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Guide to the Sumerian Texts

© Ian Lawton 2000

Contents

Sumerian Myths

The Eridu Genesis (The Flood Myth)

Enki and Ninmah (Ninhursag): The Birth of Man

Enki and Ninki/Ninhursag (A Sumerian Paradise Myth)

Inanna and Enki: The Transfer of the Arts of Civilisation from Eridu to Uruk

Enki and the World Order: The Organisation of Earth and its Cultural Processes

Inanna's Descent to the Netherworld

Dumuzi Texts

Enlil and Ninlil: The Birth of the Moon God

The Ninurta Myth (Lugal-e, The Deeds and Exploits of Ninurta)

Other Myths

Sumerian Epics

Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta

Enmerkar and Ensukushsiranna

Lugalbanda Epics

Gilgamesh Epics

Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living

Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld

Gilgamesh and Aka of Kish

Sumerian Divine Hymns

Hymn to Enlil

Hymn to Inanna as Warrior, Star and Bride

Hymn to Nanshe

Other Divine Hymns

Miscellaneous Sumerian Texts

The Babel Story

The Gudea Temple Inscriptions

The Cursing of Akkad: The Ekur Avenged

Royal Love Songs

When I started my research into Ancient Mesopotamia I found it hard to
establish comprehensive listings of Mesopotamian literary
compositions, especially the older Sumerian texts. Although Samuel
Kramer makes a pretty good effort I have found that his lists^1 are
hard to follow, and not entirely up-to-date. Perhaps surprisingly the
number of well-known Sumerian texts turns out to be considerably
larger than their Akkadian counterparts: having combined the texts
described by Kramer and Thorkild Jacobsen I have assembled a list of
over 40 major Sumerian literary works, compared to only of the order
of 10 major Akkadian ones.

I have not been able to locate English translations for all the works
listed, but those I have used are taken primarily from Thorkild
Jacobsen's The Harps that Once... Sumerian Poetry in Translation.
Published in 1987, this set of translations is as far as I am aware
the most up-to-date available (although it is inevitable that
academics have done more work on these texts since then, I believe
this is the most up to date work available to the general public
without trawling through specialist publications.) Only where
Jacobsen's anthology omits important works have I then turned to
Kramer's earlier The Sumerians. As far as I can ascertain this has
allowed me to cover all the major texts, and ensured that any
summaries and extracts used are the most current and informed
available. Furthermore the naming of texts has varied considerably
from author to author and over the decades, so I have attempted to use
full (non-abbreviated) versions of the most recent titles,
occasionally with alternative or older names in brackets, in order to
aid recognition should the reader wish to consult the source works.

This chapter follows the approach adopted by professional
Sumerologists in splitting the literary works into three categories:
myths, epics and divine hymns. The difference between the myths and
epics is that the former have gods as their central characters while
the latter have mere mortals. There are other literary genres - for
example royal lovesongs and hymns, hymns to or laments for temples,
admonitory histories, satirical edubba texts, debates, proverbs, and
wisdom literature - but most of these tend to be less interesting for
general purposes.

The earliest of these texts date to the Early Dynastic period, that is
the middle of the 3^rd millennium BC. However the bulk date to the
3^rd Dynasty of Ur and Isin-Larsa period, that is the late 3^rd and
early 2^nd millennia BC.

The aim of this paper and the one following is to provide a primarily
objective summary of the contents of each text. The only exception to
this is that occasionally I highlight particular aspects that may have
an esoteric significance and that will form the subject of a separate
work.

Sumerian Myths

The Eridu Genesis (The Flood Myth) ^2

One of the most interesting of the Sumerian texts from the point of
view of direct biblical parallels, unfortunately this text is largely
incomplete, with only the bottom third of one six-column tablet so far
retrieved - although it is possible to surmise the contents of the
missing portions from other similar texts. It dates to the early part
of the 2^nd millennium BC, and was excavated at Nippur. It describes
the creation of men and other living creatures by An, Enlil, Enki and
Ninhursag; the antediluvian cities and their rulers; and the Deluge
itself. It is highly likely that this text had some and possibly a
major influence on the equivalent stories in Genesis. Certainly the
story is picked up later, albeit with some modification, in the
Akkadian epic Atra-Hasis, and also in the introduction to the
Babylonian Chronicle.

There are inconsistencies between the versions: This text opens with
Nintu (Ninhursag) taking pity on 'her forgotten mankind', as if
another race had existed previously and been destroyed even before the
Deluge. In this text the gods create animals at the same time as
mankind, which is consistent with Genesis but not with most of the
other Mesopotamian creation stories. The Flood aspect of this story
shows many consistencies with other versions, but there are also many
inconsistencies: as always in the name of the hero - here Ziusudra
('the far distant') of Shuruppak; in the length of the Flood - here
only seven days and nights; in the location in which the boat or ark
comes to rest - which here remains unspecified; and in whether or not
the hero is deified and granted everlasting life - here he is.

Enki and Ninmah (Ninhursag): The Birth of Man ^3

There is little doubt that this text originally comprised two separate
stories: The first deals with how Enki and his mother Namma create
mankind as a slave after the gods had rebelled against their heavy
workload, this process involving a mysterious 'clay'. The second
describes how Enki and Ninhursag test each other by performing
experiments in which deformed or disabled humans are created, for whom
the other must find work. The combination of the two texts leads to a
number of inconsistencies: First, the juxtaposition of Namma and
Ninhursag in the role of 'birth goddess' between the two parts,
although Ninhursag does assist in the first part and there is no doubt
that it is she who is most often credited with this role. Second, the
party at which Enki and Ninhursag test each other 'having drunk beer'
is presented in the combined text as a celebration of the initial
creation of man; however various references to the disabled creations
being put to work in the courts of existing, presumably mortal, kings
and queens would tend to indicate that man must already have been very
much in existence. These inconsistencies are a regular feature of
Sumerian poetry in which the integration of originally separate texts
often appears somewhat careless.

Orthodox opinion suggests that this text can be interpreted as a
polemic on two fronts: First, since the being created by Enki to test
Ninhursag is revealed to be deformed only because it was not created
by a full union between male and female and was somehow 'aborted', it
can be seen as a study of the importance of both man and woman in the
reproduction process. Second, it can be interpreted as championing the
rights of the disabled - indeed an early form of political
correctness. However neither of these explanations strike me as
particularly compelling as an overall explanation for the creation
themes included not only in this text but also in the Akkadian texts
Atra-Hasis, Epic of Creation and Epic of Gilgamesh. It seems highly
likely that a more esoteric interpretation is appropriate.

Enki and Ninki/Ninhursag (A Sumerian Paradise Myth) ^4

This tale is once again clearly made up of two parts which have been
merged by the scribes, with similarly minimal effort at continuity.
The entire piece in its present form was undoubtedly written to
entertain visitors from the trading centre of Dilmun (identified
usually, and definitely here, with Bahrein). The first part especially
records how the island was provided with its fresh waters by Enki at
the request of his consort Ninsikila (Ninki), who is presented here as
both his spouse and his daughter - although as we have seen this is
not rare for a Sumerian deity. This allowed it to become a rich and
verdant land, with a fine harbour to support its excellent trading
connections.

The second part abruptly takes us back to the marsh land of lower
Mesopotamia, and begins with Enki attempting to copulate with, this
time, Nintu (Ninhursag) - which she only allows him to do once he
accepts her as his spouse. There then follows a series of conquests in
which Enki ravishes four successive generations of daughters sired by
him, and it must be said that his 'I must have that' behaviour is
reminiscent of a child in a sweetshop - which, if we accept that the
Sumerians did not find incest distasteful, has the comic effect
desired by the author. When he takes the final daughter, Uttu, with
some force, her cries are heard by Ninhursag to whom, already tired of
her husband's philandering, this is the last straw. She removes Enki's
seed from Uttu's body, plants it, and eight new plants grow up. Enki,
once more the curious child who must try everything, eats the new
plants and falls dangerously ill, at which point Ninhursag curses him
and vows to never set eyes on him again. A fox comes to help him, and
is dispatched to fetch Ninhursag, who accepts his pleas and has the
curse removed by the Anunnaki in Nippur. She hurries on to Enki, and
after she places him in her vulva, cures each of the eight parts of
his body which are troubling him by giving birth to a deity from it.

The multitude of confusion of deities and their identities in this
text is typical of the problems, already discussed, engendered by the
tendency of the gods to have multiple liaisons, especially with
members of their own family across generations, and of the scribes to
alter their roles and names over the centuries - even to the extent of
adjusting syllables to make plays on words.

The only real link in these two stories is that Enki is the main
character in both, and even then Jacobsen argues that he may not have
been the original subject of the first part. Nevertheless in his much
earlier work Kramer^5 takes the analysis further and links the
combined text to the biblical 'Garden of Eden' story, on three counts:
First, he emphasises the description in the first part of the
'paradise' created by Enki in Dilmun. Second, he likens Enki's eating
of the new plants to Adam and Eve's eating of the forbidden fruit of
the tree of knowledge. Third, he suggests that the name of seventh
deity engendered by Ninhursag, in this case from Enki's rib and called
Ninti, can be translated both as 'lady of the rib' and as 'lady who
makes live' - and argues that this is the source of the curiosity of
Eve being created from Adam's rib.

On the other hand I would suggest that the highlighting of eight
different parts of Enki's body which need curing has parallels with
the Egyptian myth of Osiris being dismembered by Seth and then
reintegrated by Isis. Again an esoteric explanation may well be the
most appropriate for elements of this text.

Inanna and Enki: The Transfer of the Arts of Civilisation from Eridu
to Uruk^ 6

Although I have found no original translation of this text, Kramer
does provide an outline of the story. Inanna, acting in her role as
tutelary goddess of Erech (later known as Uruk), wishes to enhance her
city's reputation as the centre of Sumerian civilisation. She decides
that the answer is for her to obtain, by fair means or foul, the
'me's' (see below) which are guarded by Enki in his city of Eridu.
This turns out to be rather easy, since they get drunk together and
Enki - here described as her father, but we may assume this is poetic
licence - simply hands them over. When he sobers up and realises they
are gone he is distraught, and dispatches his messenger and a group of
sea monsters to intercept and retrieve Inanna's 'boat of heaven' at
the first of the seven stopping points between Eridu and Uruk. However
Inanna's vizier prevents the capture on this occasion, and then
repeatedly thereafter, until eventually she triumphantly reaches Uruk
with her prize.

Given their metaphysical nature no clear translation of the word me's
is likely to be achieved. Kramer calls them 'divine laws', and in the
title of the text they are 'the arts of civilisation'. We should also
recall that Enki is notorious as the deity who introduced civilisation
to mankind, a theme replicated in many other texts from around the
world. Fortunately in this text the scribe lists of the order of a
hundred me's, and although only the first 68 are intelligible (with
one small gap) this still gives us a fair idea of at least the
author's view of what they were. Accepting that the words are often
obscure and sometimes untranslatable, Kramer's attempted translation
of the list is as follows:^7

1: en-ship 2: godship 3: the exalted and enduring crown 4: the throne
of kingship 5: the exalted sceptre 6: the royal insignia 7: the
exalted shrine 8: sheperdship 9: kingship 10: lasting ladyship 11:
[the priestly office] 'divine lady' 12: [the priestly office] ishib
13: [the priestly office] lumah 14: [the priestly office] guda 15:
truth 16: descent into the netherworld 17: ascent from the netherworld
18: [the eunuch] kurgarra 19: [the eunuch] girbadara 20: [the eunuch]
sagursag 21: the [battle] standard 22: the flood 23: weapons (?) 24:
sexual intercourse 25: prostitution 26: law [?] 27: libel [?] 28: art
29: the cult chamber 30: 'hierodule of heaven' 31: [the musical
instrument] gusilim 32: music 33: eldership 34: heroship 35: power 36:
enmity 37: straightforwardness 38: the destruction of cities 39:
lamentation 40: rejoicing of the heart 41: falsehood 42: art of
metalworking ... [43 to 46 missing] ... 47: scribeship 48: craft of
the smith 49: craft of the leather worker 50: craft of the builder 51:
craft of the basket weaver 52: wisdom 53: attention 54: holy
purification 55: fear 56: terror 57: strife 58: peace 59: weariness
60: victory 61: counsel 62: the troubled heart 63: judgement 64:
decision 65: [the musical instrument] lilis 66: [the musical
instrument] ub 67: [the musical instrument] mesi 68: [the musical
instrument] ala.

From this list we can see that these 'laws' consisted of, to use
Kramer's words, 'various institutions, priestly offices, ritualistic
paraphernalia, mental and emotional attitudes, and sundry beliefs and
dogmas'. It is also clear that they included both positive and
negative aspects of life. Yet again, in my view these are likely to be
best understood, at least in part, in an esoteric context.

Enki and the World Order: The Organisation of Earth and its Cultural
Processes ^8

This text, translated by Kramer, records how Enki went about setting
up civilisation on Earth. After much introductory self-praise by Enki,
the text describes how he blessed the various lands in and surrounding
Mesopotamia with their respective natural resources, and how he
ensured their fertility and productivity by appointing gods to look
after the various aspects. At the end, Inanna complains she has not
been allocated any real responsibility, but is pacified by Enki.

This text is interesting from two aspects: First, it is clear that it
is primarily mythopoetic, that is it was written to clarify the roles
of the various gods in ensuring primarily agricultural prosperity; as
such it tends to support the orthodox view that the gods were created
by the Sumerians as simple metaphysical constructs which controlled
the varying natural phenomena, including weather, climatic conditions,
and natural resources which were evidently outside of their own human
control. However it I am of the opinion that, just because one story
is clearly written in this context, it does not invalidate the
possibility of alternative non-mythical contexts being used in other,
perhaps originally far older, stories. For this reason I tend to avoid
using the term myth, and only use the term mythopoetic for those
texts, or parts of texts, where I believe it fully justified - as
here. Second, there are once again some interesting references to the
me's.

Inanna's Descent to the Netherworld^ 9

The Sumerian version of this text again forms two distinct parts,
although on this occasion their merging by the scribe is more
accomplished. The first relates how Inanna attempts to usurp the rule
of the netherworld from her sister Ereshkigal. The second contains
elements of separate Dumuzi stories, telling of his capture and
recapture by a detachment of military police after Inanna, in a
jealous rage, had handed him over to act as a substitute for her in
the netherworld as a condition of her release.

Dumuzi Texts^ 10

There exists a proliferation of texts dealing with Dumuzi, who was
often referred to as 'the shepherd', many of which involve his consort
Inanna. Their titles appear to be more than usually inconsistent
amongst the work of modern scholars, but they include stories about
their courtship, their marriage, Dumuzi's unfaithfulness, his dream of
death, and his actual death. In the main these texts touchingly
describe many of the joys and pitfalls of love with which we are all
familiar.

Enlil and Ninlil: The Birth of the Moon God^ 11

This text describes how Enlil met and wooed Ninlil in Nippur, there
union engendering the moon god Suen (Sin or Nanna). Enlil is then
banished from the city by a council of gods because he is deemed to
have raped her. There follow three instances of somewhat confusing
trickery in which Ninlil, who is following him, is apparently
persuaded to sleep with three different people each of whom are under
Enlil's instruction - although in the dark they are replaced each time
by Enlil himself. In this way three further sons are born to the pair.

The Ninurta Myth (Lugal-e, The Deeds and Exploits of Ninurta) ^12

Yet again we find this text composed of originally separate stories,
this time three. Part one describes Ninurta's battle with an uncertain
'creature' called Azag which rules the mountains. It is referred to
throughout as an object, not a person or animal, its leading soldiers
are 'stones' (this mystery is partly clarified in part three), and
although Jacobsen uses a number of references in the text to argue
that it is a plant or tree of some sort, his logic is to me not
entirely convincing - either in the context of the story itself, or of
any mythopoetic message that the scribe might be trying to put across.
Similarly enigmatic is Ninurta's weapon called Sharur, which despite
being an object speaks to him throughout and acts as a trusted friend.
The gist of the story is that in his familiar guise of 'storm-god'
Ninurta launches a pre-emptive strike against Azag, contrary to wise
Sharur's advice, which threatens to end in defeat when Azag sends up a
dust cloud which blinds Ninurta and his troops. Sharur seeks Enlil's
help to extract his son, victory is achieved, and Azag is dismembered.

Parts two and three have an entirely different feel, clearly adopting
a mythopoetic style in attributing various natural occurrences to
Ninurta's handiwork. On the one hand he facilitates the proper
irrigation of the plain by ensuring that the waters of the mountains
successfully flow down, and on the other he assigns various practical
roles to the stones which supported Azag in battle - good or bad
according to the vehemence with which each fought against him.

What can we draw from this? First, it demonstrates clearly the extent
to which combination and editing of earlier texts can cause nightmares
for attempts at interpretation; for example, it may be that in
original versions of the battle story, Azag's followers were not
stones at all but something else - but the author has inserted them
because it fits in with the final story of assigning roles to them.
This in turn makes it difficult to shed light on who or what Azag is
supposed to be.

Second, and following the same line of thought, it is highly likely -
indeed both Kramer and Jacobsen make reference to this but from a
different perspective - that some of these stories had been around for
so long that by the time the versions which we are studying were being
written the original context was entirely forgotten. In many cases it
is possible to argue that this is of no great significance for the
work in hand, but there are a few - and I would regard this as a good
example - where this factor plays a vital role. Time and again in this
text and others we come across sections which could easily be
describing the devastation wrought by, for example, cometary impact,
polar shifts or volcanic activity. The problem lies in evaluating the
extent to which this interpretation fits the overall context, given
the editing process and the fact that the scribes may be describing
something from long ago which they have never witnessed, and which
they do not therefore understand.

Other Myths

Kramer lists a number of other myths^13 for which neither he nor
Jacobsen provides a translation: these are Enki and Eridu; Inanna and
the Subjugation of Mount Ebih; Inanna and Shukalletuda: The Gardener's
Mortal Sin; Inanna and Bilulu; Enlil and the Creation of the Pickax;
The Return of Ninurta to Nippur; and The Journey of Nanna to Nippur.

Sumerian Epics

All the major works classed as epics which have been recovered to date
involve three rulers from the 1^st Dynasty of Uruk (c. 2750-2660 BC),
all of whom are listed in the King List. They are, in chronological
order of reign, Enmerkar, Lugalbanda, and Gilgamesh.^14

Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta^ 15

This epic deals with the feud between Enmerkar and an anonymous ruler
of neighbouring Aratta, located in the mountains to the east of Uruk
and in modern terms placed by Kramer^16 in north-western Iran, in the
vicinity of lake Urmia and the Caspian Sea. Both men are described as
spouses of Inanna, which was the norm for any ruler of a city of which
she was the patron goddess, but the tale recounts that she loved
Enmerkar best. For his part he was anxious that her temple in Uruk
should be of the highest quality, and accordingly he beseeched her to
forsake her husband in Aratta, and by blighting his city with drought
force him into subservience to Uruk. The 'corvee' work traditionally
due to the conqueror would then involve the transportation to Uruk of
stone and precious metals and minerals which - unlike the Sumerian
plain - Aratta had in abundance; and the building of the temple in
Uruk by the subjugated Arattans.

Inanna agrees to the plan, and with military means ruled out by the
relatively impregnable location of Aratta, the remainder of the tale
is a lengthy account of the trial of wits between the two rulers, both
anxious to prove their superiority in protecting their citizens. After
a good deal of inventiveness, resourcefulness and wisdom is displayed
on both sides, the situation is eventually resolved in an amicable
solution in which there is agreement to trade grain and livestock for
the required building materials.

This essentially moral tale has one particularly interesting aspect in
that it includes a passage which parallels the biblical Babel story,
which we will discuss separately below.

Enmerkar and Ensukushsiranna ^17

This epic is reviewed briefly by Kramer, and is similar in that again
it deals with conflict between Enmerkar and the ruler of Aratta, this
time named as Ensukushsiranna. Although the details of their conflict
appear entirely different, since I have located no translation of this
work I will make no further comment.

Lugalbanda Epics^ 18

According to Jacobsen there appear to be three epics involving
Lugalbanda, who somewhat enigmatically was originally deified but
whose status gradually declined to mere mortal ruler - although when
he is incidentally mentioned in other tales his status as a deity
tends to survive. It is interesting to note that the first and second
of these epics once again involve Enmerkar's campaigns in Aratta, and
in these Lugalbanda is merely an officer in Enmerkar's army. One must
therefore assume that they relate to a time before he succeeded to the
en-ship of Uruk - indeed, since he is not mentioned as Enmerkar's son
in the King List we might assume that it was his very bravery in the
campaigns which subsequently bestowed the succession on him.

The first of his epics, Lugalbanda in the Mountain Cave (Lugalbanda
and Mount Hurrum per Kramer), describes how he and his brothers led
Enmerkar's army across the mountains to subdue Aratta, and how he fell
ill on the way, forcing his brothers to leave him in a cave with
plentiful provisions. I have however located no full translation of
this text.

The second, Lugalbanda and the Thunderbird (Lugalbanda and Enmerkar
per Kramer), follows on from the first. Having recovered, he roams the
mountains aimlessly trying to find his way to Aratta when he comes
across the nest of the mighty Thunderbird, which is endowed with
magical powers. After caring for its young, he is granted a wish on
the Thunderbird's return, and - given that this version of the story
appears to have been written to entertain visiting envoys and
messengers - he requests and is given speed and endurance. He rejoins
the army, much to his comrades surprise after he had been given up for
dead, but the campaign is not going well. Enmerkar wishes to get a
message back to Inanna in Uruk, requesting permission to call off the
siege, but can find no envoy to cross the dangerous mountains until
Lugalbanda volunteers. His new gifts allow him to make the journey
easily, and on arrival Inanna tells him of an obscure way to defeat
Aratta which involves the capture and eating of a special fish.
Thereafter the text becomes highly fragmented. The main point of
interest here, apart from the adding of substance to the Enmerkar
epics, is the Thunderbird itself. It is somewhat enigmatic, and it is
not easy to interpret what it might represent - although of course it
may be that it is nothing more than a mythopoetic invention.

The third epic, Lugalbanda and Ninsun, tells how he married his
goddess wife in the eastern mountains and brought her back to Uruk.
Again I have been unable to locate a full translation of this text.

Gilgamesh Epics

Kramer lists five Sumerian epics^19 in which Gilgamesh, the most
famous of the Sumerian heroes, is the central figure. Also known as
Izdubar, he is regarded by some as the role-model for the epic heroes
of many other cultures - including, for example, Buluqiya in Arabian
Nights. Some other Sumerian texts refer to Gilgamesh as fully deified,
while others still have him at least semi-deified (on account of his
mother being the deity Ninsun, and in some texts his father being the
former deity Lugalbanda). Given that the King List refers to
Gilgamesh's father as an anonymous 'nomad', and that Lugalbanda comes
two before him in the list, Lugalbanda may perhaps be regarded as his
adopted father - and certainly if Gilgamesh took over the 'en-ship' of
Uruk as an outsider he might well have followed the custom of
selecting an illustrious former ruler to refer to as his father.

Four of the five Sumerian epics are undoubtedly incorporated, with
varying degrees of faithfulness to the originals, into the later
composite Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh. The bulk of the Sumerian
Gilgamesh tablets were found at Nippur, Kish and Ur, and with respect
to two of the epics, Gilgamesh and the Bull of Heaven and The Death of
Gilgamesh, those found to date are so fragmented that Kramer provides
no further details of their content. The other three are translated by
him, and are dealt with separately below.

Gilgamesh and the Land of the Living^ 20

This epic may be regarded on a simplistic level as the forerunner of
all 'George and the Dragon' tales in as much as Gilgamesh takes on
and, with the help of his ever-present friend Enkidu, slays the
fearsome Huwawa. However it is in other ways a complex story which is
hard to interpret. Conventional commentators insist that it revolves
around Gilgamesh's concern about his own mortality, and it is clear
that early on he laments to Utu about 'man perishing' and 'dead bodies
floating in the river's waters, as for me, I too will be served thus'.
He also wishes to 'raise up a name' for himself by building a monument
using the cedar from the 'land of the living'. Meanwhile Huwawa's
somewhat enigmatic role is to protect 'the land', and the ending sees
Enlil rage at the latter's slaughter. Despite the fact that some
aspects of this text are difficult to interpret, it would appear that
Gilgamesh's preoccupation with immortality and the tribulations he
endures to achieve it may have an esoteric significance in terms of
discovering the immortality of the soul.

The composite Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh fleshes this story out
considerably in Tablets II to V (see next paper).

Gilgamesh, Enkidu and the Netherworld^ 21

This epic is split into several parts: The introduction deals with a
highly abbreviated and therefore not particularly instructive version
of the creation. This is followed by a description of a tree
cultivated by Inanna which turns out to harbour various demons - again
a possible esoteric angle - which Gilgamesh routs for her. She in turn
makes a 'pukku' (Kramer suggests this is a form of drum) and a 'mikku'
(similarly a drumstick) for him from the wood. The ensuing part of
this epic, which deals with their falling into the netherworld and
Enkidu's attempts to retrieve them, is incorporated almost verbatim
into the later composite Epic of Gilgamesh in Tablet XII, and as such
we will discuss it in the next paper.

Gilgamesh and Aka of Kish

Both Kramer^22 and Jacobsen^23 provide a translation of this
relatively short tale, which finds Gilgamesh installed as ruler of
Uruk which is at this time subjugated to the city-state of Kish, and
its ruler Aka (Agga). Gilgamesh resents this overlordship, engages Aka
and his troops when they besiege Uruk, and is eventually victorious
with the help of his warrior Enkidu. But we can infer that other epics
not yet discovered described how Aka had at one time given shelter to
Gilgamesh in Kish, and this tale ends with him swearing allegiance to
Aka and Kish despite his victory, so as not to be ungrateful for past
favours. In effect he has acted so as to restore his pride but
maintain his integrity, and so this text can be regarded as an
essentially moral as well as a historiographical one which unusually
involved no deities at all. Perhaps because of this distinction it is
the only Sumerian Gilgamesh story which and is not incorporated in any
way into the later Epic of Gilgamesh.

Sumerian Divine Hymns

Hymn to Enlil^ 24

As we would expect, this hymn is one of unreserved praise for Enlil.
It describes him as the leader of all the gods, and a benefactor to
mankind with superhuman and all-embracing powers without which nothing
could take place. It is also noteworthy for describing how he chose
the city of Nippur as his abode, and how his temple - the Ekur,
translated by orthodox scholars as 'mountain house' - was built in the
sacred region of the 'Duranki', translated similarly as 'bond
heaven-earth'. Enlil himself is also described repeatedly as 'great
mountain', an epithet whose origins Jacobsen admits are unknown.

Hymn to Inanna as Warrior, Star and Bride^ 25

This represents a compilation by Jacobsen of hymns to Inanna which it
appears were previously regarded as separate texts. Its various parts
celebrate her in her different guises: as the goddess of war; as
Venus, the morning and evening star; and as the goddess of love, here
represented by her acting as a bride. Kramer reports another Hymn to
Inanna written by Enheduanna, daughter of Sargon the Great of Akkad,
but I cannot be certain whether or not this is included in Jacobsen's
compilation.

Hymn to Nanshe^ 26

There is little of general interest in this hymn.

Other Divine Hymns

Kramer lists a number of other divine hymns^27 for which neither he
nor Jacobsen provides a translation: these are Hymn to Ninurta; Hymn
to Utu; Hymn to Nungal (the daughter of Ereshkigal); Hymn to Hendursag
(Nanshe's vizier); Hymn to Ninisinna ('the great physician of the
black-headed ones'); Hymn to Ninkasi (goddess of drink); and Hymn to
Nidaba (goddess of writing, accounting and wisdom).

Miscellaneous Sumerian Texts

The Babel Story

While reading George Smith's Chaldean Genesis I came across a
reference^28 to a fragmented Assyrian tablet which supposedly mirrored
the biblical 'confusion of tongues' story of Babel.^29 Smith himself
does not elaborate further, and I can find no other reference to it as
a separate text except in as much as there is an interesting passage
in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta (see above) referred to as
'Nudimmud's (Enki's) spell'. Jacobsen suggests that this is an
abbreviated version of a probably separate and independent myth which
was gratuitously grafted into the epic by the scribe, but which
appears somewhat out of context.^30 Nevertheless the passage clearly
describes how at one time mankind could 'address Enlil in a single
tongue', but that for an undisclosed reason Enki 'estranged the
tongues in their mouths'.^31 Jacobsen suggests that, since Enki is
regarded as a protector of mankind, this act must have been intended
to placate Enlil - perhaps the implication being that the unilingual
prayers and appeals to him by a proliferating mankind were becoming
too much for him to bear. In this respect we find parallels in the
Akkadian text Atra-Hasis, in which the ever-increasing 'noise of
mankind' so exasperates Enlil that he sends the Deluge in order to get
some peace.

Smith and other scholars suggest two possible locations for the Tower
of Babel: either Birs Nimrud near Babylon - where a seven stage, 154
feet high tower has been excavated; or the Temple of Bel in the ruins
of Babylon itself.

The Gudea Temple Inscriptions^ 32

Classed by Jacobsen as a 'hymn to a temple', this text is known to be
comprised of three cylinders although the first ('cylinder X') has
never been recovered, leaving only cylinders A and B. Written around
the time of the Gutian invasion which ended the Dynasty of Akkad, it
deals with the building of a new temple by Gudea, the ensi of Lagash,
c. 2125 BC. The temple, called Eninnu, is in fact a reworking of an
earlier structure and is situated in the capital of the region, Girsu.
It describes in great detail the traditional processes for such an
undertaking: how permission must initially be granted by Enlil; how
the ensi is then commissioned to build it by the patron god of the
city, in this case Ninurta; how the temple is designed, built and
administered; and finally how Gudea hosts a housewarming party for
Ninurta and his guests, the great gods themselves, including An,
Enlil, Enki and Ninhursag.

The Cursing of Akkad: The Ekur Avenged^ 33

Categorised by Jacobsen as an 'admonitory history', this text records
how the 4^th ruler of the Dynasty of Akkad c. 2250 BC, Naram-Sin,
attempted to rebuild Enlil's temple in Nippur, the Ekur, without
permission (that is without going through the proper channels as
described above). His actions in demolishing it without respect, and
in uncovering its most secret chambers, desecrated it to such an
extent that Enlil was enraged. He sent the barbarous Gutians from the
east to attack and invade the whole area, while in sympathy the other
great gods visited devastation on Akkad, the capital city. The
supremacy of this short-lived dynasty was thus ended forever.

Royal Love Songs^ 34

On a more light-hearted note, Jacobsen includes in his book a
collection of seven royal love songs mainly penned for the fourth
ruler of the 3^rd Dynasty of Ur c. 2030 BC, Shu-Suen (Shu-Sin). While
they have little weighty significance, their often bawdy nature does
serve to remind us that the Sumerians were just as preoccupied with
sex as any other society, ancient or modern - they did not devote all
their time to worship of their deities and other lofty matters. Two of
these in particular, My Wool being Lettuce (wool being a metaphor for
pubic hair) and Vigorously he Sprouted, are in fact downright crude.

This completes our review of the Sumerian texts.

Source References

1. Kramer, The Sumerians (University of Chicago Press, 1963), Chapter
5.

2. Jacobsen, The Harps that Once... (Yale University Press, 1987), pp.
145-150.

3. Ibid., pp. 151-166.

4. Ibid., pp. 181-204.

5. Kramer, op. cit., Chapter 4, pp. 148-9.

6. Ibid., Chapter 4, pp. 160-162.

7. Ibid., Chapter 4, p. 116.

8. Ibid., Chapter 5, pp. 171-183.

9. Jacobsen, op. cit., pp. 205-232.

10. Ibid., pp. 3-84.

11. Ibid., pp. 167-180.

12. Ibid., pp. 233-272.

13. Kramer, op. cit., Chapter 5, p. 171.

14. Note that according to the King List, Dumuzi reigned as part of
this dynasty between Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh. However since he was so
extensively deified the works in which he appears are classed as
myths.

15. Jacobsen, op. cit., pp. 275-319.

16. Kramer, op. cit., Chapter 8, p. 275.

17. Ibid., Chapter 8, pp. 272-3.

18. Jacobsen, op. cit., pp. 320-344.

19. Kramer, op. cit., Chapter 5, p. 185.

20. Ibid., Chapter 5, pp. 190-7.

21. Ibid., Chapter 5, pp. 197-205.

22. Ibid., Chapter 5, pp. 186-190.

23. Jacobsen, op. cit., pp. 345-355.

24. Ibid., pp. 101-111.

25. Ibid., pp. 112-124.

26. Ibid., pp. 125-142.

27. Kramer, op. cit., Chapter 5, pp. 205-6.

28. George Smith, The Chaldean Account of Genesis (London, 1876),
Chapter 10, pp. 160-2.

29. Genesis 11:2-7.

30. Jacobsen, op. cit., pp. 288-9, Note 25.

31. Ibid., p. 290.

32. Ibid., pp. 386-444.

33. Ibid., pp. 359-374.

34. Ibid., pp. 88-98.