endeavoured to drive him out of Cyprus also. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 8.) His conjecture proved true. After Cleopatra had banished her son, she was not content. She persecuted him up and down with war and not only chased him out of Cyprus but killed the general of her own army when he let him escape after he had taken him prisoner. Justin said, if we can believe him, that Ptolemy did not leave the island not because he thought himself equal to her in power but because he was ashamed to fight against his mother. (Justin l. 39. c. 4.)
3858. Although Ptolemy had heard on the way, that the people of Ptolemais had changed their minds, yet he sailed on to Sycaminum. He landed his forces there which consisted of about 30,000 cavalry and foot soldiers. From there he marched to Ptolemais with all his forces and camped there. When he saw the Ptolemaians would not allow his delegates into the town nor hear them so much as speak, he was all the more perplexed. After that, Zoilus and the Gazaeans were come to him and desired his assistance against the Jews. Alexander who pillaged their country after he raised the siege of Ptolemais for fear of Ptolemy. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 20.)
3900a AM, 4609 JP, 105 BC
3859. After Alexander Jannaeus had led his army home, he began to play tricks. He made a secret alliance with Cleopatra against Ptolemy but in public proclaimed him to be his friend and ally. He promised him 400 talents of silver if he for his sake would remove Zoilus the tyrant and give his country to the Jews. Ptolemy very willingly struck up the bargain with him but when he saw later how Alexander negotiated secretly with his mother Cleopatra, he broke the league which he had made with him. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 20.)
3860. When the senate had given permission to Marius, who was on an expedition against the Cimbrians, to request supplies from the countries beyond the seas, he wrote to Nicomedes, the king of Bithynia for help. Nicomedes replied that the Bithynians were mainly carried away and kept as slaves by the custom gatherers in various places. Thereupon the senate issued a decree prohibiting any free man of the allies of the people of Rome to serve as slaves in any province. In addition they sent orders to the governors of the provinces to set them at liberty where any such were forced to work. (Diod. Sic. l. 38. in Bibliotheca, Photii. cod. 244.)
3900b AM, 4610 JP, 104 BC
3861. This decree of the senate was duly and strictly observed as soon as it was issued. Later it was neglected by Licinius Nerva, the praetor of Sicily and this caused the second slave war in Sicily. The rebels made Salvius, a soothsayer and a minstrel, their king, whom they called Tryphon later. (Id. ib. cum Dion. in Excerptis Valesii. p. 633, 634.)
3862. When C. Marius and C. Flaccus or rather Flavius were consuls, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, there was an eclipse of the sun. (Jul. Obsequens, de prodigiis.) This was almost a total eclipse of the sun and the astronomical calculation shows that this happened on July 19th 4610 JP.
3863. When Askelon became a free state, they computed time from this time as has been noted in the Cicilian Chronicles at the 169th Olympiad. Eusebius' chronicle agrees and says that the 380th year of their epoch was the 2nd year of Ptobus the Emperor. This happened in 4990 JP.
3864. Ptolemy Lathurus left his commanders with a brigade of his army to besiege Ptolemais which shut its gates against him. They finally took the city. Meanwhile, he marched away with the remainder of his forces against Judea to pillage and subdue it. Alexander Jannaeus received news of his coming and his actions. He gathered about 50,000 (some writers rather think 80,000) men and marched to meet him. Ptolemy attacked by surprise Asochis, a city of Galilee, on the sabbath and took it. He carried away with him about 10,000 prisoners besides much plunder. Next he attacked Zephoris which was close to Asochis. When he had lost many men before the place, he withdrew to fight with Alexander Jannaeus whom he met at the Jordan River opposite Asophos. Alexander had 8000 men who fought in the vanguard carrying shields of brass. He called these men, Hecatontomachi. These faced Ptolemy's vanguard who also used shields of brass. They were pushed back by the first charge of the enemy but in the end, they were pursued by Philostephanus who was a skilled military man. They crossed over the river to the place where the Jews were camped. The battle waged and no side was the victor. Finally, Ptolemy's soldiers routed the Jews and in the pursuit they killed so many that their arms were wearied and the edge of their swords became dull. It is said that 30,000, (or as Timagenes has computed in his writings 50,000) Jews died in that battle. The rest were either taken prisoner or escaped. After the victory Ptolemy roved all that day about the country. At evening he retired into some of the villages belonging to the Jews. When he saw they were crowded with women and children, he commanded his soldiers to attack and kill indiscriminately. They had chopped them in pieces to put them into scalding cauldrons. They did this so that those who had escaped, might believe that the enemy ate human flesh. By this they would become more dreadful and formidable to the onlookers. This act of cruelty is recorded by Strabo and Nicholaus Damascenus in their histories. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 20, 21.)
3901 AM, 4611 JP, 103 BC
3865. Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, saw her son Lathurus increasing in power daily. He subdued the city of the Gazeans and he plundered the Jews at will. She did not consider it wise to let him go on as he did especially when he did these deeds so close to Egypt and yearned for the kingdom. Therefore to check him, she immediately raised land and naval forces and entrusted them to Chelcias and Ananias. These were both Jews and sons of that Onias who built the temple in the region of Alexandria. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 18. & 21.) For that the queen did all things by the advice of those two favourites. Josephus confirmed this by this testimony taken from of the history of Strabo the Cappadocian:
``Most of those who first entered Cyprus with us and of those also who were sent there later by Cleopatra defected to Ptolemy Lathurus. Only those Jews who were on Onias' side remained loyal. In that regard, their country men Chelcias and Ananias, were held in high esteem by the queen.''
3866. Cleopatra, deposited a considerable portion of her wealth in the island Cos where also she left her grandchildren and her last will and testament. Cos was a small island close to Egypt and not the island by the same name in the Aegean Sea. She ordered Ptolemy, Alexander's son, to arrive at Phoenicia with a large fleet. After the country had revolted and flocked to her, she came to Ptolemais. She was denied entrance and she resolved to take it by storm. In the meanwhile, it happened that Chelcias one of her chief commanders died, as he was pursuing Lathurus in Coelosyria. Lathurus had left Syria and hurried to get into Egypt because he thought that the garrisons would be all drained by Cleopatra. Hence he dreamed he could take them by surprise but he was wrong. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.)
3867. The Egestan and Lilybetane fugitives in Sicily appointed Athenio, a Cilician shepherd as their king. He pretended that the gods by the stars had told him that he should be king of all Sicily. Therefore it behoved him to favour the country and to spare its cattle and fruits as if they were his own. However, as soon as Tryphon sent for him, he submitted himself to Tryphon as king and was content with being general over the army under Tryphon. (Diod. Sic. l. 36. ut supr. cf. Cicero, in Verro l. 2. with Florus, l. 3. Histor. c. 19. & Dion. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 637.)
3902 AM, 4612 JP, 102 BC
3868. Cleopatra heard that her son, Lathurus had attempted and failed to take over Egypt. She sent a brigade of her army there and chased him clean out of the country. After he was again driven from Egypt, he spent the following winter at Gaza. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.)
3869. In the meantime Cleopatra captured Ptolemais with its garrisons. Alexander Jannaeus came to her with presents in his hands. She entertained him in such manner as was befitting for one that had been oppressed by Lathurus and had no other refuge to go to. Certain of the queen's favourites tried to persuade her to seize that country also and not to allow such a number of good Jews to be at the command of one single person. Ananias advised her the contrary and told her that it would be most unjust for her to strip a man of his fortunes who was her fellow warrior and the kinsman of Ananias. If she did so, she would in a very short time lose the affections of the whole country of the Jews. Cleopatra followed his counsel and at that time she did no harm to him and shortly after this, she renewed their former league at Scythopolis a city of Coelosyria. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.)
3870. When Alexander Jannaeus was now free of any danger from Ptolemy Lathurus, he undertook an expedition into Coelosyria and besieged Gadara. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.)
3871. L. Licinius Lucullus was sent by the senate against the slaves that had revolted. He came into Sicily with an army of 17,000 men consisting of Italians, Bithynians, Thessalonians, Acarnans and Lucans. Athenio the Silician marched out to meet him with 40,000 men. He lost 20,000 of his men. Although he was badly wounded, he escaped by hiding among the dead carcases, (Diod. Sic. l. 36.)
3872. The Jews and the Arabians raided Syria by land and the Cilicians started a war at sea by their piracy which the Romans waged in Cilicia by Antonius. (Prolog. l. 39. Trogi.) Marcus Antonius, the orator and grandfather of M. Antonius who held the triumph, was then the praetor. He was sent to that war instead of the consul and stayed at Athens many days because of poor sailing weather. He heard Mnesarchus, Carneades and Menedemus who were three most learned men disputing there, as he did later of Metrodorus Scepsius in Asia. When he came into the province with the help of the Byzantians, he fought with the pirates with good success. However, in the battle, he lost M. Gratidius, his admiral. (Cicero in l. 1. & 2. de Oratore, & in Bruto. Livy l. 68. Corn. Tacit. l. 12.) We now mention the passage of Julius Obsequens about the consulship of C. Marcus and Q. Luctarius. The pirates in Sicily (sic. Cilicia) were defeated by the Romans. In another passage in l. 68. of Livy's Epitome it said that Antonius the praetor in Sicily (it must be read Cilicia, as in the former citation) chased the pirates at sea. By this action he held a triumph according to Pighius in the third tome of his Annals at about the end of the 661st year of Rome.
3873. The fourth Calippic period begins.
3874. Alexander Jannaeus took Gadara after he had spent 10 months besieging it. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.)
3875. When Marius and Catusus were consuls, Archias the poet of Antiochs, came to Rome. He later described the Mithridatic war in Greek verse and many of whose epigrams are still extant in the Greek anthology. He was mainly responsible for teaching Cicero. (Cicero, pro Archia, Poeta.)
3876. Although C. Marius was ready to fight the Cimbrians in Gaul, he delayed the battle. He pretended that by the advice of certain oracles, he only delayed for a convenient time and place for a victory. He carried around with him on a litter, Martha, a Syrian woman who was reported to have skill in prophesying. He held her in great reverence and never sacrificed without her approval. She had formerly been with the senate to entreat of those matters and foretell what should happen. However, the senate ignored her and would not give her an hearing. (Plutarch in Marius.)
3877. About the same time, Battaces or Batabaces, a priest of the great Mother Idaeus, came to Rome from Pessinunt in Phrygia. He came into the senate and told them that he was ordered there by his goddess with tidings of a great victory which should happen to the people of Rome and the fame they should get in a war. He added that the religious rites of the goddess were profaned and therefore public expiation ought to be made for them at Rome. He also brought along with him a garment and other ornaments of the body that were new and were never seen by any Roman before that time. He brought also a golden crown of an unusual size and a long robe interwoven with flowers and gilded. It was all very glorious and royal looking. After he had made a speech to the people from the orator's speaking desk and persuaded them to receive his superstitious worship, he was entertained at the public places of receipt for strangers. He was prohibited by Aulus Pompeius, the tribune of the people, to bring his crown with him. The other tribune brought him to the court and questioned him concerning the expiation of the temple. He returned a very superstitious answer. After Pompeius had called him an impostor and driven him from the court, he dissolved the assembly and went home. He suddenly became sick with a violent fever so that soon after this he became speechless and was most grievously tormented with a swollen throat. On the 3rd day (or as others, the 7th day) he died. All this, some interpreted to have happened to him by a divine providence for the indignant manner in which he treated the priest and the goddess. For the Romans were naturally inclined to superstitions. Therefore, Battaces in his holy dress was treated so magnificently by the men and women. When he left Rome, he was accompanied out of town with such great pomp. (Id. ibid. & Diod. Sic. l. 36. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.)
3878. A servant belonging to Servilius Caepio made himself an eunuch for the worship of Mother Idaeus. He was transported overseas and never returned back again to Rome. (Julius Obsequens ut supra.)
3903a AM, 4612 JP, 102 BC
3879. Alexander Jannaeus captured Amathus which was the best fortified citadel of any near Jordan. Theodorus, the son of Zenon, had stored whatever he had of value there. When Theodorus suddenly attacked Alexander, he recovered what he had lost and pillaged Alexander's wagons and killed 10,000 Jews. As soon as Alexander had recovered from this loss, he attacked the countries along that sea coast and captured Raphta and Anthedon which Herod later named Agrippias. (Joseph. Belli. l. 1. c. 3. Antiq. l. 13. c. 21.)
3903b AM, 4613 JP, 101 BC
3880. Manius Aquilius, the colleague of C. Marius in his 5th consulship, was sent as general against Athenio the Cilician. After Tryphon's death, he was made king of the renegades in Sicily. He behaved himself gallantly in the service and he won a most famous victory over the rebels. He fought with King Athenio personally and finally overcame him. When the soldiers strove among themselves whose prisoner he should be, Athenio was torn in pieces by them in the strife. (Diod. Sic. l. 36. Forus. l. 3. c. 19.)
3881. Ptolemy Lathurus left Gaza and returned again to Cyprus and his mother Cleopatra returned to Egypt. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) Her harsh treatment of Lathurus frightened her young son Alexander so much that it caused him to leave Cyprus. He preferred a secure and safe life to the hazards of a kingdom. Therefore Cleopatra feared lest her oldest son Lathurus get Antiochus Cyzineus' help in recovering Egypt. She sent supplies to Antiochus Grypus and sent unto him also Selene, Lathurus' wife, to be married to the enemy of her former husband. She had her ambassadors recall her son Alexander to the kingdom. (Justin. l. 39. c. 4.) This was the cause of their civil wars which arose between the kings of Syria which Livy tells us of. (l. 68.)
3904a AM, 4613 JP, 101 BC
3882. Julius Obsequens notes in his little book, de prodigiis, that the fugitives in Sicily were all killed in various battles at the time when C. Marius and Lucius Valerius were consuls. Aquilius the proconsul pursued the remaining 10,000 fugitives until he had subdued them all. Thus the second war of the slaves was ended after it had lasted almost 4 years. (Diod. Sic. l. 36.) In these wars, Athenaeus stated that 10,000 slaves were killed. (l. 6. c. 7.)
3904b AM, 4614 JP, 100 BC
3883. C. Marius became consul for the 6th time mainly through the help of L. Apuleius Saturninus, the tribune of the people. He banished Q. Metellus Numidrus, who went to Rhodes and devoted himself to the study of philosophy. He had the time to read authors and hear the discourses of the most eminent scholars. (Cicero in Pison. & pro Sextio. Livy l. 69. Plutarch. in Mario. Appian. Belli. Civil. l. 1. p. 367, 369.)
3884. Ambassadors came to Rome from Mithridates with a good sum of money and hoped to bribe the senate. Saturninus, tribune of the people, was a sworn enemy to the whole order of senators and noticed their arrival. He thought he had the senate under control and berated the embassy with reproaches. The ambassadors called him into question for this and so muzzled him by the instigation of the senators, who welcomed the embassy and promised them their help. Saturninus was in great danger of capital punishment for violating the rights of the ambassadors whose privileges the Romans always held in a most religious esteem. However, the people rescued him from this danger and made him tribune of the people again. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 34.) However, this action caused a new rebellion and he was killed in it. This was the very year when C. Marius, (now the 16th) and Valerius Flaccus were consuls. (Cicero in 8 Philippica, & pro Rabirio. Appian. belli. Civil. l. 1. p. 369, 360. Oros. l. 5. c. 17.)
3906 AM, 4616 JP, 98 BC
3885. In every assembly, for two whole years, the matter of ending the banishment of Q. Metellus was debated. Q. Metellus' son crossed the forum with his beard and hair overgrown and in a dirty garment. With tears in his eyes, he prostrated himself before the citizens and begged them to recall his father home again. The people would not raise the hopes of Q. Metellus by doing anything on his behalf which was contrary to law. However, from compassion for the young man and the earnestness of his pleas, they recalled Q. Metellus from his banishment and gave to his son the surname of Pius, for his outstanding affection and care he had to his father. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi, p. 390.) Yet Aurelius Victor, in his book de viris Illustribus, c. 62. wrote that his father, Q. Metellus was banished to Smyrna and recalled home by the Calidian law. The letters of recall were brought to him as he sat in the theatre. Although he saw the letters, he would not even read them until the show was over.
3886. C. Marius could not face Metellus after he returned home and he sailed to Cappadocia and Galatia. He pretended he wanted to worship the great Mother Idaea. His real plan was to start a new war. To accomplish this he thought it good to egg Mithridates on. He was received with all civility and respect and at that time Mithridates was obviously busy preparing for war. He said this to the king:
``Either endeavour, O king, to put yourself into such a state that you may be too hard for the Romans or else quietly submit to their commands.''
3887. This saying amazed the king. He had heard of his name, but never until now of the freeness of the Roman tongue to speak what it pleased. (Plutarch in Mario.)
3888. Alexander Jannaeus was enraged against the Gazaeans because they had called in Ptolemy Lathurus to help them against him. He attacked their city and wasted the country. In the meantime Apollodorus, commander of the Gazaeans, with 2000 mercenaries and 10,000 whom he armed from the townsmen, sallied forth by night into the Jew's camp. In the night battle, the Gazaeans had the better of it and the Jews thought that Ptolemy had come to their relief. As soon as it was daybreak when the truth of the matter appeared, the Jews rallied forth in a body and attacked the townsmen with all their might. They killed about 1000 of them. In spite of all this and though their supplies grew scarce, they would not surrender to the Jews. They were ready to undergo any hardship rather than submit to the enemy. Aretas, the king of the Arabians, raised their spirits for a while, by saying he would help them which he did not do. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.)
3907 AM, 4617 JP, 97 BC
3889. Lysimachus envied the great favour his brother Apollodotus had among the Gazaeans and killed him. He then gathered a band of soldiers and delivered the city to Alexander Jannaeus. At first he marched in very calmly but shortly after he turned loose the soldiers to attack the townsmen and to kill without restraint. The Gazeans were slaughtered in every street. However, they did not die unrevenged but struggled with their assailants and killed an equal number of Jews. Others retired to their houses and set them on fire to prevent the enemy from plundering them. Others killed their wives and their children with their own hands so that they might not be led away into captivity. The 500 senators retired to Apollo's temple for it happened that at that very time that the enemy was let into the city, a senate was held there. However, Alexander cut the throats of them all. After he had destroyed the city, he returned back to Jerusalem about a year after he started his siege of Gaza. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.)
3890. At the same time, Antiochus Grypus was killed through the treachery of Heracleon. He lived 45 years and reigned 29, (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) or rather 26, as it is read in Porphyrius' fragment. He reigned 11 of those 26 years alone, the other 15 years in joint partnership with Cyzicenus. He died in the 4th year of the 180th Olympiad. (in Grac. Euseb. Salig. p. 227.) Grypus was survived by 5 sons, the first named Seleucus, whom Josephus said succeeded his father. Antiochus and Philip were the second and third and were twins by Tryphena, daughter to Ptolemy Physcon, king of Egypt. Demetrius Eucarus was the 4th and Dionysius the 5th.
3908 AM, 4618 JP, 96 BC
3891. The son, Pharnaces was born to Mithridates Eupator, the king of Pontus and he lived 50 years. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 254.)
3892. When Cn. Domitius and C. Cassius were consuls, Ptolemy died who was the king of the Cyrenians, Physcon's son by a courtesan. He left the people of Rome as his heir. (Livy l. 70. Jul. Obsequens de prodigiis, Cassiodorus in Chronica.) The cities of that kingdom were enfranchised by a decree of the senate, according to Livy. Although Plutarch in Lucullo stated that the Cyrenaeans soon after were miserably harassed with continual rebellions and wars.
3909 AM, 4619 JP, 95 BC
3893. Anna the prophetess, daughter of Phanuel, of the tribe of Asher was married and lived with her husband 7 years from her virginity. Lu 2:36,37
3894. Tigranis, son of Tigranes who was turned over to the Parthians as a hostage, was restored by them to his father's kingdom of Armenia when they received 70 portions of his land of his country as a gratuity. (Strabo. l. 11, 532. Justin, l. 38. c. 3. Appian. in Syriac. p. 118.) This is deduced from the 25th year of his reign and mention will be made later from Plutarch's Lucullus, in the year 3934 AM.
3910a AM, 4619 JP, 95 BC
3895. Q. Mutius Scaevola was sent as the proconsul into Asia and selected his most intimate friend, P. Rutilius Rufus, for his associate. (Pomponius in D. de. orig. Juris, erroneously states he was the proconsul of Asia) He relied on his advice and counsel in managing the affairs of the province and making laws. He also had a great hand in restraining the injuries and exactions of the tax collectors who extremely oppressed that province. As often as anyone who had been wronged by those tax collectors, brought their cause to him, he condemned them no matter who they were, by upright judges. The condemned were turned over to the persons whom they had injured to be confined to prison by them. Moreover, he paid his own expenses and the expenses of his retinue from his own wealth. He soon won the hearts of all in the province toward the people of Rome. (Cicero. l. 2. de oratorc. Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 393, 394.)
3910b AM, 4620 JP, 94 BC
3896. Seleucus, son of Antiochus Grypus, assembled a considerable force and marched against his uncle Antiochus Cyzicenus. Cyzicenus came with his army from Antioch and fought with him but was defeated. His horse ran away with him into the enemy's camp. When he saw no possibility of escape, he killed himself. He had reigned 18 years. When Seleucus had won the kingdom he retired to Antioch. (Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. p. 227.) Josephus relates that Cyzicenus was taken prisoner in the fight by Seleucus and afterward killed. (l. 13. c. 21.) However Trogus stated that he died in the battle which was fought between him and Grypus' sons. (l. 40. Prolog.)
3897. When Cn. Domitius, and C. Coelius were consuls, the senate decreed that all persons were prohibited to lend money to the Cretians. (Ascon. Pedianus in argument. orat. pro C. Cornelio.) See note on 3935 AM. (from Dion.)
3898. Q. Mutius Scaevola resigned the government of Asia after nine months for fear he should be an expense to the treasury. (Cicero ad Atticum, l. 5. epist. 17, cum Asconio Pediano in orat. Cicer. contra L. Pisonem.) While he held his office in Asia, he managed it so uprightly and justly that after that time the senate by their decree held up Scaevola's administration as a model and form to be imitated by all those who should succeed him in that province. (Voler. Maxim. l. 8. c. 15.) The Greeks also inserted in their calendar a festival day in honour of him, which the Asians called Mutia. (Ascon. Pedian. in 3 tiam contra Verram, & Divinationcus contra cundem) Concerning this Cicero wrote: (in Verrem 2nd.)
``Although Mithridates was master in Asia of all that province, he did not put down the rebellion. Although he was an enemy and very violent and cruel in other matters, he would not violate the honour of the man who was hallowed with the ceremonies of the gods.''
3899. However, his associate Publius Rutilius Rufus, a person of high integrity who had helped in ridding Asia of unjust exactions and wrongs by the tax collectors, was called into question about receiving bribes. This was done by a factious party of the rich land owners whom he with the proconsul had punished for extracting exorbitantly in gathering rents. He was of such an entire trust and innocence that from the day that his accusers had set to accuse him about this, he did not let his beard grow nor put on unfashionable clothes nor set aside his senatorial robes. He was not intimated by his adversaries nor did he try to influence his judges. When the praetor had granted him permission to make his defense, he made a speech worthy of his position. He had such an attitude as would be fitting for every good man, whose lot it was to be burdened with troubles and who rather pitied the case of the state than his own condition. He did not speak a word which might seem to detract from the splendour of his previous years. (Livy l. 70, Ascon Pedian. in Divinations contra, Verrens. Valer. Maxim. l. 6. c. 4. Dio. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 637. Oros. l. 5. c. 17.) M. Cicero in his first Dialogue de oratore, states this:
``Seeing that man was the very pattern of innocence, and not one person in the whole city of greater integrity or sanctimony: he did not petition the judges' favour and would not so much as allow his advocates to plead his cause with greater flourishes and embellishments than the bare account of the truth itself would permit. Some few particulars of his defence, he put over to Cotta, an eloquent man and his sister's son. Q. Mutius also pleaded some things on his behalf, after his old manner, without any flourish, plainly and clearly.''
3900. And in Bruto.
``At what time, that most innocent person was called to trial, by whose judgment we know the state to have been shaken. Although there were then in the city, those two eloquent men, L. Crassus and M. Antonius, he would not have either of them for his advocate. He pleaded his own cause for himself and C. Cotta spoke a few things since he was his sister's son. Although he was a youth, yet he showed himself an orator. Q. Mutius, also spoke in court, clearly indeed and smoothly as he always did yet not with such ardour and volubility as that kind of process and the graveness of the cause required.''
3901. Thus the rich land owners of Rome, by the virtue of the Gacchian laws had gotten into their hands the power of sitting in judgment. To the great grief of the city, they condemned Rutilius of bribery. There was not a man who ever lived who was more innocent than he was. (Vellei. Paterculi. l. 2.) No sooner was sentence past on him and an estimate made in money of what he stood charged in court, but he immediately parted with all that he had. By this he witnessed that he was altogether clear from the crime against him. For all he could gather did not approach the amount his accusers said he had extorted in Asia. He showed that every part of his estate was conveyed to him on just and lawful titles. C. Marius was envious of this man and hated his integrity. Rutilius did not like how matters went at Rome and could not stand Marius. Therefore he voluntarily left his country and went into Asia to live in exile at Mitylene. (Dio. ut. supr. p. 637, 638.) One of his friends tried to comfort and cheer him up in his banishment. He told him that civil wars would soon happen and then all the banished might return home. He replied:
``What wrong did I ever do to you that you should wish me a worse return home than I had going into banishment? I had rather that my country should blush at my banishment than grieve at my return home.'' (Seneca. in beneficiis, l. 6. c. 37.)
3902. His banishment did in no wise mar his former glory and wealth. All the cities of Asia sent their ambassadors to wait on him: Q. Mutius and whatever cities and kings had formerly been beholding to him for any courtesy, sent to him very many presents. He now had more wealth than he had before his banishment. (Valer. Maxim. l. 2. c. 10. Dio. ut sup. p. 638.)
3911 AM, 4621 JP, 93 BC
3903. Antiochus Eusebes or the Pius, the son of Antiochus Cyzicenus escaped a plot by Seleucus, his first cousin. A courtesan who fell in love with Antiochus for his beauty, helped foil the plot. However, the Syrians ascribed his escape to his piety for which he had the surname Eusebes. He went to Aradus and set a crown on his head. He started a war against Seleucus. In one battle he gave Seleucus so great a defeat, that he never was able to fight with him again and was chased from Syria. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21. Appian. in Syriac. p. 133.)
3904. Seleucus fled to Cilicia and was received by the Mopsuestians. After a while be began to exact tribute from them. They were so offended by his taxes that they set fire to his palace and burnt both him and his friends alive. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) Appian states that he was burnt alive in the public place of exercise because he behaved so violently and tyrannically. (Appian p. 132.) Eusebius in Chronic. stated that he was burnt alive by Antiochus Cyzicenus' son. However, Porphyrius wrote that after he had fled to the city and knew that the Mopsuestians planned to to burn him alive, he committed suicide. (ut supr. p. 227.)
3905. The two twins of Seleucus, Antiochus and Philip, drew up their forces against Mopsuestia and took it and levelled it even to the ground in revenge for their brother's death. This was no sooner done then Antiochus Pius, the son of Cyzicenus, attacked and defeated them. When Antiochus fled on horseback from the battle, he drowned trying to cross the Orontes River. His brother Philip (to whom Scaliger attributes a coin to belong, which did had this inscription: (ILIPPOU EUERTETOU FLLADELFU BASVIAEWSV) and Antiochus Pius began their reigns together from the 3rd year of the 171st Olympiad. Both of them had considerable forces and fought to see who would be the sole ruler of Syria. (Porphyr. ut sup. p. 227.)
3912 AM, 4622 JP, 92 BC
3906. Ptolemy Lathurus sent to Cnidus for Demetrius Eucaerus, 4th son of Antiochus Grypus and made him king of Damascus. Antiochus Pius joined his forces with his brother Philip and opposed him very valiantly for a while. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) At length, Antiochus was defeated and forced to flee for refuge to the Parthians. (Porphyr. ut sup. Eusebius in Chronic.)
3913a AM, 4622 JP, 92 BC
3907. When Mithridates, the king of Pontus had seized Cappadocia, he killed the two sons of Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia. He had died in the war against Aristonicus and had two sons by Mithridates' sister Laodice who was not the same person as his sister with the same name. Mithridates turned over the kingdom of Cappadocia to Ariarathes, his own 8 year old son, and appointed Gordius for his guardian. Nicomedes Philopator, the king of Bithynia was jealous lest after Mithradates had captured Cappadocia, he might attempt to invade Bithynia which bordered on it. He bribed a very handsome youth to say he was the 3rd son of Ariarathes and he had more than 2 sons. He was to petition the senate about restoring him to his father's kingdom. He also sent to Rome Ariarathes' wife Laodice, Mithridates' sister, who after the death of her former husband Ariarathes, was married to Nicomedes. She was to testify that Ariarathes had three sons. As soon as Mithridates knew of this, he also with the like impudence, sent Gordius to Rome. He was to tell the senate that the youth to whom he had placed in the kingdom of Cappadocia, was descended from that Ariarathes who died in the war with Aristonicus. Ariarathes had brought supplies to the Romans and died in the service. (Justin. l. 38. c. 1, 2.)
3913b AM, 4623 JP, 91 BC
3908. The queen of the Galadeni waged war with the Parthians. Josephus wrote that Antiochus Pius, Cyzicenus' son, was called to help her. He fought gallantly but was killed in a battle. After his death, the kingdom of Syria remained in the power of the two brothers, Grypus' sons, Philip, and Demetrius Eucaerus. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 21.) However, Eusebius in Chronic. ends the reign of Seleucus' family in the two years which he attributes to Philip, Grypus' son. However, Appian in the end of his Syriacs stated that after this time Antiochus Pius was driven out of his kingdom by Tygranes. Josephus stated that Philip with his two brothers, Demetrius Eucaerus and Antiochus Dionysius waged war with the kings of Damascus and took over the kingdom of Syria. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 22, 23.) It seems more probable that when Antiochus Pius returned from the Parthians, as Porphyrius and Eusebius confirm, that he did not go against his enemies but to a sanctuary and refuge for himself. He recovered that part of Syria which Philip had usurped for 2 years. Philip, to recover that loss, fought with his two brothers, Demetrius and Antiochus and hoped to add the kingdom of Damascus to his government. These battles between the kings of Syria seem to be those which Livy had described in his 70th book. Philip claimed for himself all the remaining parts of Syria which were not in the hand of Cyzicenus' son. The Syrians were finally quite weary of the various skirmishes which Philip had, sometimes with Antiochus Pius and sometimes with his brothers over 8 years. They deserted the Seleucians and voluntarily put themselves under the command of Tigranes, king of Armenia according to Justin in the beginning of his 40th book. Appian (l. 40.) thinks that the surname of Pius, which was given to Antiochus, was given to him in derision by the Syrians because he had married Selene, who had formerly been the wife both of his father Cyzicenus and his uncle Grypus. Therefore he plainly tells us that he was by the just judgment of God, thrown out of the kingdom by Tigranes.
3909. The senate of Rome was well aware of the plans of the two Asiatic kings to steal away another man's kingdom by producing bogus heirs. They took Cappadocia away from Mithridates and to even the score, they took Paphlagonia from Nicomedes. So neither king could claim a victory, they made both those places a free state. The Cappadocians refused this liberty and sent ambassadors to Rome and told them that it was utterly impossible for them to live without a king. The Romans were puzzled at this and gave them permission to elect a king. Ariobarzanes was made king. (Justin, l. 38. c. 2. Strabo, l. 12. p. 540.) The Romans denounced Gordius whom Mithridates had commended to them. (Justin. l. 38. c. 5.)
3914a AM, 4623 JP, 91 BC
3910. L. Cornelius Sulla's office as a praetor expired. Velleius Pateroulus stated (l. 2. of his history), he was praetor the year before L. Caesar and P. Rutilius were consuls. He was appointed over Cilicia and was sent as an ambassador to Cappadocia. His trip was for the pretence of establishing Ariobarzanes the newly elected king, in his kingdom. His real reason was to crush Mithridates' designs whose head was full of plots. Sulla brought no great force with him. By the means of the allies who readily offered their service, he slew a large company of the Cappadocians and a far larger number of the Armenians who came to assist Gordius. He threw out Gordius and the young king Ariarathes to whom Gordius was assigned as guardian by Mithridates. Sulla proclaimed Ariobarzanes the king according to the decree of the senate. Mithridates did not say anything against it at that time. (Livy l. 70. Plutarch in Sulla. Appian. in Mithridatic, p. 208. & Bell. Civil. l. 1. p. 396.)
3914b AM, 4624 JP, 90 BC
3911. The Parthian ambassadors came to Sulla from their King Arsaces to ask for friendship with the people of Rome. (Livy l. 70. Sextus Rufus, in Breviario.) There was never any communication between those two countries before that. Orobazus, the Parthian, headed the embassy which met with Sulla who was near the Euphrates River. Sulla is said to have had 3 seats placed, one for Ariobarzanes, another for Orobazus and the 3rd for himself. So he sat in between them and listened to what the ambassadors said. Therefore soon after this, the Parthian king killed Orobazus. Others say that he killed Sulla as if he had exposed the barbarians to public derision. While others stated that Orobazus was an arrogant, ambitious, man. It is recorded also that a certain Chalcidian in Orobazus' retinue looked carefully at Sulla's countenance. He observed the temper, bent and motions of his mind and body and his disposition by the wiles of art. He declared publicly that it was impossible for Sulla not to become a great man soon. He wondered that he could tolerate his present office and was not already head of everything. (Plut. in Sulla. compared with Velleius Paterculus, l. 2. c. 24.)
3912. As soon as Sulla returned home to Rome, the censors impeached him for bribery who against law had taken a large sum of money from a kingdom to get friendship and amity for them with the Romans. However, he did not prosecute the accusation, but let it pass. (Plut. in Sulla.)
3913. Mithridates used Gordius to persuade Tigranes, the king of Armenia, to side with him in the war which he had been long planning against the Romans. Tigranes did not think that the Romans would take any exception to their war with Cappadocia and with Ariobarzanes, whom the Romans had set up as king over the Cappadocians. Gordius buzzed him in the ear, as if he were but a dull fellow and such an one who had neither spirit nor life in him at all. To seem to play fair play, Mithridates offered his daughter Cleopatra to Tigranes in marriage. (Justin l. 38. c. 3.)
3915a AM, 4624 JP, 90 BC
3914. Mithridates, Bagoas and Tigranes' commanders drove out Ariobarzanes. As soon as they came, he packed and fled to Rome. Mithridates placed Ariarathes in the kingdom. So with Tigranes' help, Cappadocia began again to be under Mithridates' jurisdiction. (Justin l. 38. c. 3. Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 176.)
3915. At the same time, when Nicomedes Philopator died, the senate of Rome made his son Nicomedes, king of Bithynia. He was his son by Nisa who was a common dancer as Mithridates (Justin, l. 38. c. 55.) calls her. Mithridates sent to Bithynia an army under Nicomedes' older brother Socrates who was called also Nicomedes and surnamed Chrestus or "the thrifty". After Socrates had beaten his brother, Nicomedes, he took over the kingdom. (Justin, l. 38. c. 35. Appian. p. 176. & 178. Memnon in Excerptis Photii, c. 32.)
3916. When Nicomedes was stripped of his kingdom, he made his humble address to Rome. Thereupon it was decreed in the senate that both he and Ariobarzanes should be restored to their kingdoms. To do this, Manius Aquilius, who quelled the slave war in Sicily and Malthius or (as it is read in the MS. Marcus Altinius) (Justin, l. 38. c. 35. Appian. p. 176. & 178.) and Lucius Cassius who held Asia Pergamena with a small army, were sent as ambassadors. Mithridates was ordered to help them. However, Mithridates did nothing because the ownership of Cappadocia was then in dispute and the Romans had taken away Phrygia from him. (Appian. p. 176, 177.) He put them off with a long story of his grievances and showed the ambassadors what vast expenses he had incurred in both public and private accounts. (Dio. Legat. 30. in edit. Graca, vel 31. in Graco latina.) Trogus Pompeius has recorded this speech in which Mithridates affirms that his son was turned out of Cappadocia which by the law of nations belonged to him as the victor and also that he had slain Chrestus, King of Bithynia, as a favour to the Romans. (Justin l. 38. c. 5.)
3915b AM, 4625 JP, 89 BC
3917. Mithridates soon planned to fight with the Romans and drew Tigranes into his plans by their alliance. Mithridates would have the cities and the fields for his share and Tigranes would have the people and the plunder. Mithridates knew what great a task he had undertaken and sent his ambassadors abroad for help. Some he sent to the Cimmerians, others to the Galatians, to the Samaritans and the Basternans. By his gifts and favours, he had secured each of those countries beforehand when he first conceived the idea of fighting the Romans. He also commanded an army to come to him from Scythia. (Justin. l. 38. c. 3.) All those who inhabit Tanais, Ister and the Lake Maeotis were ready to help him. He sent also into Egypt and Syria to make an alliance with the kings. He had already 300 ships with decks and built more every day. He sent for captains and pilots from Phoenicia and Egypt. He also had his father's kingdom which was 2500 miles wide. He got on his side many of the neighbouring countries including the warlike country of Colchi. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 178, 180.) He seized that country which is bounded by the Halys River as far as Amastris and some parts of Paphlagonia. Moreover he annexed to his kingdom the sea coast toward the west to Heraclea. On the other side, he added to Pontus, all the country between Pontus, Colchis and Armenia the lesser. (Strabo, l. 12. p. 540, 541.) Aulus Gellius wrote how that he had 25 countries which paid homage to him as subjects. (l. 17. c. 17.) Valerius Maximus, (l. 8. c. 7.) Quintilianus, (l. 11. c. 2.) and Pliny (l. 7. c. 24. & l. 25. c. 2.) state that he had 22 counties under his control. Mithridates was so well skilled in everyone of their various languages that he never used any interpreter on any occasion he had to speak with the people. We read also in Sextus Aurelius Victor, (de viris illustribus, c. 76.) how that he could speak 22 different languages. However, in this place for 22 the manuscripts state 50.
3918. The Roman delegates with Cassius' soldiers and some other forces levied from Galatia and Phrygia had established again the kingdoms for Nicomedes in Bithynia and Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia. They advised both of them to attack Mithridates' country which bordered on theirs and by this start a war. They were assured of their help if Mithridates retaliated. Neither of them so much desired to dare to provoke so potent a neighbour by outright acts of hostility. The delegates prevailed on Nicomedes to attack Mithridates. Nicomedes owed huge sums of money to the general treasury and to the delegates themselves for his restitution to the kingdom. He also owed other money which he had borrowed on interest from the Romans in Asia who now called the loan in. Thus he was forced by this pinch and much against his own will, to make inroads into Mithridates' kingdom. He destroyed and pillaged the country as far as the city Amastus without any resistance. For although Mithridates was well prepared for a fight, he restrained himself and allowed the enemy to range at pleasure. This way all the world would see that he did not start the war against the Romans but fought back with just cause. (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 177. cum Livy l. 74. & Dione. Legat. 30, vel. 31.) Concerning the insolence of the Romans, Salust (in the 4th book of his History) states this of Mithridates in a letter he wrote to Arsaces:
``For why should I lose my kingdoms on every side because it was reported that I was rich and resolved against the Romans. They provoked by the war of Nicomedes that was privy to their wickedness and testified before the kings that afterwards ensued, &c.''
3919. As soon as Nicomedes had returned home with his rich plunder, Mithridates sent Pelopidas the orator to the Roman generals and delegates. He knew well enough that Nicomedes did what he did by their instigation. He reasoned with them concerning the injuries and injustices done to him by Nicomedes. Nicomedes' ambassadors laid all the blame on Mithridates, as having started this war. The Romans replied that they were neither well pleased that Nicomedes should anyway molest Mithridates and neither would they allow Mithridates to recover his losses by waging war with Nicomedes. Mithridates received no better satisfaction. Since he knew the Romans planned to thwart his actions, he sent his son Ariarathes with a huge army to capture Cappadocia. His son soon drove out Ariobarzanes and reigned in his place. (Appian, in Mithridatic. p. 179. cf. Livy, l. 76, 77. Eutrop. l. 5. & Orosius, l. 6. c. 2.) Maltius or M. Altinius, the Roman delegate was defeated there at the same time. (Justin. l. 38. c. 4.)
3920. Mithridates sent his agents to Rome to ask the Romans that if they counted Nicomedes their friend that they would either persuade him or else compel him to do what was just and right. If they held him as an enemy that they would give Mithridates permission to avenge himself of him. The Romans did not gratify him in any one of his demands but threatened him if he did not give back Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes and make peace with Nicomedes. They ordered his ambassadors out of Rome the same day and strictly prohibited him from sending ambassadors to Rome again unless he submitted to their injunctions. (Dio. Legat. 31. or 32.)
3921. In the meantime, Mithridates sent Pelopidas to the Roman generals to tell them that he had sent some ambassadors to complain about them to the senate and therefore warned them to be present to justify their actions. They should not dare to do anything until they had received a decree from the senate and people of Rome. Since Pelopidas sounded somewhat harsh and insolent, the Romans warned Mithridates not to meddle with Nicomedes and to leave Cappadocia, for they would take care of restoring Ariobarzanes. They ordered Pelopidas from the camp and never to return until the king had done what he was told to do. He was sent away with an escort lest he try to bribe anyone along the way. (Appian.)