2318. The Babylonians entertained his army in a very courteous manner as they did the last time he was there. They indulged in ease and luxury. There was no lack of anything there that the heart would desire. (Diod. Sic.)

2319. While Alexander resided at Babylon, there came ambassadors to him from all the parts and nations of the world. For besides those that came out of Asia, from cities, princes and countries there, many came from other countries in Europe and Africa. From Africa came the Ethiopians who lived near the temple of Hammon and from the Carthaginians and other Punic countries bordering all along the sea coast from as far as the Pillars of Hercules and the western sea. From Europe came ambassadors from various cities of Greece, Macedon, Thracians, Illyrians and Scythians. The Brutians, Lucanians and Etruscians came from Italy along with the islands of Sicily and Sardinia. They also came from Spain and France whose very names and countries the Macedonians had never heard of before.

2320. Alexander had a list made of them and appointed who of them should see him first until he would have heard them all. He decided to see those who came about religious matters first. After that he would see those who brought him presents. Next he would see those who came about wars which they had with their neighbouring countries. Next he would see those who came about their particular and private interests. Lastly he would see those who came to show why they did not restore any Greeks whom they had banished from their cities or countries to their homes and estates again. In order to hear them, he had a throne of gold to be set up in the garden there and placed seats of silver for his friends. He took his place with his friends to hear these ambassadors. (Athenaus l. 12. c. 18. from Ephippius Olynthius) His main purpose was that after he heard them, to answer them so they would be content and to send every man away satisfied and well pleased.

2321. The first ones to see him were those who came from the city Elis. After he saw those who came from the temple and city of Ammon, from Delphi, from Corinth, Epidaurus and others. He heard each of them in order of the dignity and fame of the temples rather than of the cities from where they came from.

2322. When he had heard the ambassadors from Epidaurus and granted their request, he sent a present and oblation by them to their god Eseulapius. He added these words:

``that Esculapius had dealt but unfavourably with him, in recently taking away from him, a friend, whom he loved as his own life.''

2323. He took all the statues of the illustrious persons or images of the gods or any other consecrated thing that Xerxes had before taken from Greece. He had set them up or otherwise placed them in Babylon, Susa, Pasargada and elsewhere in all Asia. Alexander ordered the ambassadors of Greece to take and carry these statues home again with them. Among the rest, he had the brass statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton to be returned to Athens with the image of Diana Cercaea.

2324. Concerning the restitution of the exiles of Greece, he sent this short epistle by Nicanor, a native of the city Stagyra, to be read and proclaimed at the next Olympic games.

King Alexander, to the outcasts of Greece sends greeting:

``We were not the reason that you were banished but we will take care to see you are all restored to your former estates except such as are banished for outrageous crimes. Concerning these things we have written to Antipater and ordered him to proceed by way of force, against all such as shall oppose your restitution.'' (Diod. Sic. l. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113. & l. 18. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2325. When he had taken care of all the ambassadors, he started to prepare for Hephaestion's funeral. He ordered all the cities in the region to contribute whatever they possibly could to the funeral. Moreover he expressly ordered all the cities and countries of Asia to put out the fire which the Persians called the "Holy Fire", until after the funeral. This was the custom in the funerals of the kings of Persia. This action was taken as an ill omen to the king himself and as portending his death.

2326. Thereupon all his chief commanders and friends made medallions of Hephaestion, carved from ivory or cast in gold or some other costly metal. Alexander called together the best workmen that were to be had. A large number of them broke down the wall of Babylon for about 1.25 miles. They took its brick and first levelled the place. They built on the location a square funeral pyre about 200 feet (130 cubits) high about 210 yards long. The body was to be burned on this. This work Diodorus describes in detail giving the total cost of this splendid funeral. The mourners, the soldiers, ambassadors and natives of the country tried to outdo each other in giving to this project. More than 12,000 talents was collected. (Justin l. 12. c. 12.) Plutarch and Arrian say it was about 10,000 talents.

2327. Alexander first threw Hephaeston's weapons into the fire and then threw in the gold and silver along with a robe of great value and esteem among the Persians. (Elia. Var., Histor. l. 7. c. 8.) Besides this, Alexander held games of gymnastics and music far beyond all that he had ever done before. The number of the winners and value of the prizes was greater than anything before. It is said, that there were no less than 3000 who entered the games for the prizes of all kinds. (Arrian. l. 7.)

2328. It happened that Philip, one of the king's friends returned to him from the temple of Hammon where he had been sent. He brought word from the oracle there that Hephaestion might be sacrificed to as a demigod. This greatly pleased Alexander. First of all, Alexander offered to him after that custom and then sacrificed to him 10,000 beasts of all kinds. He made a magnificent feast for all the people. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 114. & Arrian. l. 7. p. 157. 164.) He ordered Cleomenes the governor of Egypt (See note on 3673a AM) a lewd man, to erect temples in Hephaestion's name. He also ordered that no written contract would be good or valid if Hephaestion's name was not subscribed to it. He added this also in the letter which he wrote to him about this matter:

``For if I shall find that you have duly erected temples to Hephaestion in Egypt as to a demigod, I will not only pardon you of all your past offences which you have committed in your government but whatever you shall do after this shall never be laid to your charge by me.''

2329. Thereupon many cities started building temples and shrines to Hephaestion. They erected altars, offered sacrifices and observed holidays in his name. The most religious oath that a man could take was if he swore by Hephaestion, "it is true or false". Death was the reward for any man who faltered or failed in his devotion to him. Many dreams were said to have been of him and that his ghost appeared to many. Many words were recorded which his ghost had spoken and the answers which it made. Sacrifices were offered to him as to a tutelar god and a revenger of all evil. Therefore Alexander at the very first was wonderfully pleased with such fancies in other men but after a while, he began to believe them himself. He bragged that he himself was not only Jove's son but also that he could make gods of other men. At which time also, one Agathocles, a Samian and one of Alexander's best captains was in extreme danger for his life. He was accused that when he passed by Hephaestion's tomb, he was seen to weep. He would have undoubtedly died for it had not Perdiccas helped him out by a lie of his own making and swore to it by Hephaestion. He said that Hephaestion appeared to him as he was hunting and told him that Agathocles wept for him indeed but not as for one that was dead and now vainly called upon and worshipped as a god. He wept only in a due remembrance of the former intimacy and familiarity that was between the two of them. Except for this tale, Agathocles a great soldier and loyal to the king, would have died for being so kind to his deceased friend. (Lucian. in his book of false accusing.)

3680d AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2330. The 114th Olympiad was celebrated at Elis. All agree that Alexander died in that year. (Josephus l. 1. cont. Apio.) This was the time when Hagesias or Hegesias was archon at Athens. (Diod. Sic. l. 17.) This is confirmed by Arrian in his 7th book of the deeds of Alexander that Alexander died toward the end of his year of archonship, in this very Olympiad year. This shall be noted by the month when he died.

2331. At the general assembly of all Greece at the Olympic games Alexander's letter for the restoring of all exiled persons to their homes and estates again was read publicly by the one who announced the winners in any game. Nevertheless, the Athenians and Etonans protested against it. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 113. Justin, l. 13. c. 5.)

2332. While he was at Babylon, Alexander received his fleet according to Aristobulus. Part of it sailed down the Euphrates into the Persian Sea under the command of Nearchus. Some of the ships had been built in Phoenicia and Cyprus. 2 of the Phoenician ships had 5 tiers of oars and 3 ships had 4 tiers high and 12 were 3 tiers high. 30 vessels had 30 oars each. All these ships had been taken apart in pieces and carried overland to the city Thapsaca and there reassembled. They sailed on the Euphrates to Babylon. Alexander had some other ships also to be built at Babylon from those Cypress trees which he found in their gardens there. There was no other timber in those parts fit for ship building. Moreover there was brought to him at Babylon, all other provisions for shipping from Phoenicia and other cities that were along the sea coasts in Asia. Also shipwrights and mariners of all types came to him. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 741. Arrian. l. 7, p. 161. from Aristobulus.)

2333. Alexander had a port made at Babylon that was large enough to receive 1000 warships. He had built galleries and docks there and sent Maccalus a Clazomentan, with 500 talents into Phoenicia and Syria. He was to persuade or hire as many seamen as he possibly could to come and serve him. Alexander planned to make several colonies on the Persian Gulf and assured them that those places would be as lavish to dwell in as any places in Phoenicia. (Arrian, l. 7. p. 161.)

2334. All these naval preparations were made to attack the Arabians, under the pretence that among all other nations only they sent no ambassadors to him and showed no respect to him. The real reason was he had an inordinate desire to be sovereign over all. He had heard that they worshipped only two gods Jove and Bacchus. Alexander thought himself worthy to be worshipped as a third god among them if he could overcome them and restore to them, as he had done to the Indians, their pristine liberty. (Strabo l. 16. p. 741. & Arrian. l. 7. p. 161.)

2335. Alexander was told that Arabia that bordered on the sea coast, was as large as all India and had many islands lying near their coast. He sent Archias and Androsthenes (that is that Androsthenes of Thasus of whom Strabo, l. 16. p. 766. and Theophrastus, l. 2. of Plants, c. 7. mention.) and Hieron of Solos with 3 ships of 30 oars apiece. They were to sail from Babylon with orders to sail around Chersonese or the peninsula of Arabia. They were to find out what they could about all the ports in that region. Concerning these ports, Arcmas brought him word that there were two islands which lay out in the sea at the mouth of the Euphrates River. The smaller one he consecrated to Diana and was 15 miles offshore. Alexander, according to Aristobulus, named the island Learus. The larger island was a day and night's sailing from the shore in the same latitude called Tylus. However Hieron who went further than any of the rest, brought him word that the Chersonse was of a vast size and had a cape which ran far out into the ocean. Those who came with Nearchus by sea from India, described it to be not far off before they arrived at the mouth of the Euphrates River. (Arrian, l. 7. & in the end also of his Indica.)

2336. While his ships of war were being built and a harbour was being dug at Babylon, Alexander sailed down the Euphrates River 100 miles from Babylon to the mouth of the Pallacopa River. They rowed up and down and according to Aristobulus, he sometimes steered his own boat. He saw some ditches which he had scoured by those that were with him. They dammed up the mouths of some and opened others. They saw one dike among the rest on the Arabian side toward its marshy places. The outlet was difficult to dam because of the weakness of the soil. Alexander opened a new mouth some 4 miles from the other in somewhat more firm and hard ground and forced the water course in that direction. He saw there many monuments of the old Assyrian kings and princes who lay buried in that marshy country and in the middle of those lakes. (Strabo, l. 16. p. 741. Arrian. l. 7.)

2337. They sailed through those lakes into the body of Arabia. Alexander built a walled city there and planted there a colony of mercenary Greeks, volunteers and such as through age or otherwise were grown unfit for the war. (Arrian. l. 7.)

2338. He began to laugh and scoff at the Chaldeans and their predictions. He had entered Babylon and left it safely with his fleet. Therefore he sailed the more boldy through those lakes of Arabia, having Babylon on his left hand. (Arrian. l. 7. Appian. toward the end, l. 2. De Bell. Civil.)

2339. When a part of his army wandered up and down in those parts and were lost for lack of a pilot, Alexander sent them one who brought them into the right channel again. Then there arose a mighty wind which separated Alexander's ship from the rest of the fleet and hurled the king's hood off from his head into the water. His turban or diadem which was fastened to it, was rent from it and driven by the wind onto a large reed which grew close to a sepulchre of one of the kings who was buried there, as I said before. One of the mariners saw it and swam to it. He took it up and put it on his own head on his return for fear of getting it wet. Aristobulus says that the mariner who did it, was a Phoenician and that he was well scourged for presuming to put the king's turban on his head. After this accident Alexander consulted a wizard and was advised to offer a magnificent sacrifice to the gods and to be very diligent and devout in it. (Diod. Sic. see Appian, in his Syriaca, p. 124. in the Greek and Latin edition.)

2340. When Alexander was told that the Athenians and Etolians would not obey his edict concerning the restoring of their exiles, he ordered 1000 warships to be built. He planned to make a war in the west and to begin it with the destruction of Athens but died before he could do this. (Justin l. 13. c. 5. & Curtius l. 10. c. 4.)

3681a AM, 4390 JP, 324 BC

2341. When Alexander returned to Babylon, he indulged in its luxuries. He was so addicted to gluttony and drunkenness that in the diaries that were kept by Eumenes Cardianus and Diodorus Erythraeus, it is often found that such and such a day or night Alexander was carried drunk to bed. (Athena. l. 10 c. 11. with Phillinus in Plut. l. 1. Sympos. c. 6.) One example of this is cited by Elian. (l. 3. Var. Histor. l. 23.) from Eumenes. I thought it good here to insert, so that may appear that some use may be made of my treatise of the Macedonian year compared with the days of our Julian Calendar. I first corrected that place in Elian where it is written without any sense and making it the month called Dios as thus:

``On the 5th of the month Dios (our Sept. 28.) he drank himself drunk at Eumaus' house. He did nothing all that day but rose and ordered his captains where they should march tomorrow. He told them that he would be going very early. On the 7th day (our September 30) he dined with Perdiccas and started drinking again. On the 8th (our October 1st) he slept all day and upon the 15th of the same month (our October 8th) he was drinking again. The next day (our October 9th.) he slept off all day according to his custom. Upon the 24th (our October 17th.) he ate at Bagoas' lodging which was 1.25 miles from the king's palace. Then on the 3rd (or rather the 5th) he slept it off again.''

3681b AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2342. When Alexander saw Babylon excel both in greatness and all other things, he planned to embellish it all that he could and to make it the place of his residence for the rest of his life. (Strabo. l. 15. p. 731.) He resolved to rebuild the temple of Belus and raise it from its ruin. Some say he planned to make it more magnificent than ever it was before. In his absence the Babylonians went on more slowly in the work than he would have liked. Therefore he intended to have all his army work on it. The work would require much labour and lots of time. Therefore he was not able to go through with it as he wanted to because he died soon after this. (Strabo. l. 16. p. 738. & Arrian l. 6. p. 159.)

2343. Alexander dreamed that Cassander killed him. He had never seen the man in all his life and shortly after this when he happened to see him, he recalled his dream. At first this alarmed him but when he understood that he was a son of Antipater, he cast out any fear of any harm from him especially of poison. This was at that time being prepared for him. He merrily utterred a certain Greek verse purporting that:

"So many dreams, So many lies."

2344. or something to that effect.

2345. When Cassander saw the foreign people prostrating themselves when they came to him and since he had never seen this done before he started to snicker. Alexander was furious and wrapped both his hands in his long hair and he beat his head against the wall. (Plut. in Alexand.)

3681c AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2346. A rumour was circulated that Antipater had sent a poison by Cassander to deliver it to his brother, Iolla, the cupbearer to the king. Iolla was supposed to have poisoned Alexander's last drink. It was also said that at the same time Alexander had sent Craterus with a company of old soldiers to succeed Antipater. (Curt. l. 10. c. 10.) Concerning the poison of which Alexander is said to have died, see Andraeas Schottus, and his collections on it made from various authors in the comparison which he makes, of the lives of Aristotle and Demosthenes. (to the 1st year of the 114th Olymp. and Mathaus Raderus, on Curt. l. 10. c. 7.) As for Craterus and his old soldiers that were sent away with him into Macedon, although Justin, Arrian and Plutarch report this event happening before the death of Hephaestion. However, it ought have happened at this time and not before as appears by many other arguments. In particular that at the time of Alexander's death, Craterus with his old maimed soldiers had not come into Macedonia but was still in Cilicia.

2347. Those who wanted to of the Macedonians who found themselves disabled through age or other weaknesses of body to follow the war any longer were dismissed by Alexander to return into their own country. The number of them at this time, came to 10,000. (Diod. Sic. l. 17. year 2. Olymp. 113) Justin (l. 12. c. 12.) states that it was 11,000. To each he not only gave their full pay for the time of service but also money for the journey home. If any of them had children from Asian wives, Alexander asked them to leave them with him. He feared lest that half breeds might in time stir up some rebellion in Macedon in contending with the wives and children who lived there. He promised that when the children were grown up, they would be trained in marshal discipline after the Macedonian custom. Then they would have them sent home to them. Justin says that those who returned, had their full pay for the time of their journey. Plutarch states that the children of the deceased, continued to receive their father's pay. He further adds that Alexander wrote to Antipater that they who returned should have the best places given to them in the theatres and should sit there with garlands on their heads. When they parted, they all wept including the king.

2348. Together with these, various friends were sent home according to Clytus, Gorgias and Polysperchon. If Claterus should happen to die on the way, as he was at that time quite weak and sickly, they would have a noble commander to lead them. He ordered Craterus to take the government of Macedon, Thrace, Thessaly and of free Greece in Antipater's place. Antipater was to come to Alexander and to bring with him an army of young lusty Macedonians to replace the old ones which he had sent home to him.

2349. When Craterus was sent to lead some old worn out soldiers into Cilicia, he received written orders from Alexander. Diodorus Siculus using the king's own commentaries states the main points were these. He should have 1000 war ships of 3 tiers of oars built that would be a little larger than ships of that size. These were to be constructed in Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia and Cyprus for his wars against the Carthaginians and others bordering on the sea coasts of Africa, Spain and the islands as far as Sicily. He was to give orders that his way along the sea coast of Africa as far as Hercules' Pillars was to be ready for him. To set aside 1500 talents to build 6 magnificent temples. He was to make ports in various places suitable to receive that large fleet. He was to take men from Europe into Asia and likewise from Asia into Europe to live in such new cities as he would build in either continent. Alexander hoped that by inter-marriages he might establish a peace between the two main continents of the world. These were his plans of which Lucan speaks in this manner. (l. 10.)

His purpose was the Atlantic Sea to sail; Nor fire, nor water, nor the Lybian sand. Nor Ammons Syrts could bound his vast desires. He would into the western clime wave gone, Where the sun stoops to fall into Tethis lap; And to have marched quite round about the poles, And drunk Nile's water, where it first doth rise, Had not death met him and his journey stayed. Nothing but nature could a period bring, To the vast projects of this mad-cap king.

2350. A little before his death, ambassadors came to him from Greece to acknowledge him as a god. They wore crowns of gold and placed them on his head.

2351. Pencestes returned from Persia with about 20,000 Persians and also brought a large company of Cossaeans and Tapurians along with them to Babylon for his service. These nations bordered on Persia and were reckoned the most warlike of any other nation. Philoxenus came with an army from Caria and Menander with another army from Lydia and Menidas with an army of cavalry. Alexander commended the devotion of the Persian nation and especially Pencestes for his just discreet government among them. He ranked both them and also those who came from the sea side with Philoxemus and Menander with his Macedonian squadrons. He had frequent naval exercises in which there were often sea fights between the ships of 3 and those of 4 tiers of oars on the Euphrates River. As well the mariners and the commanders in these exercises worked hard to outdo their opponents. Alexander always bestowed crowns and honoured those that did the best.

2352. Once when he was ordering those companies who came with Philoxenus and Menander among his Macedonian squadrons, he happened to be thirsty (Arrian l. 7. from Aristobulus) He left his throne and some of his friends on the thrones next to his left to attend him. It happened that a certain lowly man, (some say that he was committed to custody but without irons on him) came through the middle of all the bodyguards and other officers, who stood closely around the throne and sat down on the king's throne. The bodyguards dared not pull him off the throne because there was a Persian law to the contrary. They rent their clothes, beat their faces and pounded their breasts. They took this as an exceedingly ominous omen against the king. When Alexander heard this, he caused the man to be racked to know whether he had done it with any plot with others or not and for what purpose. When he answered that what he had done was only from a light humour and fantasy which came into his head, the wizards told him that it was by so much the worse sign. Diodorus says that by their advice the poor fellow was killed for this act. They hoped that if there were any bad luck in this, it might happen on him not to Alexander. Plutarch states the same adding that when he was on the rack and asked his name he replied that it was Dionysius, a Messenian.

2353. A few days later the king sacrificed to his gods in thanksgiving for his good successes. This time he added more to the sacrifices than normal by the advise of the priests. After that he started feasting with his nobles and sat up doing this until late into the night. He also distributed beasts for sacrifices among the soldiers and gave them wine to drink. When he was leaving the feast, he was told that Medius a Thessalian had prepared a banquet and had invited him and all his company to it. At the banquet 20 guests sat. Alexander drank to their health and they the like to him again according to Athenaeus from certain memorials, commonly attributed to Nicobulus. (l. 10. c. 11. & l. 12. c. 18.)

2354. Alexander had called for a cup containing 9 quarts (2.25 gallons) according to Ephippius, in a book which he wrote of the death and burial of Alexander and Hephaestion as reported by Athenaeus. (l. 10. c. 11.) He ordered Proteas a Macedonian to drink to him. Proteas cried to let it come and he spoke many words greatly honouring the king. He took the cup and drank from it with such grace that all the table commended him highly for it. After a while, Proteas called for the same cup again and drank it to the king. Alexander took it and pledged him a great draught but could not drink it but let the cup fall from his hand. He lay along on the cushion and presently fell sick and died. This was that Herculean fatal cup to Alexander of which besides Diodorus and Plutarch, (Seneca also in his 83rd Epistle,) mention. Compare this with what Athenaeus states. (l. 11. c. 17. & Macrobius, l. 5. Saturnal. c. 21.)

2355. Aristobulus says that when he grew light headed with his fever and very thirsty, he called for a draught of wine and that cast him into a frenzy. So on the 30th day of the month Dasius, that is on the 24th of our May, Alexander died. Others say that he died on the 6th day of the month Thargelion with the Athenians as Elian has it. (l. 2. Var. Histor. c. 25.) This would be on May 18th. In the diaries that were kept of the kings actions it is said that he died the 28th day of the month Daesius or 22nd of our May. Therefore it is sure that he died in the month Daesius according to the Macedonian account and in our month of May although the writers disagree on the day of the month.

2356. From the diaries, Arrian and Plutach describe in detail the events that happened during his last sickness. No one can tell us who wrote those diaries of what he did. Whether Eumenes Cardianus or Diodorus Erythreus or Strattis Olynthius did this, we do not know. He wrote a diary of his deed in 4 books and one particular book of Alexander's death according to Duidas. Whoever's diaries they were, they contain the clearest account of what happened. Therefore have I thought it good to include what I found in Plutarch from these diaries. I compared them with the days of the Macedonian month of Daesius and our month of May using my own discourse of the Macedonian year.

``The 18th of the month Dasin's (May 12th) he slept in a bath for his fever. The next day (May 13th) after he had washed, he went to his chamber and spent that day there playing dice with Medius and then washed again. Toward the evening after his devotions, he ate his supper somewhat greedily and the next night had a grievous bout of a fever. On the 20th day (May 14th) when he had walked, he offered sacrifices very solemnly again. While lying along in a bath, he listened to Nearchus as he told him what things as had happened to him on his voyage and what wonders he had seen in the ocean. (May 15th) When he did the same this day, his fever increased. The next day (May 16th) his fever grew very sharply and he was carried to lie in a chamber near the great pool or swimming place. Here he talked with his commanders of putting approved men in places of office when offices needed to be filled. On the 24th (May 18th) his sickness grew worse and he offered sacrifice to which he was carried. He ordered the chief commanders and captains who were then in the court to stay with him but the centurions and corporals to serve outside and watch. He was carried into the innermost lodgings of the court. On the 25th day (May 19th) he had a little relief but his fever did not leave him. When the captains came to him, he did not speak to them at all and likewise on the 26th. (May 20th) Thereupon the Macedonians thought that he had been dead and came flocking with a great noise to the chamber door and threatened his friends who were there if they would not let them in. The doors were opened and every common soldier passed by his bedside. The same day Pithon and Selencus who were sent to Serapis' temple to learn whether Alexander should be moved there or not. They brought back the answer from the oracle that he should stay where he was. On the 28th day (May 22nd.) in the evening he died.''

2357. Now whereas I said that all the Macedonians passed by the king's bedside, it is to be understood that they came in at one door and went out another. (Lucian in Psendons.) Although he had grown weak and faint with the severity of his sickness, yet he raised himself upon his elbow and gave everyone of them his hand to kiss as he passed by. (Valer. Max. l. 5. c. 1.) This may seem more incredible in itself considering the posture he put himself in. He stayed in that position from the first until the last man of the army had passed by and kissed his hand. (Curt. l. 10. c. 7.)

2358. When the soldiers were gone, he then turned to his friends and asked them whether they thought they should find a king like him or not? When no man answered that question, then again he said that as he could not answer that either. Therefore he foresaw how much Macedonian blood would be shed before this matter would be settled and with what great slaughters and shedding of blood they would solemnise his funeral and sacrifice to his ghost when he was gone. He ordered his body to be carried to the temple of Ammon and there to be buried. (Justin l. 12. c. 15.) When his friends asked him to whom he would leave his kingdom, his answer was, "To the strongest". Then he took off his signet and gave it to Perdiccas. By this they all conceived that his meaning was to commend the government of his kingdom to his care and trust until his children should come of age. (Emil. Probus in Eumene.) Again, when Perdiccas asked him when he would have divine honours performed to him, he replied that when they were all grown happy.

2359. Eratosthenes in his Canons, (mentioned by Clemens Alexanderinus l. 1. Srom.) says that 12 years passed between the death of Philip and the change, i.e. the death of Alexander. This is the very number given him in (/APC 1Ma 1:7 and in the Chronicles of the Jews and also in Jertullian. (lib. cont. Judaos. c. 8. in Porphyrie, cited by Euseb. p. 124 in Scaliger's Greek edition of him, in Rufinus, in Josephus' Antiquities l. 12. c. 2. in Orosius, l. 3. in Jerome and Theodoret on Daniel Da 11) Although A. Gellins, (l. 17. c. 21.) allows him only 11 years. Julius Africanus and from him Eusebius say it was 12 years and 6 months, Diodorus Sic. says 12 years and 7 months, Livy and after him Emil. Probus in Eumene say 13 years.

2360. There are just as many differences among writers concerning the years of his life as there are of this reign. Cicero in his 5th Philippic speaking, says:

``What shall I say of Alexander the Macedonian when he set himself on great achievements from his very youth and was he not taken off them until by death in the 33rd year of his life. A consul must by our law be ten years older than that.''

2361. Justin (in the last chapter of his 12th book) says that he died at the age of 33 years and one month. However (Philostratus, l. 2. de Vita. Sophista: in Herodes, Euseb. in Chron. and in his first book, de Vita Constants. and Jerome, on Da 8 11:1-45) and various other writers follow Eusebius, (in Chron.) and say he lived no more than 32 years. All which are nevertheless to be reduced to that rule given by Arrian. (l. 7. p. 167.) He lived 32 years and took up 8 months of the 33rd. year as Aristobulus says. However he reigned 12 years and 8 months.

2362. Immediately after Alexander's death, there arose such a dispute between the cavalry and foot soldiers of the army concerning the settling of the present state of things. They were ready to fight and to take up arms about it. Yet by the advice of the friends and commanders the matter was settled. It was agreed that the supreme authority or rather a bare name and shadow of it should be committed to Aridaeus the brother of Alexander and son to his father Philip. He was the son of Philinna of Larissa, a common dancer. (Athenaus, l. 13. c. 13.) states this from Ptolemy son of Agesarchus in his History of Philoptaer.) She was a whore. (Justin. l. 13. c. 2. & Plutarch in the end of his Alexan.) When by common consent he was proclaimed king, they called him by the name of Philip. Along with him was the son that Roxane would bare. She was 8 months pregnant with Alexander's son according to Justin. Curtius, (l. 10. c. 10.) says she was 6 months pregnant. No consideration was given to his son Hercules who then lived at Pergamus because he was born by Barsine who was never married to Alexander. Since Aridaeus was a weak spirited man but not through any natural infirmity of his own as Plutarch notes in the end of the life of Alexander. This was his normal nature. Therefore Perdiccas, to whom Alexander delivered his signet in the hour of his death, was made Lord Protector or Steward and in effect absolute king. The charge of the army and of all its affairs was committed to Meleager the son of Neoptolemus, with or under Perdiccas. The command of the cavalry which was the most honourable position in all the army and which after Hephaestion's death was given to Perdiccas, was now assigned to Seleucus, the son of Antiochus, yet with or under Perdiccas as the other was. The oversight also of the kingdom, and its treasure was commended to Craterus' trust. (Diod. in the beginning of his 18th book, Justin. l. 13. c. 1-4. Curt. l. 10. c. 10-12. Plutarch, in Eumene and Alexan. Dioxippus and Arrian. in their books written of what passed after the death of Alexander, in Phot. Bibliot. cod. 82. and 92. Appian. in his Syriaca. p. 120. 124.)

2363. Censorinus in his discourse, "De die natali", notes that the years of Philip are to be reckoned from the death of Alexander and always start from the 1st day of that month which the Egyptians call Thoth. For the Egyptian astronomers apply this calculation of times for ease of calculations to their own account. They make its start to be the 1st day of Thoth in the beginning of the 425th year of Nabonasar. That is on the 12th of November, in 4390 JP. This is in the 7th month before the true time of Alexander's death. From the beginning of that month Thoth it is that Ptolemy in his Manual Canons of Astronomy (not yet published) deduces the epoch or risings of all the stars of which he in his Preface "Ad Syrus" says:

``Here are fixed the epochs or start of all accounts according to the meridian of Alexandria which is in Egypt from the first day of the Egyptian month Thoth of the first year of Philip who succeeded Alexander, the founder of this city.''

2364. This is not Philip the father of Alexander, (as some have imagined) but of Philip, brother and next successor to Alexander. The Alexandrians for honours sake call Alexander their founder as he indeed was. It is added:

``For from the 1st day of his (meaning Philippus Aridaeus) reign, the times of the Manual Canons of Ptolemy, (who in them follows the common account or calendar of the Egyptians) are taken.''

2365. According to the rectifying of the Egyptian year (reduced to the Alexandrian account which Theon also used in his canon) are calculated. This we find also in the Greek collections published by Scaliger in his Eusebian Fragments. (p. 48.) Hence it is also that in the Epistle to Apollophanes (falsely attributed to Dionysius Areopagita: found in Hilduinus, in his Areopagatica) these astronomical tables are called, "The Canon of Philippus Aridaus."

2366. The dead body of Alexander had lain 7 days on his throne according to Justin. (Elian says 30 days, Var. Histor. l. 12. c. 64.) All the while men's thoughts were taken up about the settling of the present state and did not give Alexander a proper burial. Yet was there not in all that time found any putrification or the least discolouring of the flesh of his body. The very vigour of his countenance which is the proper effect of the spirit that is in a man, continued still the same. Therefore the Chaldeans and Egyptians were commanded to take care of the body. When they came to do it, at first they dared not approach to touch him for he looked alive. After saying their prayers that it might be no sin to them being but mortals to lay their hands on so divine a body, they started to work and dissected him. The golden throne where he lay, was all stuffed with spices and hung about with pennants and banners and other emblems of his high estate and fortune. (Curt. l. 10. in fi.)

2367. Aridaeus was in charge of his funeral and of providing a chariot to carry the body into the temple of Ammon. We do not know whether this was Alexander's brother, as Justin has it, (l. 13. c. 4.) and Dexippus, as we find in Scaliger's Greek fragments of Eusebius, (p. 84.) or some other Aridaeus of whom we shall see more later. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.) He spent two whole years in preparation. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 114.) When Olympias, his mother, saw him lie so long unburied in great grief of heart cried out and uttered these words:

``O my son, you that would needs be counted among the gods and was in earnest about it. Could you not now have that which every poor man has, a little earth and burial.'' Elian. Varia. Histor. l. 13. c. 30.)

2368. Meanwhile when Sisygambes the mother of Darius, heard of his death, she was very sorrowful and covered herself with mourning attire. When her niece and nephew, Drypetis and Oxathres, came and fell at her knees, she looked away from them and would neither eat nor see the light any more. So on the 5th day after this, she died of hunger. (Diod. l. 17. in fi. Curt. l. 10. cap. 8.)

2369. Roxane who great with child, was favoured by the Macedonian army. She grew envious of Statira, the eldest daughter to Darius and she was one of Alexander's wives also. She sent letters and invited her to come to see her. As soon as she came, Roxane had both her and her sister Drypetis, Hephaestion's widow, murdered. She threw both their carcases into a well and cast earth upon them. Perdiccas knew of this and helped her. (Plut. in the end of the life of Alex.)

2370. Later Roxane gave birth to a son whom they named Alexander and the common soldiers proclaimed him king. (Arrian. in Biblioth. Plotis, c. 92., with Pausanias in his Attica and Dexippus in Scaliger's Greek fragments of Eusebius, p. 48.)

2371. Perdiccas ordered the purification of cleansing for the whole army by a solemn sacrifice. Since the death of the king, there were many disputes among them. The Macedonian manner of cleansing the army was like this. They cut a dog in two and laid the one half on the one side and the other on the other of the field where the army was to come. The army was to pass solemnly in procession between the parts. As the army passed, Perdiccas had some 300 soldiers thrown among the elephants to be trampled to death. These had followed Meleager when at the first assembly of the Macedonians after the death of Alexander, he arose and in a rebellous manner left them. All this was done in the plain sight of the army and in the presence of Aridaeus. Meleager had Aridaeus wrapped in purple clothes like a child and put on the royal throne. (Plutarch l. 2. de fortuna Alexandri) Meleager did not move for the present because no violence threatened him. However when he saw they were after his life, he fled to a temple and was there taken and slain. (Justin. l. 13. c. 4. Curt. l. 10. c. 12. Arrian. in Photius.)

2372. Diodorus (l. 2. year 4. Olymp. 18.) affirms that Alexander made his last will and testament and left it to be kept at Rhodes. Ammia, (Marcellinus, l. 23.) seems to say that in his will he wanted to leave all in the hands and power of one man. Curtius states:

``Some have the opinion that a distribution of the provinces was made by Alexander in his last will and testament. However, we have found that this was but an idle report although stated by various writers.'' (l. 10. c. 13.)

2373. Nevertheless, the writer of the first book of Maccabees seems to be of the first opinion as reported and believed by so many writers. They say that Alexander in his own lifetime, divided his kingdom among his most illustrious and noble officers. The chronologer of Alexandria (from whom, those barbarous and broken Latin fragments published by Scaliger, p. 58, 59. are taken) affirms that the division of the provinces, which Justin (l. 13. c. 4. Curt. l. 10. c. 13. Arrian in Phitii Biblioth. c. 92. Dexeippus ibid. c. 82.) and other writers report to have been made by Perdiccas. This was based on his will and was in this manner.

2374. In Europe all Thrace with the Chersonese and other nations bordering upon Thrace as far as Salmydessus, a city standing upon the Euxin Sea, was committed to Bysimachus, the son of Agathocles, a Pellaean. The region which lay beyond Thrace belonging to the Illyrians, Triballi, Agrians, Macedon and Epirus, stretching as far as the Ceraunian mountains with all Greece, was assigned to Antipater and Craterus. This was the division of Europe.

2375. In Africa, all Egypt and whatever else Alexander had captured in Cyrene or Libya with all that part of Arabia which borders on Egypt, was allotted to Ptolemy, the son of Lagus. Pausanias in his Attica says he was by those of Rhodes honoured with the surname of a Deliverer. The truth is that the Macedonians always believed that Ptolemy was a bastard son of Philip, Alexander's father. For his mother Arsinoe was pregnant by Philip and was cast off by him and she married a poor fellow of Macedon called Lagus. Thereupon it was that when after a while, (as Plutarch in a discourse of his, "De ira cohibenda", i.e. "Of suppressing a man's anger", says that Ptolemy to mock a poor school-master, would needs ask him:

``who was Peleius' father?''

2376. he asked him again,

``and I pray sir, who was Lagus' father?''

2377. He intimating by this the baseness of his birth on the father's side. (Curt. l. 9. c. 1., Pausanias in his Attica. p. 5. in the Greek edition of his at Fraeford, & Suidus on the word Lagus.)

2378. Cleomenes, who was left by Alexander, to gather up the tributes and other incomes of those parts, was ordered to turn over that province to Ptolemy and to hold his office as under him. Ptolemy entered that province shortly after the death of Alexander and died about 40 years later. Hence it is that Lucian, in his discourse of long lived men and in the fragments of Eusebius, published by Scaliger, (p. 49. and Porphyrie, ibid, p. 225. and Clemens Alexan. Stromat. 1. and Euseb. in Chron. and Epiphanius in his books of weights and measures) and others say that he reigned 40 years in Egypt. After him, his posterity down to Cleopatra held that kingdom under the title and name of Ptolemy.

2379. In the Asia Minor, Eumenes Cardianus was assigned all Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and all the regions lying upon the Euxin Sea as far as Trapezond, a colony of the Sinopenses. Alexander did not subdue these people because he was involved in a major war against Darius. Eumenes Cardianus was ordered to make war on Ariarathes who only of these peoples resisted Alexander. Antigonus was made governor of Pamphylia, Lycia, Lycaonia, and Phrygia the Great. The lesser Phrygia, which lies on the Hellespont, was committed to Leonatus. The government of Lydia, both the inland country and the parts on the sea coast taking in Eolia and Ionia, was given to Maenander. He had it formerly by grant from Alexander. (Arrian, l. 3. p. 56.) The name of Meleager, is miswritten by Diodorus. Caria was given to Cassander the son of Antipater and Cilicia and Isauria, to Philotas.

2380. In the upper and greater Asia, all Syria and Phoenicia was committed to Laomedon, a Mitylenaean. The petty kings of the isle of Cyprus ruled as it had been granted to them by Alexander. Neoptolemus was set over Armenia, Arcesilaus over Mesopotamia and governor over the province of Babylon. Atropates, father-in-law to Perdiccas, was left governor of Media by Alexander himself. In this division, Justin (l. 13. c. 4.) and Orosius (l. 3. c. 23.) say that Atropates was made governor of Media the greater and Perdiccas' father-in-law of the lesser. He forgot that Atropates and Perdiccas' father-in-law were the same person. When Antipater had later better considered the matter, he made a second distribution in Triparadiso. He acknowledges that Media was assigned to Pithon. (l. 15. p. 660.) Nor is it likely that the son-in-law would in anyway diminish the authority of his father. The rule and government of the nearer Bactria and Sogdiana was put into the hands of Philippus. Oropius was joined with him in the government of Sogdiana. Dexippus says that after Orpius had received that kingdom of Alexander's bounty, he was put from it again for treason. The government of Persia, Pencestes of Hircania and Parthia, (for they went together, as Strabo, l. 11. p. 514 states) was given to Phrataphernes. In Carmania, Tlepolemeus, in the further Bactria and Parapamisus, the government was given to Olyartes or Oxathres, the father of Roxane, Alexander's wife. In Aria and Drangiana, bordering on Taurus, the government was given to Stasanor of Solos. In the provinces of Susa, Scynus, Arachosia, Gedrosia, and Sibyrtius continued with the governors that Alexander had assigned. All the coast of India from Paropamisus and from the place where the Acesines and Indus meet, down to the ocean, was given to Pithon the son of Agenor. The Oxydracans and Mallians was given to Eudemus or Eudemon, the commander of the Thracian companies. The rest of India was given to king Porus, Taxiles and to the son of Abisarus. These ruled the same territories Alexander had assigned to them.

2381. When this division was made, every man had his share as if it were allotted to him from heaven. They used the opportunity to increase their power and their pleasure. For not long after, they behaved more like kings than governors. They added to their kingdom and left it to their posterity. (Justin. l. 13. c. 4.) Immediately upon the death of Alexander, that vast empire and name of the Macedonians was divided into several kingdoms. (Livius l. 45.) However, no man assumed the title of a king as long as any of Alexander's children lived because of the great respect they had for him. Although they had the power of a king, they willingly refrained from using the title as long as Alexander had a lawful heir from his body living to succeed him. (Justin. l. 15. c. 2,) All of this was foretold long before by the Holy Ghost. Da 11:4.

3681d AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2382. Concerning the instructions given by Alexander to Craterus, Perdiccas referred the consideration of them to the general assembly of the Macedonians. Although they did not disapprove of them, yet because they were exceedingly grand and difficult to do, they ordered by a general consent that none of them should be done. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2383. The old Greek soldiers whom Alexander had left in garrisons and colonies in the upper Asia and various provinces became homesick and desired to see their native country. For they saw themselves as it were ejected and cast out into a far remote corner of the world. Therefore they joined together and revolted from the Macedonian state. They chose Philo an Enian, to head up this conspiracy. They assembled 20,000 foot soldiers and 3000 cavalry, all of them were old proven and expert soldiers. Against these, Perdiccas sent Pithon who had been one of the captains of the bodyguard of Alexander. He was a man of a high spirit and well versed in the art of war. He had 3000 Macedonian foot soldiers and 800 cavalry who were chosen by lot. He went with letters and instructions to the governors in all those parts, to furnish him with an additional 10,000 foot soldiers and 8000 cavalry. Pithon planned to win over to him by all possible means those old Greeks. He hoped that with their help and his forces, he might be the better able to establish himself and subdue all those upper provinces. When Perdiccas perceived this he tried to thwart his plan. He ordered Pithon that when he had overcome those rebels, he was to kill them all and divide their spoil among his soldiers. However Pithon had obtained secret information with Lipodorus, who commanded a rebel brigade of 3000 men. He defeated the rebels and did not kill them. He gave them permission to return to their own places. However the rest of the Macedonians remembered the order Perdiccas gave them and killed every one of them and shared their spoil. So Pithon failed in his scheme and returned with his Macedonians to Perdiccas. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. & Prolog. Trogi, l. 13.)

2384. When Ptolemy had quietly taken possession of Egypt, he acted fairly in all things toward the people of the land. He used 8000 talents to hire a mercenary army and pay those who came to him when they saw how fairly he administered Egypt. When he was told that Perdiccas planned to take over Egypt, he leagued himself firmly with Antipater. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.) By favours and good deeds he made the neighbouring kings and princes loyal to him. (Justin l. 13. c. 16.) When he found that Cleomenes, whom Perdiccas had given to him for a lieutenant, was a spy, he cut his throat and placed strong garrisons of his own all over Egypt. (Pausan. in Attic. p. 5. in the Greek and Latin edition.)

3682a AM, 4391 JP, 323 BC

2385. Leonatus and Antigonus were commanded to use force to make Eumenes governor of Cappadocia and Paphlaginia. However Antigonus, was proud and wanted the position for himself and refused to obey Perdiccas' command. In contrast Leonatus came down with his army from the upper provinces and promised Eumenes to help him. Nevertheless when Hecataeus, tyrant of the Cadians, came to Leonatus, he advised him rather for the present time to go and help Antipater and relieve the Macedonians who were besieged in Lamia. Leonatus resolved to sail to Macedonia. He wanted Eumenes to go with him and planned to fight with Hecataeus. When Eumenes would not go and alleged that he feared Antipater, Leonatus believed him and kept nothing from him. When he could not win him over he planned secretly to murder Eumenes. Eumenes found out about this and escaped by night with his carriages. He had with him only 300 cavalry, 200 of his bodyguard and 5000 talents in gold, after the rate of silver. When he came to Perdiccas, he told him all Leonatus' plans. Thereupon Perdiccas took him in for a loyal friend and vouched for him in the council. (Plut. and Emil. Pro. in Eumene.)

2386. When Leonatus came to help Antipater, he was killed in a fight by the Greeks. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. Justin, l. 13. c. 5. Plutarch in Phocion, Arrian in Photius.)

2387. When Thimbron captured Harpalus in Crete in a battle, he killed him. Harpalus had fled there from Asia and carried all the king's money with him. Thimbron got all the treasure, his army and fleet. He left Cydonia, a city in Crete, and with 6000 men or (as Diodorus has it) 7000 and sailed to the country of Cyrene. He was invited there by the exciles of the Cyrenians and the Barcenses, (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114, Arrian in Photius, Strabo, l. 17. c. 837.)

2388. In a battle against the Cyrenians, Thimbron slaughtered them and took many prisoners. He then seized their port and prepared to take the city itself. He agreed to peace if they would pay him 5000 talents of coined money and give him half their chariots equipped for service. He sent ambassadors to the other neighbouring cities to join with him, pretending that he would make war on Libya and subdue it. Moreover he laid hold on all the merchants' goods that were in the port and gave them to the soldiers to scramble for. By this he made them more eager to follow him. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2389. Mnasicles, a man of Crete and one of Thimbron's captains had a fiery disposition. He defected from Thimbron to the Cyrenians. By showing Thimbron's cruelty and unfaithfulness, he persuaded them to break their covenant with him and to fight for their former freedom. Thereupon, when they had payed only 600 of the 5000 talents, they would pay no more. Thimbron planned to destroy them and seized 800 of their men whom he found in the port. He came with his own men, the Barcenses and Hesperitans, before the walls of the city. They did what they could to take it but failed and retired to the port. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2390. The Cyrenians left sufficient troops to keep the town and went with the rest foraging into the neighbouring parts. When these sent to Thimbron for help, he presently went with all the troops that he could take to relieve them against the Cyrenians. When Mnasicles saw that there were few or no soldiers left in the port, he had those who were left in the city, to sally out and attack the port. Those of the city were easily persuaded to do this and followed him and attacked the port. Because Thimbron and most of his men were not there, they easily took it. Any goods as they there found there that belonged to the merchants, were faithfully restored to the owners. Mnasicles started to fortify the port against Thimbron in case he should return. Things went badly on Thimbron's side. For he had not only lost the port but with it all his provisions that were in it. However when he captured another town called Taricha, he raised his hopes again. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2391. Thimbron's mariners and sea soldiers were expelled from the port. They had no food and were forced to plunder the country for it. They were daily forced to do this. At last the men of the country found out their camps and laid wait for them. They slaughtered many and took as many prisoners as they had killed. They that survived, escaped to their ships and sailed toward other confederate places. On their way, there arose a violent storm which sunk many of the ships. Of those who escaped, some were driven ashore in Egypt and some in the Isle of Cyprus. Those who had encouraged the Cyrenians now fought against Thimbron and killed many of his men. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2392. Craterus departed from Cilicia with 6000 of those old soldiers who first came with Alexander into Asia. On the way he got 4000 troops besides 1000 Persian archers and slingers and 1500 cavalry. He hurried to the help Antipater and came into Thessaly. He yielded authority to Antipater and they both camped on the bank of the Peneus River. In the month of Munichion (our April), they fought a battle with the Greeks and defeated them. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114. with Arrian. and Plut. in the lives of Phocion and Demosthenes.)

2393. After Jaddus, his son Onias succeeded him in the priesthood at Jerusalem (Joseph. Antiq. l. 11. c. 8. s. 7) and there held the position for 21 years. (Scalig. in Grec. Eusebius, p. 50.)

2394. Thimbron had hired new soldiers from Taenarus in Laconia. These soldiers wandered around Laconia and were out of pay. He started a new war with the Cyrenians. They asked help from the Africans and Carthaginians. Together they assembled an army of 30,000 men. After a long and bloody battle, they lost many men and Thimbron won. The Cyrenians lost all their own commanders and made Mnasicles their general. Thimbron grew proud of this victory and attacked and captured the port of Cyrene. Every day he assaulted the city. As the siege continued and with shortages of provisions, the Cyrenians began to fight among themselves. The common people carried the day and expelled the rich from the city. Some of those who were expelled defected to Thimbron and others went into Egypt. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2395. Those who fled into Egypt asked Ptolemy to restore them to their country. With his help, they returned with an army and naval forces under the command of Ophellas a Macedonian. When those who had defected to Thimbron heard this, they prepared to defect to Ophellas. When Thimbron heard of their intentions, he executed them. When the leaders of the common people of Cyrene were frightened by the return of their exiles, they made peace with Thimbron and joined with him. In a main battle they were all utterly vanquished by Ophellas. (Diod. Sic. year 2. Olymp. 114.)

2396. In his escape, Thimbron was attacked by some African Carters, who took and carried him to Epicides. He held the town of Teuchira in those regions under Ophellas. The men of that place, with Ophellas' permission, first scourged him with whips and then sent him to be crucified at the port of Cyrene. Since many of the Cyrenians still continued fighting among themselves, Ptolemy made a journey there by sea. When he had settled all matters there, he returned by sea the same way he went. (Arrian, in Phot. Biblio.)

2397. When Perdiccas had Philip and the royal army at his command, he went against Ariarathes, the petty king of Cappadocia. He had not accepted Eumenes as governor there as he was ordered to. At that time, Ariarathes gathered a large army of 30,000 foot soldiers and 15,000 cavalry. In two battles, Peridiccas killed 4000 men and took 6000 prisoners including Ariarathes himself. He first tortured him and all that were allied to him and then crucified them. He pardoned the rest. When he had settled all matters in Cappadocia, he committed the government of it to Eumenes, according to the first establishment. (Diod. Sic. with Arrian. and Plut. in Eumene, and Appian in his Mithridatica, p. 175.)

2398. Eumenes committed the various cities of his government to his most trusty friends and gave them garrisons. Without imposing on Perdiccas, he appointed judges and tax collectors as he saw fit. When this was done, he returned with Perdiccas out of respect to him and so that he might not be a stranger at court. (Plut.)

2399. Perdiccas and King Philip left Cappadocia and went into Pisidia. They planned to destroy two cities, one of the Larandaeans, the other of the Isaurians. In Alexander's lifetime, these cities had slain Balacrus the son of Nicanor whom he had placed over them. They took Laranda on the first assault and killed all that were of age and sold the rest for slaves. They laid the city level with the ground. When those of Isaurus saw they were besieged, they set the city on fire planning to kill themselves and destroy the city. However the soldiers, to whom Perdiccas had given the spoil of the city, quenched the fire and found a large accumulation of silver and gold there. (Diod. Sic. year. 2. Olymp. 114.) Justin says that this was done by the Cappadocians when they saw Ariarathes taken. (l. 13. c. 6.) Orosius says the same. (l. 3. c. ult.)

2400. Jollas, the son of Antipater and Archias came to Perdiccas from Macedon. He brought them Nicaea, Antipater's daughter to be his wife. Long before this when his affairs were more unsettled, Perdiccas had betrothed her hoping to secure Antipater's loyalty. Now that he had gotten the royal army and administration of the kingdom quietly into his hands, he planned to marry Cleopatra, daughter of Philip, the father of Alexander and Alexander's sister. Eumenes urged him to marry Nicaea so that he might the more easily have a supply of the Macedonian youth and that he might not have Antipater for an opponent in his undertakings. Therefore he married Nicaea when she came. He did this mainly by the advise his brother Alcetes. (Diod. Sic. and Arrian. with Justin, l. 13. c. 6.)

2401. Cinna was another daughter of Philip's, and sister of Alexander but not by the same mother and brought her daughter Adea. She was called later Euridice and was to be married to Philippus Aridaeus. However Perdiccas and his brother Alcetes had her taken care of. Thereupon the Macedonians became enraged and Perdiccas to quiet them, was forced to give her mother in marriage to Arideus. (Arrian. in Photius.) There she is named, not Cynna, but Cynane. Yet in the same Arrian, (l. 1. deeds of Alex. p. 5.) she is called Cyna. Diodorus (year 1. Olymp. 116.) and Athena. (l. 13. c. 2.) call her Cynna.

2402. Perdiccas sent away Eumenes from Cilicia, under the pretence of taking care of his own government in Cappadocia. His real reason was that he might have control of the government of Armenia. Neoptolemus planned to make some changes there. However, Eumenes by flattery prevailed so much with him that although he was of an high and an intemperate spirit, Eumenes kept him in control. (Plut. in Eumen.)

2403. When Eumenes found that the Macedonian squadron had grown insolent and hostile, he raised an army of cavalry from the provinces in those parts. He remitted to them all payment of tribute and granted them other immunities. He furnished cavalry to those whom he most trusted and put them under his command. He encouraged their loyalty to him with his generousity and bounteous favours he bestowed on them. He kept them in shape by continual labours and journeys which he had them do. In a short time he had 6360 cavalry troops. (Plut. in Eumen)

3683a AM, 4392 JP, 322 BC

2404. Antipater and Craterus in Greece made war on the Aetolians. When Craterus' old soldiers were compelled by continual battles to lie abroad in the snow in the winter, they were ready to perish for want of supplies. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

2405. Eumenes carried Perdiccas' presents to Cleopatra at Sardis. Perdiccas was now resolved to rid get rid of Nicaea, Antipater's daughter and to take Cleopatra to be his wife. Menander, the governor of Lydia told this to Antigonus, who was an intimate friend of Antipater. (Arrian) Perdiccas daily made false charges against Antigonus and tried to have him unjustly executed. Antigonus let on that he was coming to the hearing but secretly sailed in an Athenian ship with his son Demetrius and some other of his friends. They fled to Europe and there joined with Antipater. (Diod. Sic. year 1. Olymp. 116.)

3683 AM, 4393 JP, 321 BC

2406. Aristander, a soothsayer of Telmessa proclaimed that it was revealed to him by the gods that the land where Alexander's body should rest would be the most happy of all others and forever free from all foreign invasions. Hence there was much strife among the leaders of Macedon about who should get the body. The main disagreement was between Perdiccas and Ptolemy the son of Lagus. (Elian. l. 12. c. 64.) Perdiccas arranged with his friends to have it carried to Eugos. (Pausan. in his Attica, p. 5.)

2407. However, Aridaeus who had custody of the body, crossed Perdiccas and carried it to Ptolemy as he was journeying from Babylon by Damascus to Egypt. And although he met with many impediments from Polemon, a good friend of Perdiccas, yet he carried it into Egypt as he planned to. (Arrian. in Phot.)

2408. He spent two full years in preparations for this funeral and its magnificence is recorded in detail by Diodorus. Finally, he moved the body from Babylon with a very large number of workmen to open and level the ways where needed. Many others attended the funeral and followed him. Ptolemy with his whole army, went as far as into Syria to meet him. (Diod. Sic. year 3. Olymp. 114.) He took the corpse and buried it first at Memphis with all rites and ceremonies after the Macedonian custom. (Pausan. in his Attica. p. 5.) A few years later, it was moved to Alexandria, (Curt. l. 10. c. ult.) by his son Ptolemy Philadelphus and not by the father, (as Pausanias intimates in his Attica, p. 5. of which, see more in Strabo, l. 17. p. 794.)

2409. Perdiccas called a council of captains and friends in Cappadocia and asked them whether he should march with his army first into Macedon against Antipater or into Egypt against Ptolemy. Some were of the opinion to go first into Macedonia but it was resolved that it was best to begin with Ptolemy in Egypt. Otherwise when Perdiccas was engaged in Europe, Ptolemy might come and take over Asia. Therefore Perdiccas gave to Eumenes, in addition to what he had already, the provinces of Caria, Lycia and Phrygia with the government of all that part of Asia which lies between the mountain of Taurus and the Hellespont. Eumenes was ordered to take charge of all the garrisons in Cappadocia and Armenia. He was to use them to check the actions of Antipater and Craterus, to fortify all places upon the Hellespont and to prevent their landing in case they pass through the sea in those parts. Moreover Perdiccas ordered his brother Alceres and Neoptolemus that they obey Eumenes in all things. He wanted Eumenes to do things as he would think best for the present using his discretion. Cilicia was taken from Philotas and committed to Philoxenus. Perdiccas left Damasens to better conceal his actions. He took Aridaeus and Alexander the son of Alexander the great by Roxane along with him. He marched toward Egypt to fight with Ptolemy. (Diod. Sic. Justin. l. 13. c. 6. Arrian. Plut. Emil. Probus, in Eumene, Pausan. in his Attica. c. 5.)

2410. Antipater and Craterus were told by Antigonus that Perdiccas had married Cleopatra and planned to invade Macedon and set himself up as absolute king to remove them from their governments. They made peace with the Eolians and left Polysperchon to manage all matters in Greece and Macedon. They hurried into the Hellespont on the Asian side and kept those who were appointed to keep that passage busy by sending daily embassies to them. They also sent ambassadors to Ptolemy who was otherwise a deadly enemy to Perdiccas as they were also. They desired him to join with them. They also sent to Eumenes and Neoptolemus both who were at that time in good standing with Perdiccas. They had Neoptolemus defect from Perdiccas and join them but could not win over Eumenes. (Diod. Sic. Justin, ut sup. and Arrian.)

2411. Alcetes, Perdiccas' brother, flatly refused to bear arms against Antipater and Craterus. Neoptolemus envied the power of Eumenes, and secretly joined with them but also plotted to kill Eumenes and betray all his army into their hands. When Eumenes discovered this, he was forced to fight it out with the traitor in a battle. He made a great slaughter of Neoptolemus' men, took all his baggage and won over the rest of his troops to his side. Eumenes became stronger with the addition of so many good Macedonian soldiers to his former army. Neoptolemus escaped with 300 cavalry only and fled to Antipater and Craterus. They again sent ambassadors to Eumenes to win him over and promised that he should not only hold what he had but also have more provinces given to him. When he replied that he would rather loose his life than break his word to Perdiccas, they divided their army in two. Antipater marched with one into Cilicia from there to Egypt to join forces with Ptolemy against Perdiccas. The other stayed behind with Craterus to fight with Eumenes.

2412. When Eumenes saw the enemy coming on, he feared least his soldiers, knowing against whom he was to fight with would not go with him but disband and flee from him. Therefore he led them about by an unfamiliar way where they might not easily hear how the matters went. There was already rumours buzzing among them, that Neoptolemus was recruited and he came on together with Pigris with an army of Cappadocian and Paphlagonian cavalry. Eumenes arranged it by carefully choosing his ground everywhere he went so that he could force the enemy to fight with the cavalry and not foot soldiers. Eumenes had a much stronger cavalry and was weaker than the enemy in foot soldiers. He had 20,000 foot soldiers from various nations and some 5000 cavalry. He trusted the latter to carry the day. Craterus had a little more than 2000 cavalry and as many foot soldiers as Eumenes. However, his soldiers were all old veteran Macedonians who had proved their valour and he trusted that they would secure the victory for him.

2413. These met in Cappadocia. Craterus had the right wing and Neoptolemus the left. Eumenes put none of his Macedonians to fight against Craterus but only two regiments of foreign cavalry led by Pharnabazus, the son of Arabazus and by Tenedius of Phoenicia. He wanted them without any shouting or words to attack the enemy quickly. Eumenes, with a company of 300 cavalry attacked like lightening on Neoptolemus. Craterus acted very bravely and valiantly. However his horse stumbled and a certain Thracian, or rather an Arrian, a Paphlagonian, put a lance through his side and knocked him to the ground. In the fall, one of Eumenes' captains recognised him and did what he could to save him. However he died from his wound. Meanwhile, Eumenes and Neoptolemus met and fought with each other. Both got off their horses to the ground so that each man might easily see with how deadly a hatred they encountered each other and that their spirits were more hostile than their bodies could be. Eumenes wounded Neoptolemus in one of his hamstring muscles. Although his hamstrings were cut and he fell, yet his courage bore him up and he raised himself up on his knees. He continued fighting and gave Eumenes three wounds, one in his arm and the other two in his thigh. None of them was mortal. After the second blow, Eumenes made a full blow at him and struck off his head. This was about ten days after the former victory which he had over him. (Diod. Sic. Justin, ut sup. and Arrian.)

2414. When Eumenes saw Craterus brought half dead from the battle, he did what he possibly could to save his life. When he died, he wept bitterly over him and with outstretched arms lamented his fate. He had held a high position and the two liked each other very much. He gave him an honourable burial and sent his bones home into Macedon to his wife and children. (Plut. and Emil. Pro. in Eumene.)

2415. Both the leaders were slain and many others especially of the better troops were taken prisoner. The rest of the cavalry fled back to the main squadron of the foot soldiers as to a more sure defence. Eumenes was content with what he had done, sounded a retreat and set up a monument on the place and buried his dead. The enemy foot soldiers were trapped and could not escape without Eumenes' permission and desired peace. They swore oaths of loyalty to him and had permission to buy food in the adjoining places. However, as soon as they had gotten food and recovered their strength, they broke their oath and returned to Antipater. (Diod. with Arrian. and Emil. Probus.)

2416. Perdiccas, with the two kings, Aridaens, and the young child Alexander came with his army into Egypt and camped near Pelusium. While he was busy in clearing an old ditch, an extraordinary flood of the Nile destroyed all his works. Although Ptolemy had cleared himself to the world of all those crimes which Perdiccas charged him with and the army was not enthused but this campaign, Perdiccas was determined to make a war on him. (Diod. Sic. and Arrian.)

2417. When Perdiccas at last saw that many of his friends abandoned him and fled over to Ptolemy, he assembled all his commanders and captains. He tried to win them over with gifts, generous promises, fair words and his good behaviour toward them. Then moving his camp without any noise, in the night and camped on the bank of the Nile River not for from a certain citadel called Murus Camelorum, i.e. a Wall of Camels. At day break, he crossed the river with his army and elephants and attacked the citadel but was valiantly repulsed by Ptolemy and gladly retreated into his camp again. The next night, he moved as quietly as possible and came to a place opposite Memphis. Here the river parted and made an island suitable to camp on. In crossing the river to the island he lost more than 2000 men. At least 1000 who were for a long time tossed up and down in the water, were devoured by the crocodiles and other large animals in the river. Ptolemy took these bodies as were cast ashore on his side of the river and gave them a proper funeral. He sent their bones to their friends and kinsmen in the army. Thereupon, the minds of the soldiers grew much more enraged against Perdiccas, and were more inclined to Ptolemy than ever before. (Diod. Sic.)

2418. Then arose a rebellion in the camp in which about 100 of the chief commanders including Pithon defected from Perdiccas. Pithon was a very brave man and noted for his virtue and valour. He was held in high esteem among all Alexander's friends. Some of the cavalry conspired secretly together and went to Perdiccas' pavilion and killed him. He had now held that government 3 full years, at least, the third year running. (Diod. Sic. with Arrian and Justin. l. 13. c. 8. Pausan. in Attic. p. 5. and Emil. Prob. in Eumenes.)

2419. The next day when the whole army was called together, Ptolemy crossed the river and came to the two kings. He presented both them and other of the nobles with expensive gifts and behaved himself fairly and in a humble manner to them all. When he had excused himself for what he had done, he found that the army was destitute of provisions. He supplied them with plenty of grain and all other necessities. He made it publicly to appear that he was heartily sorry and bemoaned the present state and condition of Perdiccas' friends. If he saw any Macedonian in any distress or danger, he did what he possibly could to relieve and help him. By so gracious behaviour, he might easily have gotten to be the guardian of the two kings, as Perdiccas had been. Yet he persuaded them to make Pithon and Aridaeus the guardians of the two kings, Aridaeus and the young child, Alexander. This they all agreed to. Pithon was the man that had formerly quieted the disturbances of the Greeks in upper Asia. Aridaeus had formerly the duty of convoying the body of Alexander from Babylon. They had supreme power over all the armies as Perdiccas had, according to the first establishment. (Diod. Sic & Arrian.)

2420. Two days after the death of Perdiccas, news arrived of Eumenes' victory in Cappadocia and of the death of Neoptolemus and Craterus. If this had come 2 days earlier, it would have no doubt saved Perdiccas' life. For who, after that success, would have dared stirred against him? The Macedonians were enraged for the death of Craterus and declared Eumenes a public enemy along with 50 of his friends. Pitho Illyrius, (for so I read them, in Justin, as also in Arrian's Indica, p. 185. Pithon, the son of Craterus, of Alcomene; which in Stephanus' de Urbibus, is a city in Illyria) and Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas were on the list. The generals who were against them were Antigonus and Antipater. For this purpose was Antigonus sent for from Cyprus and commanded together with Antipater to come to the two kings in all haste. (Diod. Sic. and Arrian. with Just. l. 13. c. 8. and Plut. in Eumene.)

2421. In Egypt all that had any association with Perdiccas were executed including his sister Atalanta whom Attalus the admiral of Perdiccas with the fleet at Pelusium, had married. When he heard of the death of his wife and of Perdiccas, he weighed anchor and sailed to Tyre. Archelaus a Macedonian and governor of the place entertained him with all respect and love. He surrendered the city and gave the 800 talents which Perdiccas had deposited there to him.

2422. Attalus stayed at Tyre and received and helped all of Perdiccas' friends who escaped from the camp at Memphis. (Diod. Sic.)

2423. Euridice, the wife of King Aridaeus, did not want the two guardians to make any important decisions without her. First they declined to do this. Later they told her plainly that she had nothing to do with matters of state and they would have care of her only until Antigonus and Antipater came. (Arrian.)

2424. Pithon and Aridaeus, the two guardians left the Nile River with the two kings and the army and came to Triparadisus in upper Syria. Euridice was meddling in matters of state and would many times cross the guardians. Pithon was offended by this all the more when he saw the Macedonians were inclined to obey her commands. He called the Macedonians together and before them all resigned his guardianship. Thereupon they chose Antipater to be the guardian in his place with all the sovereign power going with it. (Diod.)

2425. The army now demanded of Antipater all those rewards for their long labour in the wars which Alexander had made them serve in. When Antipater had nothing to give them at that time, he told them that their demands were just and reasonable and that he would shortly look into the king's treasure and find out whatever he had laid up. This speech gave the army little satisfaction. Thereupon when Euridice also helped forment discontent with him, the minds of the common soldiers were stirred up to rebel against him. At the same time Euridice made a public declamation against him. It was read by Asclepiodorus, her secretary, to the people. Attalus agreed and made a speech of his own. So that Antipater barely escaped alive out of their hands. However, Antigonus and Seleucus stood up in his defence and by this risked their own lives also.

2426. Therefore when Antipater had escaped to his own army, the chief commanders of the cavalry came together. After much adieu, they pacified the multitude and so Antipater was sent for again and asked to resume the sovereign power and use it as formerly he had done. (Diod.)

2427. After this, Antipater made a new distribution of the governments of the provinces in Triparadisus. He partly ratified what had formerly been done in that region and made some alterations as required. He left Ptolemy what he had, for it was hard to remove him to any other government since he was firmly entrenched in Egypt. Mesopotamia and the country of Arbela were assigned to Amphimachus, the king's brother. Babylon went to Seleucus, Parthia to Philippuis, Aria and Drangiana to Atasander of Cyprus. Bactria and Sogdiana went to Stasanor of Solos from the same land. Media, as far as to the Caspian Gates, was taken from Atropates, the son-in-law of the deceased Perdiccas and given to Pithon the son of Crateas or Cratenas. Thereupon Atropates, called the lesser Media from his own name Atroperia and revolted from the Macedonian government and made himself absolute king of it. His posterity held it down until the time of Strabo. (Strabo. l. 11. p. 523.) Antigenes, (for whom Antigonus is incorrectly written in Diodorus) captain of the silver targeteers was given the province of Susa because he was the first that went against Perdiccas. 3000 of the most active Macedonians in the recent sedition were given to him. The rest of the provinces of the upper Asia were left in the hands of such as had them before except for Patala. It was the greatest city of all India and was by this settlement assigned to King Porus, according Arrian. This we can hardly believe.

2428. In the lesser Asia, Cappadocia and Paphlagonia were taken from Eumenes and given to Nicanor. Lydia, (not Lycia as it is read in Diodorus) was given to Clytus. Phrygia the lesser as far as to Hellespont, went to Aridaeus. Caria with Phrygia the Greater, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, and Lycia, went to Cassander to govern as he did before. In Diodorus, it is written Cilicia instead of Lycia. A little before this he says Cilicia was given to Philoxenus. More correctly as Arrian has it, the province was confirmed to him. For I showed a little before from (Justin. l. 13. c. 6.) that Perdiccas had taken that province from Philotas and given it to Philoxenus.

2429. Antigonus was nick-named, the cyclops because he had only one eye. (Elian. l. 12. Var. Hist. c. 14.) Antipater made him general of the king's army and commander of those forces in particular which Perdiccas had. He committed to him also the care of the two kings and sent him to make war on Eumenes which he was anxious to do. Based on this, Appianus (in his Syriaca, p. 121.) says that Antipater made him overseer of all Asia. Diodorus (l. 18. p. 626.) calls him absolute commander of all Asia but joined with him his own son Cassander, the governor of Caria, as his general of the cavalry. He did this so that if Antigonus should go about to establish himself, he might have someone to keep an eye on him. (Diod. Sic. & Arrian.)

2430. At the same time Antipater made Autolychus, the son of Agathocles, Amyntas, the son of Alexander and brother to Pencesta, Ptolemy the son of Ptolemy and Alexander the son of Polyspercon, captains of the bodyguard to the two kings. (Arrian.) He received great applause among all the men for his well ordering and due administration of things in his guardianship. Then he journeyed with the two kings to Macedon. (Arian. & Diod.)

Previous
Next
Home