3568. When the ambassadors from Rome were come to Prusias, they forbid him in the senate's name to take any more hostile action against Attalus, an ally and confederate of the Romans. They charged him strictly, either to submit to the senate's decree or to come with 1000 cavalry to the borders and there to argue the case with Attalus who was coming there with the same number. He saw Attalus' small retinue and hoped to surprise him. He sent his agents a little before him as if intending to follow after with his 1000 men. However, he drew up his whole army as if he had come to fight and not to talk. Attalus and the Roman delegates were warned and hurried away. However, Prusias seized the Roman wagons, took Nicephorum and demolished it. He burned the temples that were in it and forced Attalus with the Roman delegates to flee to Pergamos for refuge which he besieged. (Appian. in Mithridaticis, p. 172.)
3569. When Hortensius and Autunculeius returned from Pergamos to Rome, they declared with what great contempt Prusias had received the injunctions of the senate. Contrary to the league between them, he used all violence against them and Attalus after he had besieged them in Pergamos. The senators were so highly displeased and moved by this affront that they decreed that 10 ambassadors should immediately be sent. Among them were L. Anicius, C. Fannius, and Q. Fabius Maximus. These were ordered to end the war and to compel Prusias to make satisfaction of Attalus for the damages he had sustained by this war. (Polybius, Legat. 133.)
3570. While it was still winter, Attalus gathered a large army. Ariarathes and Mithridates his confederates had sent both foot soldiers and cavalry, under the command of Demetrius, Ariarathes' son. While Attalus was preparing for war, the Roman ambassadors met him at Quada. After they had talked with him, they went directly to Prusias. As soon as they came there, they told him he displeased the senate greatly. Prusias promised he would do some things the senate required of him but denied most of them. Thereupon, the Roman ambassadors to whom he had given great offence by his obstinacy, renounced that amity and alliance which had been formerly between them. They all left him and journeyed to Attalus. Prusias repented of what he had done and went after the ambassadors. He begged and beseeched them for a long time. When he saw no good would come of this, he let them go and returned home. He did not know what to do. In the meantime, the Romans advised Attalus to stay within his kingdom with his army and not commit any act of hostility against anybody. He should secure his own cities and villages from invasion. The ambassadors went their separate ways. Some went to Rome to tell the senate of King Prusias' pertinency. Others went into the country of Ionia and others to the Hellespont and adjacent lands to Byzantium. All of them went with the plan of making the rulers break their alliance with Prusias and join Attalus to help him in whatever way they could. (Polyb. Legat. 135.)
3571. Atheneus, Attalus' brother, came soon after this with a large fleet of 80 ships with decks. 5 came from the Rhodians that had been used in the war in Crete. 20 came from the Cyziceneans, 27 from Attalus, the rest were from his confederates. He sailed directly to the Hellespont. Any cities he sailed past that were under Prusias' command, he went ashore and wasted their countries. (Polyb. Legat. 136.)
3572. As soon as the senate had heard their ambassadors who returned from Prusias, they sent three others, Appius Claudius, Lucius Oppius and Aulus Posthumus. When they arrived in Asia, they concluded the war and prevailed with both the kings to agree on these conditions.
``Prusias would immediately give Attalus 20 ships with decks. He would pay him 500 talents over 20 years. Each should keep what they had before the start of the war. Moreover, Prusias was to make good the damages which he did to the countries of the Methymneans, Egans, Cumai, and Heracleots and to pay to them 100 talents.''
3573. After the covenants were signed by both parties, Attalus returned home with all the forces he had brought either by sea or land. (Polyb. Legat. 175.) When Prusias, saw his subjects hated him for his tyranny and how his son Nicomedes was loved by them, he grew jealous of his son and sent him away to Rome to live there. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 173.)
3574. When Antioch revolted from Demetrius Soter, Orophernes entered into a league with them and plotted how to dethrone him. He was recently restored to his kingdom. When Demetrius knew of his plans, he spared his life lest Ariarathes should be freed from the fear of war from his brother. However, he seized him and commanded him to be kept as a prisoner at Seleucia. Those of Antioch were not put off by the discovery of the plot but applied themselves all the more to their plan. They allied themselves with Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, Attalus, the king of Asia and Ariarathes of Cappadocia who was attacked by Demetrius. The men of Antioch bribed a certain obscure youth, a foreigner who was to lay claim to the kingdom of Syria, as being his father's kingdom. He was to try to recover it by force. So that the affront might be complete, they called him Alexander and said that he was son of King Antiochus. Such was the universal hatred of Demetrius that his rival had conferred on him by the consent of all the strength and power befitting a king and the royalty of extraction. (Justin l. 35. c. 1.)
3575. Livy (l. 52) says of this Alexander:
``to have been an obscure person and whose descent was not very well known,''
3576. Athenaeus (l. 5. c. 10.) styles him:
``the supposed son of Antiochus Epiphanes.''
3577. Appian says:
``one who added himself into the family of those that were descended from Seleucus''
3578. In the Syriac. (p. 31.) Sulpitius Severus:
``A youth raised at Rhodes who falsely bragged of himself that he was son of Antiochus.''(Histor. Sacra. l. 2.)
3579. Strabo, (l. 16. p. 751.) surnamed him Balas and Josephus, (l. 13. c. 8.) Balles.
3580. In the middle of the summer, Heraclides, whom Antiochus Epiphanes formerly had appointed over the treasury at Babylon, brought Alexander with him to Rome along with Laodice, the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes his daughter. While he stayed at Rome, he wore the clothes of some great person and did all things very subtilly, purposely stretching out the time and hoped to incline the senate to favour his plans. (Polyb. Legat. 138.)
3851a AM, 4560 JP, 154 BC
3581. While Attalus, the son of King Eumenes (in whose name his uncle Attalus governed the kingdom of Pergamos) was yet a child, he came to Rome to ingratiate himself with the senate and renew that friendship and right of hospitality which formerly had been between his father and the people of Rome. He was treated with most extraordinary civility by the senate. His father's friends received an answer to his own heart's wish. He was given honours as were suitable for a child of his age. Within a few days, he returned from Rome. All the cities of Greece through which he passed, received him with great devotion and magnificence. (Polyb. Legat. 140.)
3582. Demetrius, later called Nicator, son of the then reigning Demetrius Soter in Syria, was at the same time at Rome. His reception was ordinary since he was a child and he did not stay long. (Polyb. Legat. 140.)
3851b AM, 4561 JP, 153 BC
3583. Heraclides stayed a long time at Rome and came into the senate with Laodice and Alexander (Balas). First the youngster made a short speech and desired that the Romans would be pleased to remember that friendship and alliance which had been formerly between them and his father Antiochus and that would help him recover his kingdom. Failing that, he asked permission to return to Syria and that they would not oppose any of those who were ready to help him regain his father's kingdom. Heraclides spoke next. After he had extolled the merits of Antiochus for a long time, he condemned Demetrius (Soter). He concluded that it was right and just to grant unto the youth (Alexander) and to Laodice, who were the lawful seed of King Antiochus, permission to return to their country. Very little if anything he said was liked by the sober-minded senators who thought all he had spoken was a fiction. They utterly detested Heraclides. The lowest of the senators, whom Heraclides by his delusions had made his friends, all agreed that a decree of the senate should be made to this end:
``The senate had given to Alexander and Laodice, children of a king who was a friend and an associate of the people of Rome, permission to return to their father's kingdom by right of former inheritance and to assist them according to their decrees.''
3584. Thereupon Heraclides presently hired soldiers and drew a very large number of persons to his side. He came to Ephesus where he began with all earnestness to prepare for the war he had so long planned. (Polyb. Legat. 140.)
3851c AM, 4561 JP, 153 BC
3585. In the 160th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, Alexander (Balas) who pretended to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, captured Ptolemais, a city of Phoenicia. It was betrayed to him by the soldiers who were garrisoned there. /APC 1Ma 10:1 (Joseph. l. 13. c. 3.) They detested Demetrius' behaviour because he was of a harsh disposition and very insolent. He secluded himself and did not care about public matters but trifled his time away in idleness.
3586. When Demetrius Soter heard that Alexander was received into Ptolemais, and began to reign there, he mustered together a very large force, and planned to march against him and fight with him. /APC 1Ma 10:1,2 After Demetrius considered the hazards of the war, he sent two of his sons, Demetrius Nicator and Antiochus Sideres who were later kings of Syria, with a great amount of gold to his army at Cnidus. This was to protect them should the war turn out badly. If that happened, they should live to avenge their father's quarrel. (Livy l. 52. Justin. l. 35. c. 2.)
3587. Demetrius wrote letters to Jonathan to renew peace with him and gave him authority to levy forces and to provide arms that he might help him in the war against Alexander. He ordered that the hostages who were kept in the fort, should be released. When Jonathan read the letters publicly at Jerusalem, those who held the fort feared and turned over the hostages to him and he gave them to their parents. /APC 1Ma 10:3-9
3851d AM, 4561 JP, 153 BC
3588. Jonathan wisely made good use of this opportunity and began to repair Jerusalem. He took care to build up the walls and the Mount Sion all around with square stones to fortify it. The aliens who were in the forts which Bacchides built, left their strongholds and hurried away to his own land. Only at Bethsura remained some of the apostates and deserters of the law and used that as their place of refuge. /APC 1Ma 10:10-14
3589. Alexander had heard in the meantime, of the good promises which Demetrius had made to Jonathan through his letters. Thereupon he also sent letters courting his friendship and association. He ordained him the high priest of that country. He honoured him with the title of being called the king's friend and sent him a purple robe and a crown of gold. /APC 1Ma 10:15-20
3852a AM, 4561 JP, 153 BC
3590. Jonathan assumed the high priesthood in the 7th month of the 160th year of the kingdom of the Greeks at the feast of tabernacles. /APC 1Ma 10:21 This was the 9th not the 4th year (as it is in Josephus l. 13. c. 5.) after the death of his brother Judas. For by that account, Judas died not before the 164th year of the Greeks. This contradicts the history of the Maccabees. /APC 1Ma 9:3,18,54. This error generated another in that Judas succeeded Alcimus in the high priesthood. We have shown previously this was wrong and it was later acknowledged by Josephus also. He clearly stated later that no one succeeded Jacimus or Alcimus but that the city was without an high priest for the 7 whole years. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 20. c. 8.) After 7 years and 5 months expired, Jonathan now assumed the office of the high priesthood. He was first of the Hasmoneans who descended from Jehoiarib who was of the priest's family. He was not descended from Jaddus the high priest, whose heir, Onias, at this time lived in Egypt with Ptolemy Philometor.
3591. Demetrius Soter was grieved that the Jews were inclined to side with Alexander. He hoped to win them over by forgiving the arrears of tribute and all the tribute by which the Macedonians had before miserably oppressed that country. He made generous promises of other honourable concessions. Jonathan and the people of the Jews were not much influenced by this. They knew that this offer came from a man who by his former actions had clearly shown his hatred of them. He would not keep his word if he escaped from those troubles he was in. Thereupon, they abandoned Demetrius and sided with Alexander. He had first made an offer of peace with them. From that time on, they were his confederates in the war. /APC 1Ma 10:22-47
3852 AM, 4562 JP, 152 BC
3592. Andriscus an Adramyttean, a contemptible person, said that he was the son of Perseus, the last king of the Macedonians and changed his name to Philip. He tried to create a rebellion in Macedonia. When no one paid any attention to him, he went into Syria and spoke to Demetrius Soter whose sister was Perseus' wife. He thought he might get some help from him. To better accomplish this, he devised this tale. He said he was descended from King Perseus by a courtesan and given to Cyrthesa to receive his education. This was done so that some of the royal family might be preserved in case he lost the war which he had with the Romans. After Perseus' death, he was kept in ignorance of his lineage and believed until he was 12 that the man with whom he was brought up at Adramyttum was his father. Afterward the man became sick and was about to die. Before he died, he told him the truth. He gave him a little book which his reputed mother signed with King Perseus' signet. He was to give it to him when he came of age. Until then everything was to be kept secret. When he came of age, the book was to be given to him, in which two treasures were left to him by his father. Then the woman who did not know that he was her own but a secret son, told him of his true descent. She begged him earnestly to withdraw from those parts before Eumenes knew of it who was Perseus' sworn enemy. She feared lest they should be put to death. For this lie he was taken by King Demetrius and sent to Rome. When it was obvious that he was neither the son of Perseus nor had anything else of note, he was slighted and condemned. (Livy l. 48 & 49. Zonar. ex Dione.)
3854 AM, 4564 JP, 150 BC
3593. Alexander Balas assembled a large army with the soldiers which revolted from King Demetrius in Syria and the auxiliaries of Attalus, Ariarathes, Jonathan and especially of Ptolemy Philometor. He fought with Demetrius and the left wing of Demetrius' army routed the enemy. They pursued them so hard that they had also the plunder of their camp. The right wing, in which Demetrius himself fought, was forced to give ground. Even though many of his troops fled, Demetrius behaved himself very valiantly and killed some of his enemies and chasing others of them who were not able to withstand the violence of his charge. He was caught in a slough that was deep and impassable. He could not escape because his horse kept falling as he went. The enemy surrounded him and shot him with arrows. However, he fought very gallantly on foot, until he fell down dead from the many wounds he had. /APC 1Ma 10:48-50 (Joseph. l. 13. c. 5. Justin. l. 35. c. 1. Appian. Syriac. p. 131.) Demetrius died after he had reigned in Syria for 12 years. When the rest of the kings conspired against him, he lost his life and his kingdom together. (Polybius l. 3. p. 165.) Porphyrius who knew well Demetrius (in Grec. Euseb. Scaliger, p. 228.) Eusebius and Severus Sulpicius agree that he ruled 12 years. However, Josephus says he ruled for only 11.
3594. After Demetrius' death, who was survived by his two sons, Demetrius and Antiochus and a little before the Achaic war, a comet the size of the sun appeared. At first its orb was fiery and ruddy and cast a clear light that brightened up the night. After, it began to lessen in size and its brightness vanished, it finally disappeared. (Senec. Natural. Quast. l. 7. c. 15.)
3595. After Alexander with the special help of Ptolemy Philometor (as Appian stated) had killed Demetrius and taken his kingdom, he sent ambassadors to Ptolemy to arrange a marriage between him and his daughter. Ptolemy readily agreed and immediately left Egypt for Ptolemais with his daughter Cleopatra. She was a woman born to ruin the kingdom of Syria. This marriage happened in the 162nd year of the kingdom of the Greeks at the end of the year. /APC 1Ma 10:51-58
3596. Jonathan was invited by Alexander to this wedding. He presented those two kings and also their friends with gold, silver and many other gifts. He hoped to ingratiate himself to them. At the same time, some wicked men came from the land of Israel to accuse Jonathan. Alexander did not listen to them and commanded that Jonathan should be clothed in purple and that he should sit next to him. He also ordered the piers of his realm to attend him into the middle of Ptolemais. A proclamation was made forbidding anyone to speak against him or to molest him in any way. Thereupon his accusers vanished out of his sight. The king also showed him a great deal of honour by promoting him among those that were reputed his most intimate friends. He made him the general of his forces in Judea and shared the dominion with him in his own court. So Jonathan returned back to Jerusalem in peace and great joy. /APC 1Ma 10:59-61
3597. Onias, son of the high priest, Onias the 3rd one by that name lived as a renegade with Ptolemy Philometor at Alexandria. He saw there was no hope of recovering the high priesthood of Jerusalem since it was transferred to the family of the Hermoneans. He aspired to make a name for all posterity. He petitioned King Ptolemy and Queen Cleopatra, who was both his wife and sister, while he was engaged in the war in various countries. He noted that in Coelosyria, Phoenice and Leontopolis in the Heliopolitan jurisdiction of Egypt and in various other places that the Jews had their temples. This was the cause of all that strife which was so common with them. Therefore, Onias requested that he might have permission to purify an old ruined temple that was not yet consecrated to any god which he had found standing near the citadel of Bubastis in the plain. He also wanted to build another temple in the same place to the Almighty God, patterned exactly like the one at Jerusalem in size and shape. Then the Jews who lived in Egypt might keep their assemblies there. This would be a good means of preserving unity among themselves and preparing them to serve the king when required to. For, the prophet Isaiah had foretold that there should be in the latter days, an altar erected to the Lord God in Egypt. He also prophesied many other things concerning that place. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 3.)
3598. It should be noted that when Onias did not plan to build a new temple when he came first to Philometor and Cleopatra into Egypt but rather after he had served them well in the Egyptian and Syrian wars. Josephus in his second book against Appian (p. 1064.) states that Philometor and Cleopatra, committed their whole kingdom to the Jews to ravage and appointed Onias and Dositheus (both Jews) over the whole army. Again, in that prophecy of Isaiah, which Onias wrested to support his sacrilegious ambition concerned the spiritual kingdom of our Lord Christ, is found in Isa 19:18,19:
``In that day shall there be five cities in the land of Egypt, speaking the language of Canaan, and sworn to the Lord of Hosts, one shall be called a city of destruction.''
3599. In that day shall there be an altar to the Lord in the middle of the land of Egypt and a pillar to the Lord at its border. Here for srxt ry[ "city of Jerusalem", is similar srxt ry[ where it says, "the city of the sun" where the only difference is that the [ is pointed differently. This is how Simachus interpreted it and Jerome has rendered it:
``One of them shall be called the city of the sun.''
3600. The Chaldee Paraphrase puts them together:
``The city of the sun which shall be destroyed.''
3601. This may be the reason why Scaliger guesses that Onias chose the Heliopolitan tract to build the temple.
3602. When Onias was given a plot in the Heliopolitan district about 23 miles from Memphis, he built a temple there. It was not so large or so costly as the one at Jerusalem. The towers were similar and made of large stones and rose to the height of 90 feet. The altar was a copy of the one at Jerusalem and furnished with the same utensils except for the candlestick. He made no candlestick but a golden lamp instead. It sparkled as it were with a beam of light. He hung it on a chain of gold. He surrounded the temple with a wall of brick in which were made gates of stone. The king gave a grant of a large proportion of land and revenue that the priests might be supplied with necessaries for the worship of God. Onias also found some Jews, who lived in the same area that he did, that were priests and Levites. (Joseph. Antiq. l. 14. c. 14. & Belli. l. 1 c. 7.) He used them in his temple. (Joseph. Belli. l. 7. c. 37. cf. Antiq. l. 13. c. 6. & in the Meshna, tract. Minhoth c. 13. Sect. 10.) The priests who ministered in Onias' temple were accounted little better than the priests of the high places, who were not permitted, (as appears from 2Ki 23:9) to offer burnt offerings on the altar of the Lord at Jerusalem but to eat only unleavened bread like the unclean priests among their brethren.
3603. At Alexandria there arose a dispute between the Jews and the Samaritans concerning their holy rites. One contended that the temple at Jerusalem was the only lawful temple and ordained by Moses while the other party contended for Gerizim. Both sides appealed to Ptolemy Philometor and his friends for the hearing and decision of the matter. They wanted the losers to be executed. Sabbeus and Theodosius pleaded for the Samaritans and Andronicus the son of Messalamus for the Jews. They took their oaths by God and the king that they would use no arguments but such as they found in the law. They asked the king that he would put to death whoever lost. The king with many of his friends at the council heard the whole debate. Finally they were persuaded by Andronicus' arguments and determined that the temple in Jerusalem was that which was built by Moses' directions. Sabbeus and Theodosius were sentenced to death as was agreed. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 3.)
3604. At the same time Aristobulus, a Jew, being a peripatetic philosopher, became famous at Philometor's court in Egypt. He wrote a commentary on Moses and dedicated it to the king. In its preface there is a famous passage that is quoted by Clemens Alexandrinus (l. 1.) Stromato and by Eusebius in Perparat. Evangel. (l. 13. c. 7.) In this book (l. 8. c. 3.) of the same work, he copies large sections from this book of Aristobulus.
3855 AM, 4565 JP, 149 BC
3605. In this year the 3rd Carthaginian war started. Mithridates Euergenes, who was the first of the kings of Pontus and a confederate with the people of Rome, brought a number of ships against the Carthaginians. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 176.) Both the consuls were sent to manage this war. Manilius managed the army and Marcius Censorinus was admiral of the fleet. They were told secretly not to stop the war until Carthage was demolished. (Livy l. 49. Appian. in Libyc. p. 42.)
3606. Andronicus or the false Philip, secretly escaped from Rome. He levied an army and captured all Macedonia and the royal ensigns. This was either with the consent of the inhabitants or by force of arms in the 3rd year of the 157th olympiad. He also thought of invading Thessaly and adding it to his domains. However, through the instigation of the Roman delegates, it was defended with the help of the Achaians. (Livy l. 49. & 50 Vellei Patercul. l. 1. Porphyr. in Grac. Euseb. Scalig. p. 229.)
3607. When Prusias Venator, the king of Bithynia, knew that his son Nicomedes was in some favour at Rome, he ordered him to go to the senate. He wanted the arrears of the money which was owed to Attalus to be cancelled. He also sent an ambassador, Menas, to be his assistant who was secretly ordered to murder Nicomedes if he failed to get his request. (Appian. in Mithridatic. p. 173.) This would give the kingdom to his younger sons who he had by a second wife. (Justin. l. 34. c. 4.) One who was named after his father, had no teeth in his upper jaw but instead it was one bone that grew out so evenly that it did not disfigured him or cause him any problems when chewing. (Livy l. 50. Valer. Maxim. l. 1. c. ult. Pliny l. 7. c. 16.)
3608. Prusias set out his ambassador Menas with some large ships and 2000 soldiers and Attalus sent Andronicus as an ambassador to oppose the request. He made it clearly appear that the fine which was laid upon Prusias was far less than the booty he had obtained by pillaging the country. Menas saw there was little hope of obtaining his request of getting Prusias' fine removed and also knew in what high esteem Nicomedes was held in Rome. He did not know what to do. He dared not kill Nicomedes nor return to Bithynia. In this state of indecision, he remained at Rome. Nicomedes called him to a meeting which he found not too disagreeable. They conspired against Prusias and drew Andronicus into their confederacy who was to persuade Attalus to help to establish Nicomedes in Bithynia. They all met together at Bernice, a little town in Epirus and at night time went aboard a ship. They wanted to determine what was the best way to accomplish this business. After the discussion, they departed their way the same night. In the morning, Nicomedes came ashore in his purple robe and with his crown on his head, like a king. Andronicus met him a little later and greeted him as a king. Andronicus was attended by 100 soldiers. Menas pretended not to know that Nicomedes was in the company until then. Menas ran about the 2000 soldiers he had brought with him and exhorted them to side with the one who should seem most deserving. He intimated that Prusias was now an old man and Nicomedes was in his youth. The Bithynians were weary of Prusias and desirous of his son. The best of the Romans liked this youth extremely well. Andronicus who was now captain of his guard, had promised assistance from Attalus, a neighbouring king of a large kingdom. He was also a bitter enemy to Prusias. He reminded them of Prusias' cruelty and antics by which he was hated by everybody. As soon as Menas saw in these soldiers the dislike for his villainies, he took them all to Nicomedes. He was the second after Andronicus that greeted him as king and brought 2000 soldiers with him as a guard. (Appian. in Libyc. p. 173,174.)
3609. Attalus was very eager to accept the youth and sent orders to Prusias to turn over to his son some cities to dwell in and fields for provision. Prusias answered that he would soon give him Attalus' whole kingdom for whose sake he had formerly invaded Asia. When he had said this, he sent some delegates away to Rome to accuse Nicomedes and Attalus and cite them both to a trial. (Apian. in Libyc. p. 174.)
3610. Nicomedes was encouraged by Phaellon or rather Phaennis, Epirus' seer who predicted success and by the instigation of Attalus. He waged war with his father Prusias. (Zosim. Histor. l. 2.) As soon as he and Attalus with their forces came into Bithynia, the Bithynians began to revolt. Thereupon Prusias dared not trust himself with anyone of his own subjects. He hoped that the Romans would relieve him. He waited for this and secured himself in a citadel at Nicaea. He had gotten from Dirgylles a Thracian, his father-in-law, 500 Thracians, whom he appointed to be his bodyguard. (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 174.)
3856a AM, 4565 JP, 149 BC
3611. The praetor of Rome did not conduct the ambassadors from Prusias to the senate as soon as they arrived. He hoped to do Attalus a courtesy. After he had ushered them into the senate and was ordered to choose some ambassadors who might settle the war, he selected three. One had been wounded in the head with a large stone and was badly disfigured from the scars. A second one was lame on his feet,and the third was a fool. Cato Censorinus, who died at 85 soon after, said in jest that the Romans sent an embassy who had neither head, feet nor heart. (Livy l. 50, Plutarch. in Catone majore.)
3612. When the ambassadors came into Bithynia, they ordered both sides to lay down their arms. Nicomedes and Attalus indicated they would submit to the authority of the senate. However, Bithynians, who were instigated and previously told by Nicomedes and Attalus what they should do, said obstinately that they could no longer endure Prusias' tyranny especially since they had showed to him by this present engagement how much they disliked his government. Since the Bithynians had not as yet made known these their grievances to the senate, the ambassadors returned home again and accomplished nothing. Prusias gave up expecting help from the Romans and had not sought help elsewhere because he believed the Romans would help him. He crossed over to Nicomedia and planned to fortify that place and from there to prevent the enemy from getting in. However, the townsmen deserted their king and opened the gates to the enemy. Thereupon Prusias fled to Jupiter's temple and trusted he would be protected by the religion and respect due to that place. In spite of this, Nicomedes sent some of his party who killed him there. (Appian. Mithridatic. p. 174, 175.) Diodorus Siculus stated that Prusias fled for his own security to the altar of Jupiter and was slain by his son Nicomedes by his own hand. (in Photii. Bibliotheca. cod. 244.) Strabo states he was slain by Attalus. (l. 13. p. 624.) Livy says he was killed by his son with the help of Attalus. (l. 50.) Zonaras from Dion. says he was killed by his own subjects. For Polybius reports that he was so hated by the Bythynians (in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 174. & Suidas in pdts) that they all rose up against him in such numbers and with such violence as if their plan had been not only to revolt from him but mainly to avenge themselves of him for the notable injustices of his government.
3613. Andriscus, or the false Philip, in Macedonia, fought with Juventius the Roman praetor who was sent with a legion against him. He won the battle and slew Juventius and killed most of the Roman army. From there he invaded Thessaly and wasted most of the country and took the Thracians into an alliance. (Livy l. 50. Flor. Histor. l. 2. c. 14. Entrop. l. 4. Zonar. ex. Dione, Oros. l. 4. c. 22.) With these successes, he started to commit acts of cruelty and tyrannical deeds. There was not a wealthy person whom he did not put to death on false accusation. He did not spare his most intimate friends and killed many of them. He was naturally of a fierce and bloody disposition. In his common actions, proud and haughty and at last deeply engaged in covetousness and all manner of vice. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 342.)
3856 AM, 4566 JP, 148 BC
3614. Alexander Bala in Syria gave himself over entirely to riotous living and luxury. His friend Ammonius managed the affairs of the kingdom. He killed all the king's friends, Laodice the queen who was the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes and Antigonus who was the son of Demetrius. (Livy l. 50. Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 4. Athenaus, l. 5. c. 10.)
3615. In the 165th year of the Greeks, Demetrius the oldest son of Demetrius Soter was now in his prime. He heard of Alexander's degenerate life style and luxury to whom came those vast incomes which he scarcely dreamed of and perks of the kingdom. All the while he stayed like a prisoner in his own palace among a company of courtesans. He raised a large force of mercenary soldiers from Lasthenes a Cretian who sailed from Crete to Cilicia with the army. Alexander was so terrified by this news that he hurried away from Phenice to Antioch to settle things before Demetrius arrived. The government of Antioch was committed to Hieraces and Diodotus, who is the same with Tryphon. /APC 1Ma 11:39 1Ma 10:67,68 (Josephus Antiq. l. 13. c. 4, Justin. l. 35. c. 2. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 346.)
3616. Apollonius the governor of Coelosyria who was surnamed Daus by Josephus, joined Demetrius whom he made general of his forces which he sent against those Jews which remained loyal to Alexander. When Apollonius had raised a large army, many defected from Alexander to Demetrius from fear. He camped at Jamnia and sent to Jonathan, the Jew's general and high priest, a boastful challenge to meet him if he dared and fight in the plain. This inflamed Jonathan so much that he immediately marched from Jerusalem with 10,000 men. His brother Simon met him to help him. They camped before Joppa but Apollonius' soldiers who were garrisoned there, shut them out. Thereupon they laid siege and began their batteries against the place. This so dismayed the citizens, that they immediately opened their gates and surrendered city. /APC 1Ma 10:69-76
3617. As soon as Apollonius heard of the loss of Joppa, he marched to Azotus with 3000 cavalry and his 8000 infantry according to Josephus. He placed in ambush 1000 cavalry who were to attack Jonathan's rearguard, as soon as he was past the place where the ambush lay. Then Apollonius would charge the enemy's vanguard so that the Jews were to be attacked at both ends. As soon as Jonathan passed the place, he saw the ambush coming to surround his camp. He commanded his men to stand still and deflect the enemies arrows with their shields. The cavalry had worn themselves out and exhausted their arrows because they had attacked from the morning until night. Then Simon lead up his forces against the enemies foot soldiers and defeated and routed them. The enemy cavalry fled to Azotus and entered into Bethdagon, their idol temple, for their safety. However, Jonathan burned Azotus and the surrounding cities and took much spoil. He burned Dagon's temple to the ground and all that fled there died in the flames. Nearly 8000 men were killed by the sword and by the fire. Jonathan left there and camped before Askelon where the men of the city treated him very nobly. After this victory Jonathan returned as a conqueror to Jerusalem with his army loaded with much booty and spoil. When King Alexander heard the news of Jonathan's successes, he continued to show his respects to him and sent him a golden buckler which was usually given only to those of the royal blood. He also gave Accaron with its territories (a city of the Philistines) to him and his heirs for ever. /APC 1Ma 10:77-89
3618. After the Carthaginians had defeated Piso the consul, at Hippo, they sent their ambassadors to Macedonia to Andriscus, the alleged son of Persius. They urged him to persist courageously in his war against the Romans and promised that he would never lack money nor shipping from Carthage. (Appian. in Libyc. p. 67.)
3619. Q. Caecilius Metellus, the Roman praetor, not the consul as Florus has it and also the Latin interpreter of Pausanias' Achaicks, was sent against Andriscus with a large army and came into Macedonia. There he persuaded the commissioners, who the senate had sent to receive information of the affairs in Asia, that before they went there, they would go to the commanders of the Achaians and order them to stop the war they were fighting with the Lacedemonians. They sent to Damocritus and the Achaians the message they received from Metellus. The Achaians were just about to attack the Lacedomians. When they saw they had no affect on the Achaians, they went on to Asia. (Pausan. in Achaicis, p. 218.)
3620. When Metellus entered Macedonia, Attalus brought his fleet to help him. He kept Andriscus away from the sea coast. Andriscus brought up his army a little beyond Pydna. Although his cavalry had defeated the enemy yet he retreated back for fear of the Roman foot soldiers. He divided his army into two brigades. One of them he sent into Thessaly to waste that country and the other he kept to himself. Metellus put little stock in the enemy forces and marched towards them. When he had beaten Andriscus' troops, Andriscus fled into Tracia. After he had levied a new army, he fought with Metellus but was defeated. He fled to Byzes, a petty king of Thrace who betrayed him into the hands of Metellus. Alexander who pretended to be the son of Persius, gathered an army and seized part of the country beside the Nestus River. Metellus pursued him as far as Dardania. (Strabo. l. 1. 13. p. 624. Vellei. Patersuli l. 1. Flor. l. 2. c. 14. Zonar. ex Dione.) The false Philip was utterly defeated by the loss of 25,000 of his soldiers. He was taken prisoner and Macedonia was recovered by the Romans. (Eutrep. l. 43.) This happened when Spurius Pollumius and Lucius Piso were consuls, (Jul. Obsequens, de prodigin.) in the 4th year of the 157th olympiad at the close of the year. (Polphyr. in Crac. Euseb. Scalig, p. 229.)
3857 AM, 4567 JP, 147 BC
3621. P. Cornelius Scipio, the consul, fought a naval battle at Carthage. His fleet had his own ships with 5 ships from the Sidenses which Mithridates, the king of Pontus had sent to him. (Appian. Libyc. p. 75,76.)
3622. The Aradians planned the ruin of the Maratheans in Phoenicia. They sent secretly to Ammonius, who at that time was viceroy in Syria under Alexander Bala and offered him 300 talents to turn over Marathum to them. Thereupon Ammonius sent Isodore to the Maratheans. He was to pretend he was there on business but the true intent was to seize Marathum and to give him to the Aradians. The Marathians knew the king favoured the Aradians more than themselves. They denied the king's soldiers entrance into their city. From their most aged citizens, they selected 10 of the most famous among them and sent them as suppliants to the island of Aradus. They took along some of the oldest images of their gods which they had in their city and hoped by this to appease the fury of the Aradians. The Aradians were highly provoked and ignored their humble speeches. They disregarded all reverence to the gods and broke the images and trampled them most shamefully under their feet. When the ambassadors were stoned by the people, some senators who interposed themselves, had much trouble to move them safely to prison. The ambassadors complained and pleaded the privileges of suppliants and of the sacred gods. The rights of ambassadors were not to be violated but they were massacred by a company of impudent young fellows. The authors of this villany came immediately after into the assembly. They had taken the signet rings from those Maratheans whom they had killed. They counterfeited letters to the Maratheans in the ambassadors names. They said that the Aradians would quickly send them some supplies. The Maratheans were completely deceived and let the Aradian forces into their city since they thought they came to help them. (??) Thereupon the Aradians seized all the ships belonging to private men, lest perchance someone might reveal their plot to the Maratheans. In spite of all this, a certain sailor and a friend to the Amratheans, pitied their sad condition. He usually sailed in the neighbouring sea. He took his ship and by night boldly crossed that one mile strait and told the Maratheans how that the Aradians planned to attack them. When the Aradians knew that their plot was revealed, they stopped sending letters to them. (Diod. Sic. Legat. 29. & in Excerpt. Valesii. p. 349, 350.) They openly attacked Marathum and captured the city. They demolished it and shared its territory among themselves. (Strabo. l. 16. p. 753.)
3858a AM, 4567 JP, 147 BC
3623. A 4th observation of the autumnal equinox was made by Hipparchus at midnight, in the 32nd year of the third Calippic period, on the 3rd day of the Egyptian Additionals (at the beginning of September 27th) in the 178th year from the death of Alexander. The 177th year was ending and the 178th was starting in 2 days. (Ptol. l. 3. c. 2.)
3858b AM, 4568 JP, 146 BC
3624. In the same year of the same Calippic Period, the 178th year from the death of Alexander, on the 27th day of the Egyptian month Mechir, (March 24th) in the morning, Hipparchus wrote that he observed the vernal equinox. (Ptol. l. 3. c. 2.)
3625. When Cn. Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Mummius were consuls, Carthage was demolished. (Vellei. Paterc. l. 1.) On this occasion, Scipio, considered the turning of human affairs and feared lest the same fate should happen sometime to Rome. He said this:
``The day shall come when sacred Troy shall fall, And Priam with his stock sink therewithal.''
3626. He told this to his teacher Polybius, who was then present, and had inserted this passage in his history. (Appian. in Libyc. p. 82.)
3627. L. Mummius the consul, who was sent from the senate to make an end of the Achaic war, came to the camp with a small company. He had given orders to Metellus who was in charge of the Achaic war as soon as he had finished the Macedonian war. He was to march with his forces in Macedonia and stay at the isthmus until he had drawn up his whole body which consisted of 3500 cavalry and 23,000 foot soldiers. (??) In this army were some archers from Crete. Philopaemen brought him a brigade from Attalus from Pergamos which lies above Caicus. The consul defeated Diaeus at the isthmus who was the last Achaian praetor and the prime instigator of these Achaian disorders. On the 3rd day after the fight, he entered Corinth with his trumpets sounding. After he had taken the spoils of the city, he levelled it to the ground. (Livy l. 52. Vellei. Ptercul, l. 1. Justin, l. 34. c. 2. Florus, l. 2. c. 16. Pausan. in Achaic. p. 221. Oros. l. 5. c. 3.) This occurred in the 3rd year of the 158th, (for so it is in Pliny, and not the 156th) olympiad and according to Varro's calculations, the 608th year since Rome was built. (Pliny l. 34. c. 2.)
3628. When Polybius came from Africa to help his country, he saw some pictures of the most exquisite artists lying on the ground at Corinth and the soldiers were playing at dice on them. He mentions two in his history. One was of Hercules tortured in the shirt which Deianira had sent him. The other was a picture of Bacchus drawn by Aristides the Theban. Some think it was Aristides who coined the proverb, ouden pbz t lionuoon, "This is nothing to Bacchus". This was Aristides' picture of Bacchus. (Strabo. l. 8. p. 381.) When L. Mummius knew that King Attalus had bought this picture of Bacchus from among the spoils that were about to be shipped away, for 6000 sestercies or 102 talents (Pliny l. 7. c. 38. & l. 35. c. 10.) he marvelled at the high price paid. He suspected that there might be some rare virtue of which he did not know about. He revoked the sale in spite of Attalus' protests and placed the picture in Ceres' temple at Rome. (Pliny l. 35. c. 4.) He knew so little of the value of such things that when he had culled out some exquisite pieces and statues of the best artists to be carried into Italy, he told those that had the charge of them if they lost any of them on the way they should make new ones for them. (Vellei.Patercul. l. 1.) Any hangings and other ornaments that seemed admirable, were sent to Rome. Others of less value were given to Philopaemen and shipped to Pergamos. (Pausanias in Achaic. p. 221.)
3629. Ptolemy Philometor assembled a large naval and land forces and left Egypt for Syria under pretence to help Alexander Bala his son-in-law. His real reason was to annex the kingdom of Syria, of which Alexander was deprived, to his own dominions. When all the cities had received him peaceably according to Alexander's orders, Ptolemy placed a garrison of soldiers in every one of them and pretended this to be in Alexander's interest. /APC 1Ma 11:1-3
3630. As soon as Ptolemy came to Azotus, they showed him the temple of Dagon, which was recently burned and the ruins of Azotus and its surrounding lands. He was shown the heaps of the dead bodies of those that were killed in the war and were burned by Jonathan's command, for they had laid them in heaps on the way that he was to pass. Although they had made an envious account of whatever Jonathan had done to deliberately malign him, the king said nothing. Jonathan met the king at Joppa with great pomp and was very courteously received by him. From there they went together as far as the Eleutherus River where Jonathan took his leave of the king and returned to Jerusalem. /APC 1Ma 11:4-7
3631. Ptolemy had taken all the cities along the sea coasts as far as Seleucia on the coast that is located at the mouth of the Orontes River. He thought Alexander had plotted an ambush against him. At Ptolemais, Ammonius had laid an ambush to trap him. When Ptolemy demanded that justice might be done for him on Ammonius for this act, Alexander would not surrender Ammonius. Thereupon he took away his daughter, Cleopatra from Alexander and gave her in marriage to Demetrius Soter and promised to restore him to his father's kingdom. /APC 1Ma 11:8,12 (cf. Joseph. Antiq. l. 13. c. 8 & Livy l. 52.)
3632. The men of Antioch deserted Alexander because of Ammonius from whom they had received much abuse. Ammonius thought to make an escape dressed as a woman and was attacked and slain. Ptolemy went into Antioch and was greeted by the people. He crowned himself with two diadems, the one of Asia, (or Syria) the other of Egypt. He told them that he, for his part, was contented with his own dominion of Egypt and persuaded the men of Antioch to receive Demetrius. He said that he had a far greater resentment of their present condition than of the recent exasperations and disputes which had happened between them and his father, Seleucus. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 8. cf. /APC 1Ma 11:13) So the men of Antioch gave their loyalty to the son in recompence to the actions they had taken against his father. The old soldiers of his father loved Demetrius and followed him. (Justin. l. 35. c. 2.)
3633. Alexander was at this time in Cilicia /APC 1Ma 11:14 where he consulted the oracle of Apollo and he said he received this answer. It said that he should beware of that place which had a rare sight, a thing having two shapes. This was generally thought to refer to Abas, a city in Arabia where Alexander was killed not long after. In this city, there was a certain woman called Herais, the daughter of Diophantus a Macedonian and she had Arabian woman for her mother. She married Samiades who changed her sex and became a man and assumed her father's name of Diophantus. (Diod. Sic. fin. l. 32. in Photii Bibliotheca, cod. 244.)
3859a AM, 4568 JP, 146 BC
3634. In the morning, Hipparchus observed the 5th the autumnal equinox in the 33rd year of the third Calippic period, on the 4th day of the Egyptian Additionals. (September 27) (Ptol. l. 3. c. 2.)
3635. When Alexander had gathered a powerful army, he invaded Syria and wasted all the territories of Antioch. He pillaged and burned wherever he went. Ptolemy with his son-in-law Demetrius, marched towards him and defeated his forces in a battle near the Oenopara River. Alexander escaped from the battle with 500 of his soldiers and quickly headed towards Abas, a city of Arabia. He wanted to see Zabdiel, /APC 1Ma 11:17 an important person of Arabia. Josephus calls him Zabel and Diodorus Siculus, Diocles. The commanders of Alexander's party, who were with Heliades, treacherously killed Alexander. They had arranged this previously with Demetrius, to whom they had sent an embassy to look after their own interests. In the last battle it happened that Ptolemy's horse was scared with the braying of an elephant and threw him to the ground. When he was down, the enemy attacked him and wounded him seriously in the head. They would have killed him except his bodyguard saved him. In spite of that, he lay 4 whole days so senseless that he could neither speak nor understand what others spoke to him. Zabdiel, the Arabian cut off Alexander's head and presented it to Ptolemy. About the 5th day, he had some relief from the pain of his wounds and returned to his senses. He was encouraged by a pleasing story of the death of Alexander and the sight of Alexander's head. The 3rd day after, Ptolemy died while his wounds were being dressed and the physicians were endeavouring to set his bones. /APC 1Ma 11:14-18 (Polyb. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 194. Diod. Sic. fin. l. 32. Livy l. 52. Strabo, l. 16. p. 751. Joseph. l. 13. c. 8.)
3636. Josephus said Alexander ruled 5 years after the death of Demetrius Soter, (l. 13. c. 8.) from which we suppose about 5 months are to be deducted. Based on the authority of the Maccabean writer, the death of this man appears to happen at the same time as Philometor's. After Alexander's death, Demetrius, son of Demetrius Soter, controlled the government of Syria in the 167th year of the kingdom of the Greeks. /APC 1Ma 12:19 Since he had defeated one who was not descended from their family, he received the same surname Nicator or "the conquorer", as the first Seleucus of that kingly line. (Appian. Syriac. p. 131.)
3637. As soon as Ptolemy Philometor was dead, the soldiers whom he had placed in the forts and cities for the security of Syria, were all killed by the other soldiers in the same garrisons by the instigation of Demetrius. /APC 1Ma 11:18 Demetrius treated the rest of Ptolemy's soldiers very unkindly and forgot the help which Ptolemy had given him and his alliance by marriage with Cleopatra. Those soldiers hated his ingratitude and they all retreated to Alexandria and left only the elephants under his control. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 8.)
3859b AM, 4569 JP, 145 BC
3638. In Egypt, Cleopatra, the wife and sister of Philometor who had just died, negotiated with the nobles of the realm and tried hard to get the kingdom given to her son. (Josephus l. 3. Contra Appian. p. 1064, Justin l. 38. c. 8.) However, Ptolemy the younger brother of Philometor, surnamed Euergetes the second along with Phiscon, who reigned at Cyrene, was sent for from there to oppose her in her plans. Onias, who recently built the temple in the Helopolitan jurisdiction, took up the war for Cleopatra and marched with a small army of Jews to the city Alexandria. This happened when Thermus was a junior ambassador there for the Romans, according to Appion the grammarian, in his book against the Jews. (Josephus l. 13. c. 8.)
3639. Physcon ended the quarrel and forced Cleopatra, who was his older sister and wife to their own brother, to marry him. (Valer. Maxim. l. 9. c. 1.) And as soon as he entered Alexandria, he commanded all those that favoured the young child to be killed. He also killed the young child as he was in his mother's arms on the wedding day in the midst of their feasting and religious solemnities. So he went up to his sister's bed besmeared with the gore of her own son. Neither was his behaviour any milder to his countrymen, who invited him to the kingdom and helped him secure the throne. He gave the foreign soldiers permission to kill at pleasure and many were killed everywhere. (Justin. l. 38. c. 8.) He executed many of them with the most cruel tortures based on false charges of treason. He banished others and confiscated their estates based on false charges he had made up and forged. (Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 350.)
3640. When Jonathan had assembled those who were in Judea, he prepared many engines and besieged the tower at Jerusalem. Demetrius Nicator was told this by some ungodly persons who hated their own country. Thereupon, the king was incensed and wrote to Jonathan to break off the siege and quickly meet him at Ptolemais so they could have a conference about the matter. Jonathan did not break off his seige but did go to the king. He was accompanied by the elders and the priests and took along with them some presents by which they soon pacified the king's wrath. Jonathan made so good an apology for himself that the king dismissed the informers and confirmed the high priesthood on him and counted him as one of his best friends. Moreover, Jonathan promised to give to the king 300 talents and procured from him a release for all Judea and the 3 countries annexed to it. /APC 1Ma 10:30 That is Apherma, Lydda, and Ramath. They did not have to pay tithes and tribute that was formerly paid to the kings. The king sent letters about this to Lasthenes, who with the Cretian's auxiliaries had brought Demetrius to the kingdom and whom he styled cousin and father. /APC 1Ma 11:20-37
3641. When Demetrius saw that there was now peace throughout the kingdom and no opposition made against him, he disbanded his old native soldiers and continued in arms only those bands of foreigners whom he had levied in Crete and the other islands. This turned the hearts of his father's soldiers against him /APC 1Ma 11:38 who constantly received their salaries from the previous kings in times of peace so that by this they might be more ready and more cheerful to serve them in all dangers and emergencies. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 8.)
3642. Diodotus, one of Alexander Balas' commanders, who later was made king and assumed the name of Tryphon, noticed the alienation of the soldiers from Demetrius. He was born at the citadel of Sceoan in the Apamian's country and raised at Apamia. /APC 1Ma 11:39 (Strabo l, 16. p. 752. Livy l. 52 & 55. Josephus l. 13. c. 9. Appian. Syriac. p. 132.) Tryphon went to Elmalchuel the Arabian, who was entrusted with the education of Antiochus, the son of Alexander Balas and told him all Demetrius Nicator had done and the differences between him and the soldiers. He urged him very much to give him the young child and he would undertake to establish him in his father's kingdom. The Arabians were opposed to this and he stayed there many days. /APC 1Ma 11:39,40
3643. In the meantime Demetrius Nicator supposing himself secure and out of harm, executed anyone that appeared to oppose him using unusual kinds of death. Lasthenes, who was a wicked and rash fellow and appointed over the whole kingdom, corrupted Demetrius by his flattery and put him up to all kinds of villany. (Diod. Sic. in Excerptis Vales. p. 346.)
3860a AM, 4569 JP, 145 BC
3644. Jonathan sent ambassadors to Demetrius and asked him to remove his garrison soldiers from the tower of Jerusalem and all other forts because they continued to attack the Israelites. Demetrius replied that he would grant Jonathan his request and would also make him and his nation glorious when he had convenient time. For the present, he desired Jonathan to send him some soldiers to help him against his own soldiers who had revolted from him. Jonathan quickly satisfied his request and sent to him in Antioch 3000 strong men for whom the king was thankful. /APC 1Ma 11:41-44
3645. Demetrius was well supplied with foreign forces in whom he placed greater confidence than in his own. He commanded them to disarm the citizens of Antioch. However the people of Antioch refused to surrender their arms and assembled into the middle of the city and began to attack him in the palace. The Jews hastened to his relief and dispersed themselves within the city. They killed on that day nearly 100,000 men, burned the city and took much booty. Thereupon the citizens laid down their arms and made peace with the king. The Jews received much honour for this service from the king and the kingdom. They returned richly loaded down with spoils to Jerusalem. /APC 1Ma 11:45-52 (cf. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 346.)
3646. After the destruction of most of Antioch by the fire, the execution of many for sedition and confiscation of estates into the king's treasury, many of the citizens were forced to escape. From fear and hatred of Demetrius, they wandered about Syria and used every opportunity to avenge themselves on Demetrius. In the meantime, Demetrius, whose actions had made him odious to all men, continued in his massacres, banishments and confiscations. He far surpassed his father in cruelty. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesi. p. 349.) Moreover, he lied to Jonathan. In spite of his flattery, he was alienated from him and afflicted him very grievously. /APC 1Ma 11:53 He threatened also to wage war with him unless he would pay all those tributes which the country of the Jews paid his predecessors. (Josephus, l. 13. c. 9.)
3860b AM, 4570 JP, 144 BC
3647. Finally, Diodotus, who is Tryphon, returned to Syria from Arabia with the young Antiochus who was the son of Alexander Bala and Cleopatra, the daughter of Ptolemy Philometor. He set the crown on his head and proclaimed him to be the rightful heir of the kingdom and surnaming him Theos or Divine. He returned with a large force many of which were discharged by Demetrius. He attacked and defeated Demetrius in a plain and forced him to flee to Seleucia. Diodotus seized his elephants and took Antioch. /APC 1Ma 11:54-56 (cf. Livy, l. 52. Joseph. l. 13. c. 9. & 12. about the beginning & Appian. in Syriac. p. 132.)
3648. Then Antiochus or rather Diodotus in his name, sent letters and ambassadors to Jonathan and confirmed the high priesthood to him and granted him the 4 territories. (Perhaps Ptolemais was added to the 3) (See note on 3859b AM <<3449>>) /APC 1Ma 10:30,39 He was honoured as one of the king's friends. He sent him also chargers of gold to be served in and gave him permission to drink in vessels of gold, to be clothed in purple and to wear the golden buckle. Moreover, he appointed his brother Simon general of all the king's forces, from the land of Tyre to the borders of Egypt. /APC 1Ma 11:57-59 Jonathan was very glad for the favours and honours Antiochus had so bountifully bestowed on him and sent his ambassadors to Antiochus and his guardian Tryphon. He promised that he would be their friend and associate and join in arms against the common enemy, Demetrius. He complained about Demetrius' ingratitude in that he had repaid his civilities and courtesies with many shrewd actions and injustices. (Joseph. l. 13. c. 9.)
3649. Since all Syria now began to dislike kings, Diodotus used Coracesium, a citadel in Cilicia, as his headquarters. He had the Cilicians join him in piracy at sea. (Strabo. l. 14. p. 688.)
3650. Demetrius stayed at Laodicea and spent his time idly in revelling and luxury. He did not change his wicked ways and was none the wiser for his recent calamities. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 353.)
3651. At this time Ptolemy Euergetes the second or Physcon was made king at the palace at Memphis, according to the solemn rites of the Egyptians. Queen Cleopatra, who was both sister and wife to him and his brother Philometor, bore him a son. He was so exceeding joyful by this that he named him Memphites because he was born while his father was observing the holy solemnities at Memphis. However, during the celebration of his son's birth, he did not refrain from his cruel practices but set orders to execute some of the Cyrenians. They were the ones who first brought him into Egypt. They had been too free and sharp in reproving him for his courtesan, Irene, the prostitute. (Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 354.)
3652. When Jonathan had received permission from Antiochus to wage war against Demetrius' captains, he assembled his soldiers from Syria, Phoenicia and other places. He quickly crossed all the cities located beyond the Jordan River. With all his Syrian auxiliaries, he marched to Askelon where the citizens went out to meet him very honourably. He left there for Gaza and he was denied entrance and the citizens shut their gates against him. Thereupon Jonathan besieged the city and plundered and burned its outskirts. These actions forced them to sue for peace. It was granted when they gave hostages whom Jonathan sent to Jerusalem. Jonathan then marched through the country as far as Damascus. /APC 1Ma 11:60-62 (Josephus, l. 13. c. 9.)
3653. The princes of Demetrius came to Cades, a city of Galilee, and planned to draw Jonathan off from attacking Syria to help the Galilaeans. Jonathan marched against them and left his brother Simon behind him in Judea. He vigorously assaulted Bethsura for many days and after a long siege, forced them to surrender. He threw out Demetrius' soldiers and put in a garrison there instead. /APC 1Ma 11:63-66 14:7,33 (Joseph. l. 13. c. 9.)