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PART TWO

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CHAPTER SIX

HOLOCAUST AND AMNESIA

As his last year begins, Dr Zvi Rix is writing to Deg from
Rechovot, Israel. It is January 9, 1980 and he sends New Year's
greetings, and hopes that they might meet before long. "I am very
cut off at the place where I am living now. This does not only
concern libraries, but other matters too..." for the mails are slow
and books arrive late in the shops. He is in touch with Christoph
Marx. They travelled together to Glasgow... "He was quite
obliging...So far I have not formed a final opinion of him."

I would nominate Zvi Rix to be the hero of this chapter, but it is up
to the reader to find his own heroes in this book. Rix was a man
who Velikovsky would have liked to write Mankind in Amnesia in
his place. He was a medical man, deep into psychiatry, and a
refugee from Nazi Germany. Deg knew him only through their
correspondence. Deg was glad to get a description of him from his
widow, whom he met shortly afterwards at the home of Christoph
Marx near Basle. She wrote to Deg on January 23, 1981:

Dear Prof. de Grazia,

My husband died very recently; as is customary for Jews, even
not practising religious commandments, we stay at home at
least a week. In this time I went through his many letters and
found also yours.

I have the impression that you were very friendly and very
much appreciating his work. Therefore I write to you that I am
very thankful to you. He was a very lonely man and every
encouragement was a help to him. Here he had nobody to talk
to, I myself am much too obtuse to understand half of what he
was talking about and as he was also very shy he had no
contacts; besides that, his ideas were not exactly what people
here would like to hear. It is a semi-theocratic world. Ruled by

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a conglomeration of Zealots (...) they call themselves socialists
or rightwingers, its all the same. Our dreams went awry.

Yours very respectfully,
Melitta Rix

Rix, whose scrambled writings are being kept by Christoph Marx,
was hard in pursuit of evidence that the cometary destruction of
civilizations around 3500 years ago had warped the human mind in
the Near East, inciting human destructiveness, religious excesses,
and sexual deviations.

***

Christoph Marx was a computer expert from Basle, and an amateur
of Velikovsky's work and all that it connected with. He circulated
an invitation to whomever he knew to meet in Iceland, a typical
groping, logical yet mad, of cosmic heretics for a way of expressing
themselves and their message. Logical: let us assemble in Iceland
between America and Europe, a catastrophically threatened land
even now, set athwart the great catastrophic Atlantic Rider; mad:
Marx was teetering on the edge of interdiction by everyone, the
British, the Americans the Europeans, Deg included, a heretic
practically excommunicated from the heretics. The conference did
not materialize. Marx tried again in 1980, this in his home city, and
found a few communicants.

The minimum consensus of all people positively involved with the
work of Immanuel Velikovsky may well be characterized as an
interest in the true reconstruction of mankind's genetic history, and
thus also of geologic and, in part, cosmic history...Developing
Velikovsky's psychological inceptions, the goal -- of bringing home
to collective consciousness the realistic conception of the world, as
opposed by the present mania holding sway over cultural evolution
-- would include nothing less than safeguarding mankind's life on
earth, imperiled by (1) by the acute danger of self-destruction, and
(2) by not attempting to prepare against some future chaos in the
solar system. However, whether some of us are attributing such
healing powers to the recognition of true history, or whether others
would simply consider it as a value in itself, does not seem all
important: both parties will equally perform a supporting function
in repelling collective irrationality and fanaticism, the worst effects
of which are mass killings through war and murder. We know that

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Velikovsky comprehended his own striving for the true picture of
history in this perspective...

The consensus among cosmic heretics of which Marx spoke in his
announcement did not really exist; however, it is certain that V.'s
unique and original way of searching for the roots of anti-semitism
was a revelation to many thousands of people who would otherwise
have not even considered the problem or would have lived with a
few, often anti-semitic, stereotypes. Measuring such influences is
impossible, but, by any standard, V. was a great Jew who
disabused the minds of many incipient anti-semites.

Deg's Journal Paris, August 19, 1968

V. keeps two secrets, or doctrines half-hidden. He has
expressed himself to me so often that the "secrets" are
apparent. He would perhaps deny them. I am sure of them. He
does not believe in God. He is a Hebrew, therefore Israeli,
imperialist. Both doctrines, if publicized or known, would
involve him in a whole new line of controversies, would make
new enemies and unwanted new friends.

Evidence, examples:

Of 1: direct statements; writings; philosophy of psychoanalysis;
his theory of "great fear" as bringing religion; belief that Jews
were even in Biblical times polytheistic.

Of 2: works of his life -- Zionism; gift of income from his
property to Israel in June 67; written works analysis;
conversations; hatred of antizionism even at cost of other
values (e.g. El-Arish incident and Brandeis professor).

After a long trip following V.'s death, Deg returned to 78 Hartley
Avenue(he could never remember the house number, but would
send his letters to 34 or 85 or another number, any number, and V.
was puzzled -- What significance could forgetting it have for Deg?
"You can address me just at Naxos, Greece and I get you alright at
Hartley Avenue, Princeton!" "I have gotten letters just to
'Princeton, NJ'"  -- So there you are!) to see Elisheva. The parlor
was little changed. V.'s unimpressive chair stood facing the two
stiff couches and the coffee table between. Deg thought, "Should
the chair be sat in, moved, replaced, bound across with a museum

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belt, what?" It struck one with incompleteness, an uncertain quaver.
He would slip some books and papers upon it. Elisheva and her
assistants Jan and Richard lined up with Deg on the couches. Like a
cordial committee they sat, drank tea, and reported to each other:
health, manuscripts in progress, people seen; and they passed
papers and books around.

Thus went the meetings in the years thereafter. Sheva would at
some point ask: "Did you see Marx?" and Deg would say no or
yes, and she would say "How can you see him when you know
how bad I feel about him," but she was curious nevertheless, while
Deg tried to evade the subject and one time she said "I will not
speak to you again if you see Marx" and Deg threw his arms
around her jovially and said, I tell you what, if you don't see
Greenberg, I won't see Marx, and she was taken aback and all
laughed because she had mixed feelings on that subject too and
knew that Greenberg was not his favorite among the cosmic
heretics, but setting up proscription lists in the Roman style was
pointless.

It was on one of his earlier returns from abroad, in 1977, that Deg
heard about Christoph Marx. V. spoke of a visitor, almost in
religious tones, who had lifted weighty burdens from his shoulders,
and would establish his rightful fame in Central Europe. He gave
Deg a copy of a well-executed chart of his reconstructed
chronology of Egypt, in color, which Marx had drawn. "Good,
good," commented Deg, who was surprised, bemused, and
skeptical at the same time. "What's happened?" he asked
Sizemore and others when he met them aside. They seemed
confused and uneasy.

What happened is this. A Christoph Marx had telephoned
Velikovsky to pledge his allegiance to his ideas and to offer
support. There was much he could do: he could help with the
translation of V.'s books into German, working out of his more
respectable (in V.'s eyes) Switzerland; he could launch a campaign
to bring the Germans to their senses, so that they would remember
the horrible Nazi past and thus cleanse themselves of the pest of
comfortable oblivion, with its eventual compulsion to repeat the
past again; he could organize study circles to confront the

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establishment with Velikovsky's ideas.

On April 14, 1977, V. wrote Marx, confirming in most cordial
terms an invitation to visit. For ten days, Marx settled into
Princeton. Professor Lynn Rose, who V. said at various times
would be his literary executor, came down from Buffalo for some
of the discussions. Marx departed on Mayday. V. writes him:
"Dear Marx: you left on Sunday, you called from home on
Monday, and today is Friday -- and very many things did happen in
those few days...Earl Milton from Lethbridge, Canada, is with us
since yesterday and leaves tomorrow morning together with Alfred
de Grazia - who just now spent with us some time - and left copies
of letters he wrote to Enc[cyclopedia] Br[itannica] and to NY
Times. Sagan sent me a new book of his inscribed with all good
wishes and a day apart arrived the tape of this year's lecture on the
yearly theme -- Venus and V. -- in which he indoctrinates future
astronomers in their first year with derision toward me and my
work..."

Three days later V. is writing about turning over rights to the
royalties from various foreign translations to members of his family.
He says he is turning over the management of worldwide Spanish
language rights to his recently acquired agents, Scott Meredith. He
says "I reconsidered and wish to suggest the following plan: your
share is one eighth (12 1/2%); but you retain countries not
'gifted' an additional 7 1/2% for work that furthers our goals -- at
our common discretion (such will be the case with Germany),..."

V. writes also to Lynn Rose on May 11 that "I let him [Marx] have
broad powers to act, and have already the first report from him. He
will take over most of the European Continent for contracting my
books with publishers, and be a rather central figure in organizing
groups of interdisciplinary synthesis, and in opposition to the
Establishment." He mentions other rights to be bestowed upon
individuals and adds "Christoph Marx will be in charge of these
and many other activities."

On May 16, Marx replies that he will proceed as desired. He
wonders whether the gifting of "income" rather than "rights" is not
the better procedure, and suggests that the literary estate should be

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kept centralized and managed efficiently. His idea is of a
Velikovsky Institute, a foundation not-for- profit, with an office in
Switzerland and another in America.

V. seems to be in a manic phase. He sends off sundry "Notes to
my Collaborators," a newsletter in fact. Inter alia he mentions
lending Marx his unpublished manuscripts and writes that "I gave
him wide powers to represent me in academic contacts and arrange
for the publication of translations of my books"

In August, V. visited the office of Scott-Meredith Literary Agency
in New York and met the head of their foreign rights department,
Mr. Vicinanza, who "showed great eagerness to represent me on a
broader basis." An offer was made to enter the greater European
market. Vicinanza estimated that $750,000.00 could be obtained in
advances worldwide for Worlds in Collision in 18 months: so V.
reported to Marx, adding, "Against such figures the offers made to
you appear minuscule,..."

A month later Marx reports to V. with several offers and expresses
doubts (as did V.) about the high figures. Marx would like to sign
in the name of the "Velikovsky Institute." In any event, he would
like to draw upon the expected advances to begin microfilming and
indexing V.'s archives.

Then suddenly, V. telegraphs "Please don't sign agreement with
Umschau. Wait my explanatory letter. Greetings." Something has
happened. There is a flurry of letters and telegram. In a telegram, V.
says that his books are being returned by the thousands due to the
book Scientists Confront Velikovsky (by Asimov, Sagan and
others) and "other adverse publicity." Marx appeals by telegram
for confidence and trust, to no avail. They also talk on the
telephone. Marx is seeking to give "rational" answers to all
objections, but says "I have legally signed the agreement as your
proxy within the frame of German and Swiss law. At this point I
again wish to thank you for the powers you have entrusted to me,
which I consider as a wide obligation toward you and your family."

I suspect that around this moment, Marx had been hit by the
inevitable reaction to the Grand Vision. V., always a procrastinator

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in decision-making, facing opposition from his family and the lack
of enthusiasm of friends such as Rose and Sizemore, could not
overcome his profound aversion to things German, including now
spending resources "to help reeducate them." Marx might as well
proceed; V. would never have returned to the Great Vision; his idea
of therapy would have to be applied by others, if at all.

Marx has signed the contract on November 22; the Umschau
Verlag signs on November 29. He reports that he is putting the
money in a special account in German Marks, which are moving
upwards against the dollar. He continues to report editorial
activities.

Now young Jan Sammer, who has come from Canada to live and
work with the Velikovsky's, writes to Marx. Without expressing
his authorization, he relates that V. is upset with the disapproved
signing, that Doubleday Company will probably insist upon 25% of
the proceeds, that V. does not favor the Velikovsky Institute idea,
that Marx has "overstepped the powers that V. granted" him, and
that he could negotiate but not sign an agreement without the
author's approval. Marx is told to stay out of affairs in Holland.
Marx replies both to Jan and to V., avoiding a confrontation.

Jan writes again repeating himself more forcibly, adding a warning
to Marx not to pretend to represent V. in speaking to any scholars.
He repeats words written earlier by Marx: "Umschau in due
course will wish to have proper signatures to the contract. You
would have to empower me accordingly." How, asks V., through
Jan, can you now say you had power to sign.

Marx argues at length to this point: V. had orally and even in
writing granted the power to sign. Marx speaks of a further
consideration being "my understanding of how distasteful Dr.
Velikovsky would regard a duty to sign a German contract
personally." (Deg remembered that V. had considered even not
permitting his books to appear in German.) Marx states that V. had
told him not to worry about any claim of Doubleday to the
subsidiary rights.

Finally on March 1, 1978, Mrs. Elisheva Velikovsky writes to

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Marx, repeating that Marx had himself said that further
empowering authority was needed, insisting that he not present
himself anymore as V.'s agent, and condemning the idea of an
Institute. Marx rebuts this, and indicates a desire to visit Princeton
to settle matters.

The visit is declined by Mrs. V. Marx inquires about V.'s health.
His letters continue to carry news of books and meetings. Jan says
in the middle of a letter May 17, regarding Marx's expenses of
purchasing books, that "in any case, they would have to be paid by
you from the 7 1/2% designated for expenses connected with your
efforts to arrange for translations." More reports. V. telegraphs for
an accounting twice in the same month, the second message being
misaddressed to "Immanuel Marx." And a third cable demands the
transfer of funds to America. Marx sidesteps these and writes of his
work on the Dutch contract, which he had been called away from,
and of his dislike of entitling the German translation of The
Velikovsky Affair (Deg's Book) Immanuel Velikovsky, Die
Theorie der Kosmischen Katastrophen, a publisher's
presumptuousness that one might find annoying.

On August 15 goes to Marx the first letter by V. in two years. It
asks the transfer of money, and that V. be informed of all
negotiations from the beginning and that no contract be signed
without written approval; if not, any authority will be revoked.
Marx on August 24 refuses the "fundamental change,"
acknowledges the end of the agreement is inevitable therefore, and
suggests he be allowed his 20% of receipts from books signed up
and be given all German language rights. '....Such German monies
are not going toward an enrichment of myself....no other people in
the world need your works as urgently than the German speaking
peoples.' On September 5, V. signs a handwritten message,
witnessed by his lawyer; it "terminates our business relationship."
Further, Marx is accused of having been in California and
Washington, D.C., "but did not give a ring to Princeton."

Marx retorted that he had too many rebuffs to continue telephoning.
He protests that, in V.'s name, the Kronos magazine group was
denying him permission to publish in German various of its articles.
He also received in due course damning letters from Lynn Rose and

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Warner Sizemore. Rose adds a postscript calling "a deliberate
misrepresentation" a letter from Marx to the Times which asserted
that "Velikovsky saw the Holocaust in terms of collective
amnesia."

Matters had been sliding into the hands of Robert Pinto,
Velikovsky's attorney and, with V.'s death, attorney for his
Executor, Elisheva Velikovsky. The ensuing fol-de-rol among
Estate, Publishers and Marx went on and on and is of little interest
here.

So a kind of love affair ended, brutally, with injury to all concerned.
Sizemore wrote to Marx April 3, 1980 that "the last year of Dr.
Velikovsky's life was almost totally taken up with the question of
how to put a stop to your activities. He rued the day he ever met
you." This may be so, but is it rightfully so, and is it all? Velikovsky
was not working well for years. Further in the last week of his life,
Deg had him smartly discussing substantive topics of
quantavolution. (Marx went unmentioned.) Yes, in a way, Marx
was V.'s Waterloo, his last grandiose effort to launch himself
against an opposing world. He loved Marx for the vision, even if
Sheva and Warner and Rose and Deg and all the others could not
share the vision nor needed it. Deg had not yet met Marx.

On May 9, 1980 Deg is writing to Mrs. Velikovsky:

Naxos, Kyklades, Greece, 9 May 1980

Dear Sheva:

When I called to say 'good-bye' before going to Greece, you
had already gone to Israel. I hope that you enjoyed your visit
and are well at home now. Ami and I spent a month here and
then three weeks in Western Europe, two in London. The
Society held a day of meetings on April 26. Talks were given
by Dayton, Warlow, Milton, and myself -- I spoke on "Ten
Propositions concerning the Quantavolution of around 1450
BC," or something like that. About 150 persons were present.
There seems to be a continuing high interest Immanuel's
work.

C. Marx came from Switzerland for the occasion. Somehow he

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had learned of my coming and had written Sizemore to pass
along any messages via myself. Isn't that interesting --  
implying that I was in contact with him. Furthermore, he had
been sending to the British group letters presenting his case to
represent Velikovsky, including even Immanuel's will, which I
therefore had occasion to read, and which fortunately is simple
and clear and free of any embarrassing detail.

After my talk, which was the last, Marx introduced himself. I
exchanged a few words with him. As you say, he is disarmingly
mild and inspires immediate sympathy, to the point of affection.
I advised him first (after commenting that he should not have
tried to give an essay by himself a ride on my book of the
Velikovsky Affair without consulting me, by trying to put it in
through the publisher) that he was all wrong about you and that
you had been kindly disposed towards him in the beginning and
that he should write you a letter of apology. Second, I advised
him not to perpetuate a controversy that would only damage
him and cause everyone great costs, and rather to put his case
up for arbitration by three persons, not including myself, to
determine what, if anything, was and is due to him for his work
and achievements. He didn't seem to care for the advice, but
my last words to him were to think it all over. Probably you
have heard that he is hoping to gather a conference in
Reykjavik, Iceland, soon. I have no idea who will come.

While in London, I stayed at an apartment only a few meters
away from the Jewish Synagogue and college where Hyam
Maccoby works, and we had several meetings and a lunch at
the best Jewish restaurant in London, Ruben's. He read most
of my book on Moses and His Electric God and found it
plausible and interesting. He knows the sources very well. I
have heard nothing from Charles Lieber in New York, who is
supposed to be finding a publisher for the book.

We shall probably be leaving Naxos for Athens and New York
at the end of June and thus be mainly in Princeton during the
summer. Is Richard still with you? -- I suppose so. Please give
him our regards -- also Ruth, and Warner when you see him. I
look forward, then, to seeing you again before too long. Best
wishes meanwhile.

Affectionately,
Alfred

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On May 11, Marx addresses Deg, expressing pleasure at their brief
meeting:

14 years ago you pointed to the Velikovsky affair and its
implications, and still good scientific form seems to require that
even Velikovsky's main theses together with the principal
view whether the reconstruction gives a true picture of
mankind's past cannot be considered as fact, from which to
proceed to new work. In spite of all the experiences of these 14
years a rather naive opinion also seems to persevere, that if
only one persistently kept to so-called scientific method, in the
final analysis everything will turn out just fine. For the
disastrous non-success of Velikovsky's ideas in science a
Scientific Mafia is found responsible, but science itself, the field
that many Velikovskians are employed in or would like to be
part of (if just for status only), and which from its beginning has
allowed the most irrational large-scale delusions to grow
(Grosswahnbildungen I call them in German), is glorified by
naming our hero one of her greatest representatives. After I've
seen science destroy the more important of these delusions,
such as ancient history or some myths of physics, by its own
methods, perhaps I'll be ready to call Velikovsky a scientist:
until that time, which I don't really expect to really come true,
I prefer to know Velikovsky, along with Freud, as the brilliant
analyst he was; to withdraw him and his work from the clutch
of science; and thus remain free to expose science wherever
necessary or as a whole as one of the great systems of thought
(after classical philosophy and religion) shielding the collective
from its memories.

He complains of "the most unfortunate job Mrs. Velikovsky is
doing in ordering an about-face of her husband's approach to the
Nazi Holocaust." He thanks Deg for suggesting arbitration and will,
he says, essay a move in that direction.

On June 4, Deg replies:

Dear Mr. Marx:

Thank you for your letter. The Breasted citation and pages are
welcome. I will seek the hieroglyphics, now. Concerning your
last paragraph on the 'arbitration,' I have already written to
Mrs. V. of my suggestions to you, so certainly you may refer to
them if you wish. I am glad that I was never part of your

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complicated and difficult relationship with the Velikovsky's,
else I would feel responsible at least in part and therefore more
sad than I am.

Any impression that the whole story has been told would be
incorrect. The major issue is hardly reflected in it. The more one
considers the affair, the more one senses an underlying tension.
Would it be the pronounced incapacity of either V. or Marx to
work with others? Certainly Deg's original skepticism of the
relationship was based upon his acute awareness of V.'s
tendencies to call his troops forward, only to have them halt before
commitment and forever be frozen there. V. called himself a
procrastinator.

But Marx was a patient and loyal and demonstrative person. He
could have gone along indefinitely and, given the neat bind trapping
both parties, the relationship, hot or frozen, would have persisted.

The crux was the holocaust. It was deeply disturbing. The matter
could be put syllogistically: Historic catastrophes resulted in severe
collective amnesia; the world's peoples, having suppressed their
memories of catastrophe, are compelled psychologically to recreate
the conditions for reliving them; thus emerge warfare, massacre,
self- destruction and the destruction of others, man-made
holocausts. Whereupon one reasons: the Germans, like all peoples,
have suppressed the memories of them; like all other peoples, they
are prone to recapitulate them and do so on occasion, as during the
Nazi period.

Now the process implies a therapy. To cure the penchant for human
destruction, the victims of collective amnesia (practically everyone)
must be led to confront and appreciate the extent to which their
minds contain the experience of past catastrophe and hence the
seeds of future ones; once this is done, the human will realize the
meaning of his conduct and control it so as to break the endless
chain of disaster. What is good for all peoples must therefore be
good for the Germans. Hence any effort to cure the Germans of
their collective amnesia is to be commended and supported.

This, in brief and with such defects as I shall point out, was

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Velikovsky's social philosophy, and this everyone who paid any
attention to V. knew to be his philosophy, and Marx clearly saw
this, too, and was fully persuaded of it from his reading and from
his early communications with V. He was deadly serious about it.

Long before all of this, on December 18, 1963, we find V. writing
to Dr. Zvi Rix in Jerusalem: "I found two of your ideas
magnificent, the hatred of the Jews because they claim of having
the upheaval made for their benefit (the Hyksos actually profited)
and the words of the Gospels about the fiery furnaces and Hitler's
accomplishing such vision and doom (by expolarizing his own
hateful traits)." Again in a letter of January 7, 1964, he calls the
idea "stupendous." He "wished that somebody else should write
"The Great Fear," because he is so busy, but suggests a cooperative
book, to which he might also contribute. Nothing came of this
highly unusual disposition to engage in collaborative work.

In 1947, V. journeyed to the University of Lethbridge in Alberta,
Canada, to receive an honorary doctorate. The Conference in which
he starred was devoted to the topic of collective amnesia. His own
address was subtitled "The Submergence of Terrifying Events in
the Racial Memory and Their Later Emergence." There he
commented that "the inability to accept the catastrophic past is the
source of man's aggression...Warfare has its origin in the same
terror." Leaders imitate what they perceive to be the gods in action.
Nobel Peace Prizes have been futile. Freud, V.'s predecessor, first
developed the theory that each individual desires subconsciously to
repeat the catastrophe or trauma, which he believed to be the
murder of the father, the Oedipus Complex.

In place of collective amnesia from the murder of the father, V.
substituted collective amnesia from the trauma of natural disaster.
His therapy, like Freud's, was to get the patient to realize the origin
of his trauma. With Freud, the aim was not to realize the primordial
murder, but to realize the oedipal complex operative in infancy.
With V. it could not be this easy; catastrophes do not occur with
every generation; therefore natural and human history required
exposition in the light of catastrophism.
Velikovsky accused many scientists of functional blindness,
psychic scatoma, which he would probably assign in large part to

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collective functional amnesia of the anciently experienced disorders
of the solar system. Thus, on November 2, 1974, he was saying at a
Philosophy of Science Conference at Notre-Dame:

Astronomers do not like interference from other sciences, and
certainly not from what could be called 'legends and old
wives tales...' The ancients tried desperately to tell us what
was going on... We wish not to know anything of this. We
wish to believe we are living in a peaceful world.

As a psychoanalyst, he was professionally unable then to accuse
them of sin. They could not help themselves. He could not
denounce them even if they refused to see when the truth was
explained to them. He had simply to grant that their therapy was
incomplete. The excesses of their attacks upon the analyst were to
be expected and treated by inducing self- understanding.

But he was personally involved, which is an impropriety, He
became a kind of Catholic psychiatrist, who has to tell his patients
that they are sinners. Worse, since he is sinned against, he became
inevitably angry with the sinners. There was no "Forgive them,
Father, for they know not what they do." The German national case
of psychic scatoma was, of course, much more deadly than the case
of the scientists.

V. writes, "You cannot put the human race on the couch." And
then he looks at his own fate. "Without preparation, without giving
the patient a chance to prepare himself, you cannot slowly release
from his subconscious mind the necessary recognition of the
traumatic past, and so, the patient has experienced great paroxysms
and has rebelled against my revelations." But now, by patients, V.
means specifically the scientific community that opposed his ideas,
which like humanity as a whole, rejects bringing to the surface
memories of natural catastrophe.

Many of V.'s supporters agreed with these propositions, Christoph
Marx certainly did, and some, like Marx, wanted to devote
themselves to its application. Not so Deg, who found both the
theory and the therapy grossly simplistic. Having spent most of his
life in examining human ideologies and devising techniques of
changing, controlling, and accommodating them, Deg had long

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since abandoned hope of finding a quick fix for human
destructiveness.

V. hardly recognized in his psychological theory what was so
obvious in his history and in the reception of his book, that over all
of history and today, the vast majority of humans and their religions
actually demands that we recognize, denominate, and respond in
every sphere of life to the occurrence of ancient catastrophes of fire
flood, wind and earthquake.

Destructiveness seemed to Deg "normal," "intrinsically human,"
ineradicable without genetic engineering and breeding. It could
only, by known political means, be diverted, shaped, made to play
games with itself, rendered innocuous, and displaced in a hundred
ways. Destructiveness was neither more not less created by natural
catastrophe than human nature in its other behaviors, including an
abstract active concern for the human race as a whole. Further there
was probably a genetic switch, prompted by catastrophe as were
most mutations and primary behaviors, that had changed a primate
quickly into a human. These ideas were developing in his mind
throughout the seventies, as the theory of Homo Schizo.

When, after V.'s death, I passed along to Deg a copy of the
posthumously edited work, Mankind in Amnesia, that Jan had
given to me, widely advertised as V.'s great testament, called by
himself his most important work, Deg was prepared to be
disappointed. When I said "How did you like it?" he said "Even
more disappointing than I had expected it to be. Simplism is still the
hallmark of the theory. Systematic development is entirely absent.
The evidence is second-hand and commonsensical for the greater
part. The recommendation for social therapy is nil."

Deg felt a deep chagrin. "The work is true only on the most
general level, and therefore unoperational and inoperative. It
contains jottings and exclamations. It reads like a string of notes. Its
publication could only have been justified as 'notes and stories,'
or 'Velikovsky's Lament.' Dr. V.'s claim to be a 'citizen of
the world' is unacceptable, unless any person's declared wish that
the world not be blown up by nuclear bombs makes the person a
'citizen of the world'." Nor was V., in fact, for all his high

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qualities, ever such.

The work is too brief for its purported task. Still it wanders; it
contains extraneous matter. Too, the work had been long in the
making; on July 2, 1967, V. had written Deg that he had "decided
to concentrate upon it," at the urging of his publisher. He concluded
the same letter: "Keep well, write again, and infuse yourself with
impressions that will make out of you a ringing advocate of a need
to understand the racial hidden springs of hatred." No need for
exhortation: Deg had been such a resounding advocate since
childhood.

In reading the new book, Deg had to reflect upon the fact that V.
and he had never discussed the work, whether because there was
nothing to discuss or because V. wanted to talk of less important
matters or because Deg was uninterested in the theory beyond the
basic fact, with which he accredited V., the fact that ancient natural
catastrophes have played a large role in human and natural history.
As much as he believed in the high value of introspection and of the
deep interplay of honest minds, Deg had long before meeting V.
assigned only a limited potential for good in a knowledge of true
history.

"Psychological revelation" would help the world, commented Deg.
"Philosophy and anthropology well insist upon this point, but the
means for such are not given by V. (see p.207 of Mankind and
Amnesia) and therefore the statement will hardly perform the
miracle. I can hardly believe that he says psychology and sociology
had nothing to say about the Jonestown (Guyana) massacre and
mass suicide, yet he does say so, whereas the dynamics of this
event were crystal clear to the ordinary social psychologist."

Where is his evidence of a 'racial inheritance' of an
experienced fear, an attitude, no less. This is a Lamarckian
genetics that I cannot accept. I asked V. once, in the 1960's,
for his idea of what physiological process memories could use
to ensconce themselves in the racial soma, to which he gave no
response. He didn't show me what, if anything, he was
writing. I would have been most critical. He read my
Lethbridge lecture on fear and memory. I give him my first
sketch of Homo Schizo theory, but I doubt he paid any

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attention to it, although there I made explicit the only dynamic
by which Freud and Lamarck might be married, through
psychosomatism. Yet V., who was repelled by Jung's
complaisance with the Nazis, would not admit to being a
Jungian. Moreover, his ethnocentrism is again apparent. He
attributes significance to the presence of the five-pointed star of
Venus on the helmets of American, Soviet and Chinese soldiers
(only an American general officer is in fact authorized to wear
the emblem), but he does not mention the ubiquity of the Star
of David in the ancient Israeli army (p.201); did V. or his
editors delete the "Mogen David of ancient Israel or even of
Israel of today" that he had joined with the others in his
Lethbridge lecture (p.27 of Recollections of Fallen Sky)? He
indulges freely in anti-Arab statements (p. 150 et passim).

In his vagaries, he does not however mention any of his close
associates; Stecchini is found in a footnote (p.67) also A.M.
Paterson (p.66), and the mention of Rose was a post-mortem
insertion. He mentions several correspondents; a temporary
assistant, Cathy Guido; a New York City teacher; a jail inmate;
a man from Topeka, Kansas, writing on tornadoes, and a
conversation with St. Clair Drake, which meeting he placed in
the Swiss Alps without acknowledging that the two were there
at Deg's invitation as part of a revolutionary experiment in
higher education aimed at diminishing destructiveness and
creating a beneficent and benevolent world order (p. 111). But
the most striking omission in the rambling work is that it sidles
past the Nazi Holocaust. Of the purest, and best-documented
case in history of the working of his theory of aggression and
amnesia, not a word is said! [Actually there were a very few
words alluding to the German case, and these were excised by
Mrs. V. before publication.]

And Deg wanted to go on, but I stopped him. The question of anti
semitism interested me more, so I got him into this track. In Deg's
opinion anti-semites define Jews and Jews define anti-semitism,
both in their many forms.

As to how many types of Jews there are, I know of no
classification. First you have to grade Jewishness as a subjective
feeling, an intensity, say of five grades. Then these are role
operative, transactional, that is. If I feel somewhat Jewish, this is
fully or moderately or little sensed, depending upon whether I am
transacting socially and psychologically in a setting dominated by
the perspective: much, some or little of my ordinary moderate

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Jewish sentiment by the objectification of Jews that the gentile
setting exudes. So at any point in time or space, I am liable to be in
any one of hundreds of states of Jewishness. Moreover, my
character possesses 'X' degree of stability, but is never so stable
that my sense of Jewishness cannot be stepped up or stepped down
by my hormonal balance, or some other physiological or sensory
balance, as, for instance, when depressed, I may feel more Jewish,
and so, too, when manic, but less so in between. And of course, all
that I say about my type and other type of Jews are averages of
quantities.

But now you must go farther. The historical knowledge and life
experiences of Jews differ greatly, hence the symbols and
references to which we respond, which are so varied. The physical
signals of Jewishness are of course symbols, too. To some Jews I
"look Jewish," to others rather so, to some not at all, and so to
gentiles. There is a Jewish look, which is a combination of a
culture-look and a genetic-look. It has a set of grades of
attractiveness and repulsion, one set among Jews, another among
gentiles, depending of course upon which Jewish or gentile culture
and sub-culture you are using as the standard. And with all of these
possibilities the area of Jewishness and gentile-ness and their
interrelations is most complex and varied.

This very state of complexity, in which no Jewish race, or
culture, or religion, or nationality, or historicity, can be said to
aggregate more than a small fraction of those who think themselves
some kind of Jew or are regarded as a Jew, fosters anti-semitism,
because among strongly authoritarian and dogmatic characters,
perhaps 10% of any population, the tolerance of ambiguity and
variation is low. Objects and people must be pigeonholed; they
cannot help themselves; that's the way they are and they are eager
for any distinction that will discriminate, any line that can be drawn,
"a drop of Jewish blood" or "a Jewish grandparent," or, on the
other hand (and this is often forgotten), sometimes, a thoroughly
rigid character will accept as such any person who says "I am a
Jew" and then also any person who says "I am not a Jew," like not
questioning a person who says "I am a Chicago Cubs fan." or "I
am a Dallas Cowboys fan." Since the same authoritarian or
discriminating character is also inclined to penalize ambiguities, he
is at one and the same time eager to define a Jew and to penalize
the Jews for being so difficult to define.

Velikovsky, I should say, and even more so Mrs. Velikovsky,
perceived the world strongly as Jew and gentile. Mrs. V. was a fine
artist, a fully acculturated Judeo-Christian as a musician and a

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sculptor, but voted the straight party line, so to speak, when it
came to Jewishness on most other matters, including holidays, diet,
and intimacy. The big chasm in V.'s tradition of Jewishness was
opened up by modern western science; he lacked belief in the
substance of Judaism, whatever his participation in its rites and
routines and despite his refusal to discuss religious preference with
any one.

The Velikovskys were among the "most Jewish Jews" whom Deg
had known, even though he had from childhood held Jews among
his closest friends and, while he had something of the heart of a
Catholic and the culture of a Protestant, he had the mind of a Jew, a
twentieth century "assimilated" midwestern American Jew, that is.
That was what his wife of thirty years was too, except that she
originated in New York. He was more a Jew than an Italian,
although his descent was purely Italian, even of certain Sicilians
who had been the most nationalist of Italians, but this line had
practically stopped at birth with a father who was chauvinistically
determined upon the Americanization of everyone (except
musicians, it sometimes seemed).

V. couldn't comprehend this very well. He tended to stereotypes
and would conspire up an ethnic image of everyone. When once he
wrote to Matthew Harris of Doubleday Publishers, upon his own
insistence, a letter advancing a book scheme of Deg, he said, "You
know, of course, who Professor Alfred de Grazia is. He is fierce
fighter for causes he thinks just; thus he fought for my cause but
occasionally we disagree. I would think that born in a different
place and time he would have become a Sicilian captain roaming
the seas; then Medicean Florence put an aura around him even
before he first visited the country of his ancestors..."(Dec. 28,
1968). Perhaps so, but Deg's great dream as a boy of the prairies
was "riding off into the Golden West."

Stecchini was Italian by birth and upbringing, but that was not all of
it. He had studied in Germany for one of his several degrees and
picked up another at Harvard. "Did you know that Stecchini was
of a Jewish father?" Deg asked V. one time, to observe his reaction.
"No." "His father was a prominent Italian anti-Fascist named Levi
who had finally to flee the country. And his mother was a
countess." V. was surprised, and Deg was surprised at his surprise,

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for V. had now known Stecchini for some years, and they had been
together scores of hours.

V. was certainly able to work well with gentiles. With Freud, who
was an assimilationist, there had been concerns and crises over the
role of gentiles in psychoanalytic circles; nothing could be observed
of a tension of conflict along such lines in V.'s circle, no more than
there had ever been in Deg's circles. Time after time, Deg was
asked about V.'s religious beliefs by members of an audience, but
remarkably, there was no hint of antisemitism in the question, nor
did he ever perceive any among V.'s many acquaintances.

Deg surmised that Christoph Marx was a Jew for various reasons
(despite his Christian name, which was not heard in the Velikovsky
household or correspondence) for V. had a tendency, in matters
familial and financial, to draw into Jewishness. Deliberately one
day, when Elisheva was remonstrating against Marx, Deg said he
supposed that Immanuel thought he might have confidence in a
Jewish representative when dealing with Germans. She was
astonished -- Marx Jewish? -- not at all. Nor did Immanuel ever
think so. Deg convinced her he was so, or perhaps of Jewish and
Christian parentage, and she said, "That must be it. They are the
worst." And then she telephoned Deg who had been laughing at her
to say of course she didn't mean that, meaning of course that she
recalled that Deg's children were all of mixed Jewish-Christian
parentage. As it turned out, when Deg told him the story, Marx
confirmed that he was not Jewish.

When after V.'s death, Warner Sizemore ("to get money for the
cause") ventured into Amway consumer-business circles and into
the formation of a "far-out" protestant church, he told Deg how
surprised he was at the manifestations of anti-semitism among folk
in such circles. That's to be expected, Deg advised, for the world
of the aspiring small businessmen and millennialists, with its rural,
radical protestant, and poorer base, held large contingents of anti
semites in America and Europe. Yet, also, this same base provided,
at least among its more educated elements, many enthusiastic
readers of Worlds in Collision and Ages in Chaos. Since the first
Puritans, America has attracted the "true Israelites,"  the Christian
who had been persecuted by the Jews and Romans.

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CHAPTER SEVEN

FROM VENUS WITH LOVE

When Deg was proofreading Chaos and Creation in 1981, he
recalled a half-century earlier overhearing Bob, his Scoutmaster,
confide to a deacon of St. Chrysostom's Episcopal Church in
Chicago, "Sex rears its ugly head everywhere." The recollection
was triggered because among innumerable problems foreseen and
unforeseen there occurred in remote India the castration of Geb. As
illustrated in the book (p. 125) Nut the Egyptian Sky Goddess
reaches down to embrace pronouncedly ithyphallic Geb the Earth
God. But the printer's proof of the illustration that was sent back
by Popular Prakishan Pvt. Ltd. reached Deg sans phallus. I quote
now Deg's admirably restrained letter of January 29, 1981, p.2,
point 3:

I note that the phallus of the god of earth on figure 15a has
been removed. This drawing is a famous archaeological figure
and should not be tampered with. Was the excision made for
fear of censorship or customs and prolonged controversy? I
had no idea that there would be a problem. I don't want to
delay the books by even a day. But it takes two sexes to mate,
even Sky and Earth in mythology, so a semblance of
masculinity has to be restored. I will be criticized as an
unreliable author by many people as matters stand (unless
directly beneath the caption 15a on page 125 there is printed in
parentheses -- "Earth's exaggerated phallus has been
removed-reduced?-by the printer to conform to Indian
government censorship regulations").

Back comes the reply of Mr. M.G. Shirali, Production Manager,
dated February 2, p. 1:

Re: 'the mystery of the missing phallus'-figure 15a, page
125-let me explain. You will recall this drawing was traced out
by our artist from the original Xeroxed sheet you had sent,

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which you will remember, contained a lot of other things such
as minute specks. This being possibly photographed from a
stone mural or some such thing. So while tracing out just bare
out lines, as you desired, this somehow just got lost in the maze
of specks. Believe me, never for a moment did we think of
tampering with, nor was the excision made in deference to the
customs, nor for fear of censorship. Pure and simple it was an
unintentional slip. Please accept my sincere apology for the
lapse on our side and also my thanks to you for pointing it out.
And now it has been 'arranged to be restored to the rightful
place'!!!, as you will see when the final proofs come to you.

The new proof returns. The phallus was restored-by half. Persisting,
and because he fears that the original has been mutilated beyond
use, Deg writes on March 28,1981:

"Enclosed is a copy of the famous Nut and Geb picture. It
occurs to me that, without any redrawing, a cut should be
made of this as it is leaving the shading, which is from the
original papyrus, and thus the picture will not appear so
prominent. I think this would indeed be an improvement. It
is, after all, only a detail in an immense work. To repeat,
photograph the new drawing exactly as it is here, and thus

keep the shading in the final cut."

Indeed sex does pop out of all corners in the material of human
history and is especially illuminating in regard to catastrophic
events. It remarkable how V. managed to suppress sexuality from
becoming a major theme of this circles. It would have been easy to
follow a path similar to the one of Wilhelm Reich who found in a
kind of electromagnetic life force, expressible in sexuality, the
beginning of an answer to all things, including a kind of
communism for which he was evicted from the communist party in
Germany.

Elsewhere, in The Burning of Troy and in related pages of the
SISR, a story is told of how V., following Cicero, claimed the root
of Venus to be the word venire, meaning 'to come', and therefore
the planet must be newly arrived, but Lowery, analyzing the words,
finds them unrelated, nor is this the first time Lowery and the tribe
of linguists dashed cold water against the heated claims of
catastrophists.

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Christoph Marx and Deg independently found a subtle connection
that Lowery missed and I take leave to quote from a paper
circulated by Marx dated May 8, 1982:

Easy to see now how Venus from 'venire' is quite equal to
Venus standing for 'love' because to love -- if successful -- is
the same as to come (as anybody past adolescence may
experience). The dream-like efficiency of the term 'ven' may
easily be judged by those with the faculty of imagination and an
analytical turn of mind. To make visible the tradition of
violence embedded in the term I would only add the example of
a French porno movie, in which 'to come' produces "The
End of the World" (the film title). It shows, of course, the love
making while the atomic rockets are on their way, but only in
the end we see how they were released in the first place.
Merrily, the president of the United States and the General
Secretary in the Kremlin over the Hot Line are exchanging
their experiences while being serviced by their beautiful private
secretaries: the President of God's Own Country comes, and
in his ecstasy hits the red button, leaving mankind with a
movie's length of final lovemaking = coming.

Etymology must begin with the study of Arno Schmidt and
James Joyce who purposefully used and analyzed etym
addressing. Etymology is not at all the successful tool Lowery
makes it out to be when, e.g., he points to the reconstruction of
the ancient Egyptian language: the decipherment of the
hieroglyphs was not an achievement of etymology, and
whoever has read a translation, say, of a literary text such as
the Book of the Dead can not but agree that there is hardly
anything more senseless in the way of expensive books -
understandable perhaps to the translator's analyst, but
certainly not the ancient author. Etymology for the present is
not more than a systematized part of established science, the
mechanism for the continued repression of the past.

Electricity has in folklore been connected with sexuality, just as has
the coinage and usage of words. Jerry Ziegler, a physicist, in the
1970's circulated his work on ancient knowledge of electrostatics
and a copy come to Deg who got in touch with Ziegler and
recommended his study to V. who ignored it, but Deg began to
develop it in a number of ways. This was not uncommon; V.'s
closest associates moved in their own way; Sizemore was aware of

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a world of marginal sciences that he would not discuss with V.; so
Stephanos, as will be seen; so Juergens who moved toward it,
because of V., first to be near him, then to be away from him; so
Bill Mullen; and the British heretics, so devoted yet so independent
of thought.

Ziegler found many associations of ancient religion with electrical
practices, and persuasively in his YHWH informs us of what
interested so persistently and for so long the ancient sects in their
mountaintop ceremonies. To be near to the gods, yes, but to be near
the sources of enhanced electrical stimulation, too. The people, led
by priests, went up the mountains for ecstatic purposes where
religious rites and sexual experience were joined. Electrical
discharge was supposed to enhance the sexual libido.

Significantly, when in modern times there began many experiments
with electricity, following the invention of the Leyden Jar, the
scientist Sigaud tried to pass an electric shock through a company
of grounded men, a trick that others had achieved, and when the
attempt failed, he suspected that one of the company was "less
than a man," a eunuch or castrato, that is; but then, as Heilbron's
history tells the story, it developed that these, too, jumped where
discharge was passed, and were electrically conductive.

But Zvi Rix, of all the cosmic heretics, went farthest into the
exploration of correlations among ancient religious practices,
sexuality, and commentary disasters. Marx took over his
manuscripts from his widow, but the task of disentangling them and
reformulating them into fairly conventional prose proved to be
arduous.

When he was a boy, Deg believed that sex was a simple function: a
male found a female, like an arrow shot from a bow pierces the
bulls-eye of a target. For the several years that he was confined to
autoeroticism, his fantasies and exercises, occurring privately,
aimed at real female acquaintances and attractive female images in
equal proportions. By increments of experience and learning, before
he was forty, he could publish the article of a friend in Psychology
at the University of Minnesota, arguing that sample surveys might
be improved if they solicited information that would place the

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respondent on scales of masculinity-femininity, allowing sex to be a
finer variable, capable of more meaningful correlations with other
behavioral variables like "political candidate preferences."

By the time he was sixty, though still an active heterosexual, the
image of the arrow and the bulls-eye had resolved into the image of
a fragmentation bomb, striking promiscuously and erratically in all
directions. Homo Schizo, it seemed, from his beginnings and
forever after, had lost, sexually as with all drives, close instinctual
guidance and gained an uncontrollable but vast world. The modern
theory is that if you don't find indications of homosexuality in a
man and lesbianism in a women, you have an unusual person who
is rigid and lacking in affect.

Roger Peyrefitte, a French writer, ex-diplomat and professed
homosexual, discussed and wrote about what he regarded as the
homosexuality of Jesus and his apostles. He was challenged to a
duel by a fiery Spanish psychiatrist, but refused the test. The same
understandably underground theory was shared by V., but Deg was
unimpressed, not needing V.'s innuendoes, meaningful glance and
obvious reluctance to say so, but still V. had to let the cat out of the
bag, like "you know, there is much to be said in this regard about
Jesus." But Deg had no doubt that the tradition went back to the
nasty cirumstancs surrounding the trial of Jesus. I'm sure they
called him everything, he said, not disagreeing but not caring at the
time to plumb V.'s data base on the question. There was little Deg
could not find a place for in his mind, ranging from Jean Genet to
Don Juan, and all the ambiguous feelings, attitudes and practices in
between.

The closest V. comes to offering a theory of sexuality occurs in
Mankind in Amnesia. There he asserts that neurosis is based upon
narcissism, ultimately, the autistic libido that has to be located and
treated first of all (p. 162). This done, the therapist must move to
the treatment of homosexual problems and then into alleviation of
the Oedipus complex. The theory is rather directly one of Freud's
many, and V. generally arrived at these several stages quickly with
his psychiatric patients. Fifteen minutes is often enough, he said to
Deg, to understand what is going on with a patient. Repeated visits
and phonecalls were to be expected, of course.

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V. was remarkably prudish. Over the years, he gave Deg the
impression which actually was obvious at first but scarcely
believable in a psychiatrist, that he operated on the idea that "men
are men" and "women are women," a simplistic notion. He seemed
not to notice that several of his most brilliant and active supporters
might have been homosexuals of one kind or another. Fight off the
homosexual urge, he seemed to be saying, and stamp out the
narcissism that stands beneath it. Laius, father of Oedipus, had
introduced, according to legend, the practice of "unnatural love"
(V.'s term) in Ancient Greece (which, insists V., is at the origin of
the terrible curse upon his house).

Onetime in America and once in England, Deg was asked with a
certain wonder about homosexuals in the movement. Their
participation was not surprising, he answered; no movement is a
rational and random selection from the population, no more than the
establishment it stems from; homosexuals are more active in
innovative and intellectual movements; all that we know of the
sources of creativity and cultural change would be contradicted if
they were not. New movements, whether scientific, cultural,
political, religious, or social do not come from the average norms
and normals of a culture.

Deg ought to have explained fully, right out of his reading of
Oedipus and Akhnaton, which so impressed him. There, on pages
48 to 50, is told the story of Amenhotep III, father of Akhnaton,
and of the Roman Emperor Hadrian, and of the Greek's and
Oriental's indulgence of homosexuality, and the Hebrews'
condemnation of it. In a delicate lacework of widesweeping history
V. manages the following pejoratives regarding homosexuality:
"Greek love," "invert," "iniquity," "spoiled by," "contemptible,"
"work their will (on Lot's guests)," "horrible retribution" (Laius'
descendant at Thebes): throughout the passage, luxury, splendor,
power, idleness, extravagance, high culture and civic freedom are
dwelt upon as the ambiance of homosexual inversion. No wonder,
thinks the innocent reader, that Akhnaton was so queer. But
Akhnaton is not the issue here. Three features emerge from the
passage: V. absolutely rejects homosexuality; homosexuality is
portrayed as an exotic and attractive luxury of high cultures; V.

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does not, here or elsewhere, appear outwardly punitive to
homosexuality.

Deg could name a half-dozen of his acquaintances, all of V.'s
circle and on at least three sides of any argument that came up -
not a clique, that is -- who were homosexuals, but he never thought
of what might be the seductiveness of V. both at close hand and at
a distance. For my part, being more distant from the scene, I would
guess that V. subtly presented the image which homosexuals in
those years (not the present liberationist gays) could best
accommodate to: a stern attitude exuding a luxuriant bath of guilt
and a seeming tolerance, delicacy and understanding precluding any
but the most "delicious" punition, which was necessary for the
enjoyment of their homosexual feelings. (Nor to be fully aware,
have we of Western culture quite learned to enjoy heterosexuality
without guilt and fear of punition.)

V. liked Nina, Deg's second wife, who was at the Swiss college
on and off. Deg recalls an especially vivid image of the two of them
silhouetted in the sunshine and snow against the Alps on the road to
Haute-Nendez, talking volubly in Russian. Long after, Deg was
reporting to him that Nina had gone to Berlin to marry Peter
Bockelmann -- a fine musicologist said Deg, and a fine man.
Whereupon V. began to speak of Tolstoi's "Kreutzer Sonata," a
story in which a husband, according to V., enjoys sexuality
homosexually by turning his wife over to another man. Deg was
amused at this. He had been happy that she had found so good a
friend after their separation. What were V.'s motives for the story 
-  his liking for Nina, his dislike of Germans, his need to carry a
dubious theory into every human relation, a jealousy of Deg's
philandering, a homosexual impulse of his own? That is to say,
when it came to conjecturing and examing motives, Deg was
unwilling to let others escape. Or perhaps V. just had not gotten the
story straight; the couple separated, but they were still friends: it
was a plot not to be found in V.'s manual.

One of the sillier passages in V.'s Mankind in Amnesia propounds
the idea that nations have a masculine or feminine character,
Germany and France being among his examples (pp. 140-2). This
kind of social psychology is not only unproductive, but also false

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(like Mussolini once in anger calling the Germans a "nation of
barbarians and pederasts") and only made Deg more irritated at
V.'s pretentiously published book.

For the infant college in the Alps, Deg had invented a concept
which he called, "rapport psychology" that was intended to be a
form of group encounter usable for the "Kalotic" world order. He
wrote in the Bulletin of the School:

The basic rapport group usually consists of eight to fourteen
members and the leader or facilitator. The group uses verbal
and non-verbal exercises and encounters, and typically has no
set agenda. It uses the feelings and interactions of group
members as the focus of attention. This allows for maximum of
freedom for personal expression, the getting in touch with
feelings, and interpersonal communication. Emphasis is on
open, honest and direct interactions among members in an
atmosphere that supports the dropping of defenses and social
masks characteristic of normal academic relationships. Rapport
group members come to know themselves and each other more
quickly, deeply, and fully than is possible in the usual academic
situations; ordinarily, a strong feeling of group solidarity
develops. The resulting climate of openness, risk-taking,
honesty, and trust displaces feelings of defensiveness, rigidity,
and mistrust. Members can identify and alter self-defeating
attitudes and behavior patterns, and explore and adopt more
innovative and constructive ones. In the end, most members
can experience daily life and work more pleasurably than
before, on campus and off.

Deg was trying to connect the personal to the universal without the
usual intervening madness. Amidst the continual hubbub of hand
to-hand struggle at the new school, he could not operationalize the
theory of the Rapport Center. He left it to the attention of his
brother Edward and B.J., a group leader whom Ed had recruited
from his experience at the famed center for group therapy at Esalen,
and to the students, aged 18 to 28. At one moment in a group
session, on the way to the brave new world, two men decided that
they would make love to each other and went off, after which one,
a virgin in such matters, "tossed his cookies" in a rush of shame
and disgust.

The word got to Deg and to V. as well, who accosted Deg on an

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alpine pathway and denounced such conduct nor, said he, will I
stay on these mountains with this going on. Deg solemnly and
reassuringly listened, and told Ed "What the hell happened there
anyhow?" He didn't expect much of an answer, nor got one. The
Rapport Center remained popular and undirected to the new world
order, whence I remind my readers of two axioms: few truly wish
and are psychically prepared to address themselves to the necessary
new world, and "bringing life into the classroom" is a beloved
pedagogical expression with absurd possibilities.

V. stuck it out on the mountains -- actually he enjoyed his stay - but
he could not help but slip a reminder of the incident, camouflaged,
into his notes and ultimately into Mankind in Amnesia, where, in a
diatribe against both the old and the new, he says(p. 185):

The rebellion of the young was full of hope -- the millennium
was about to begin. The hair was grown long. John the Baptist
was imitated in appearance, but the rebellion was against
asceticism as well as against materialism; regulations were to be
violated, young and not-so-young flocked to 'rapport
psychology' which struck out Freud and the rest of the
'schools'; orgies were practiced as curriculum in some
campus classrooms as the call came for tearing down all
inhibitions.

But V. did not pursue sexual investigations of Jung or Marx,
contenting himself with stressing the obvious resentment of Jung at
being regarded as a son. Bronson Feldman, a Velikovsky
acquaintance and supporter, introduced sexual analysis to back up
V.'s claims, but we must remember how chary was V. to let
anyone claim to represent his several views, with every excellent
reason. Feldman, who became understandably mad and confused
when dealing with Central European anti-semitism, added little to
historical reconstruction.

He did point out, for instance, that V. had misstated a famous report
of Freud's swooning in the presence of Jung and others. V. forgot
to mention that not only had Jung been defending the efforts of
Akhnaton to erase his father's memory but had just been hotly
accused by Freud of the great academic crime of non-citation of
authority -- namely himself, Freud -- in his writings. Thus Freud had

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taken two blows from his disciple and son, Jung, and probably a
third unmentioned blow, a Christian effort (at least a suspicion
thereof) to bury a Jew's contribution to knowledge; of this
suspicion we have ample evidence, and of the fact, too, whether in
Jung or in Nazism, that the contributions of Heine, Mendelssohn,
Einstein and many another Jew to German high culture were
buried. And, incidentally, Deg spoke in Politics for Better or Worse
of the recent era in America, "of those highly skilled and creative
people who had built the arts and sciences, half of them Jews," for
he was irritated that in whatsoever history book or sociological
work on America no such statement, even the approximation of
such a statement, is to be found. But Jews are divided in their minds
and amongst themselves whether to lay claim to their achievements
or to play them down to avoid envy and resentment.

The sexual verges upon the political, and the political, I must now
make the point, verges upon the sexual. I mentioned that V. was a
prude -- or was he canny, realizing that scientists and scholars are
sexually repressed and in our civilization will not respect an
authority who ties in the sexual link too closely with the processes
of the intellect? I would say V. was publicly rather priggish, and
privately more so. He did not like at all Stechini's introducing
Peter Tompkins to his circle, nor did Peter visit more than once,
although a war hero, a man of some fame then ( and more to come),
of great personal attractiveness, and a potentially influential
supporter: why? Because Tompkins had written on cults and
practices of eunuchs and virgins and saw in the history of the planet
Venus, which he credited to V., the mad unfolding of the human
mind into sexualized institutions.

With perhaps more reason, V was exceedingly wary of a "hippy
bookman" in Manhattan, Theodore Lazar, adorative of V.'s books,
who wrote a pamphlet about Venusian-derived phallicism, the
commentary image as it entered so many ways into the brain and
behavior of mankind. V. was wrought up at Robert Stephanos, a
Philadelphia school system psychologist, the most faithful, pleasant
and helpful of disciples, for pushing favorably the work of the New
Yorker. And, later on, he was angry to hear that Stephanos had
been flirtatiously corresponding with a Southern devotee and, not
long afterwards, in a paranoiac mood, came to suspect that

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Stephanos might even be purloining papers of his. You must
remove him from the Board of Trustees of the Foundation for
Studies of Modern Science, he told Deg, the President, and others.

"Politics makes strange bedfellows," but so does science when it
strikes out in new directions. Whoever wants to sleep with the
partner of his choice or to sleep alone must give up creative dreams.
V. sought hard to deny his bedfellows, but they were with him from
the moment his book struck a popular chord, attracting many who
were looking for bedfellows. Not so strange, he or his fellows, I
hasten to stress. Just variegated.

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CHAPTER EIGHT

HOMO SCHIZO MEETS GOD

Great mysteries of existence such as human nature, divinity, time
and governance are intimidating. The ordinary person is content
with a few slogans about them, a kind of catechism, and to be
allowed to make off with a piece of one of them -- so small as to be
indistinguishable, therefore safe to play with for life. There are also
those few persons who, emboldened by a successful encounter with
a great mystery, become drunk with the genre and go on a rampage,
knocking over distinctions and laying claim to new territory
extravagantly. You can tell the type, if by no other sign, then by the
way they have of looking upon the universe as a cabbage patch and
treating great historical figures as their neighbors.

One could see it long ago in Deg, who after taking the worst and
the best of the army for four years, came back finally and managed
a Chicago election where, introducing his distinguished professor
Charles E. Merriam to a mass meeting (luckily the Fifth ward had
the greatest concentration of intellectuals in the world) he said
enthusiastically that he had studied with Merriam 'like Aristotle at
the feet of Plato' and then was ribbed by friends and poignantly
embarrassed, so that as you see, even now he can remember to tell
me about it.

Therefore it is no surprise that thirty five years later he can be
treating Charles Darwin and everyone else familiarly, even
arrogantly, "What is your opinion of Darwin?" was, of course, the
question. The tape spun; Deg picked up his notes and spoke at the
machine:

Charles Darwin was an apt hero for nineteenth century biology
and the public and scientific mentalities of the nineteenth
century. He came from an expanding empire, did his "field
work" young; he lived for many years quietly, gestating his

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ideas; he published at the right moment for coalescing the
views of the scientific and cultural world; his theory of natural
selection was simple, vague, and in line with what the secular
person thought was his own idea.

Now that his ideas are wearing out, the psychiatrists,
methodologists, and philosophers have picked him to pieces.
He was an uncertain person, never a fully convinced Darwinist.
In the contemporary vein, R.C. Lewontin writes that
"Darwin's work is filled with ambiguities, contradictions, and
theoretical revisions." Velikovsky once pointed out that if
Darwin had followed some of his own observations while on
the voyage of the Beagle he would have become a
catastrophist. He almost became a Lamarckian at one point, so
fetching is it when one's own theory is indefinite, to imagine
that the soma can be changed permanently by a forceful
environment.

"Darwin was ambitious, courted success and successful men,
and cared for their approval:" again these are Lewontin's
words. So too was Velikovsky. In 1858, just before Darwin
published the Origin of Species by Natural Selection, he wrote
that he did not yet feel set on the truth of any point of his
theory, and was in this state of mind when Alfred Wallace
wrote from far away to tell him about his own theory of natural
selection.

When he consulted his friends, their solution was to hustle him
into publishing his manuscripts along with the essay of Wallace.
What else could they do? Otherwise, Wallace would have
priority. As Darwin said, "All my originality, whatever it may
amount to, will be smashed ... It seems hard on me that I
should be thus compelled to lose my priority of many years
standing."

But let us be clear...

Ignoring the machine, Deg produced a statement out of his drawer
of epigrams; "I used to hate epigrams," he said, but now I collect a
few, "especially my own." He read: "Priority in science is a
political claim. It is of no interest to scientific advancement that A
or B captured a strong point first, so long as it was taken. A
proposition is denuded of its generator. It ends life as it began, in
anonymity."

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He spoke feelingly, because a continual annoyance of a generation
of the Velikovsky affair was the bickering about claims and
predictions.

The lead was unfortunately provided by Princeton physicist
Valentine Bargmann and Columbia astronomer Lloyd Motz
when they assigned V. a priority on the heat of Venus and the
radio noises of Jupiter (upon his instigation) and recommended
reading his work for further clues as to what to expect. Such
words from an astronomer and a physicist were naughty; they
excited V. and his followers and angered other scientists, all the
more because they were involved themselves in this racket.

The ideas of 'priority', 'prediction,' and 'claim' are
more political than scientific. The word 'claim' connotes
possessiveness -- not a happy human quality. V. liked the term;
the press liked it; ambitious scientists like it. and long years of
struggle have gone on is such fields as physics and psychology
to try to assure people's claims to discovery, as if all of
knowledge is of little bits, ever-diminishing bits as well, that are
owned by an individual forever.

Darwin need not have worried; his location, his friends, and the
ample, ambiguous, diffident qualities of his writing, pitched at
the consensus of all-who-mattered, the 'happy few' of the
day, would assure his work 'priority.'

Velikovsky's work found no such consensus. Perhaps it
deserved no such consensus. Perhaps it earned at that point
precisely what it deserved, and what Darwin's work deserved 
-- an audience, a hearing, a turning of minds, a refurbishing of
hypotheses, some of the patient, indulgent, reflective, detailed
processing that is supposed to characterize science but does
not markedly do so.

Deg's un-darwinian Homo Schizo was present for many years and
began with the conviction that man was essentially non-rational.
When Deg first joined the faculty of Stanford University in 1952,
he was working on the phrasing of Lasswell's law: political man
displaces private motives onto public objects and rationalizes them
in terms of the public advantage. This conception had burst upon
political science in the 1930's, joined with pragmatism and neo

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machiavellism, and overran the 2300-year-old positions of rational
legal-institutional political science.

Deg radicalized the concept. He could not see anything
extraordinary about Lasswell's political man except in the intensity
of his involvement with power. Too, he was critical of the notion of
rationalization, for since boyhood he had found everybody doing
nothing but rationalization. Therefore he suspected that reason and
rationalism and rationality were really processes of rationalization.
When he came in the seventies to ponder the nature of man, he
could now perceive a brain structure and personality altogether of
the schizoid type. His newer concept was of instinct-delay,
blocking, and displacement of the response to a stimulus, forcing
terrible self-reflection, and in the control of response to stimulus,
forcing terrible self-reflection, and in the control of these reflections
-- the polyego -- there occurred the human character. The essential
polyego assured an eternal existential fear, whose high level, being
constant, goes generally unnoticed.

Homo sapiens, whom he finally termed homo sapiens schizotypus,
is most rational when he is acting (thinking being a form of acting)
pragmatically, that is, calculating and adjusting to the consequences
of his behavior while transacting with an environment, both human
and natural. Logic, and hence science, and hence most of what is
ordinarily called reason, develops as a means of most efficiently
connecting an entering stimulus with an effective response. In this
sense, man seemingly farthest removed from the animal kingdom,
finds his triumph in emulating instinctive response. He aims at
reducing his high level of existential few by logical, "rational", and
scientific conduct.

But as the underlaid instinctual apparatus of the animal does not
guarantee it against the multiform assaults of nature, whether
represented intraspecies or in the transaction with other species and
inorganic nature and whether uniformitarian or disastrous, so too
man's efforts at reconstructing and reinforcing his less genetic,
delayed instinctual apparatus, are continuously ineffective. All the
achievements of the calculating and even scientific Homo Schizo
cannot win control over the self, others, and the natural world.

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As in the beginning and even in the most rationalistic technical
ages, Homo Schizo continues to rely upon the organization of his
far-flung displacements for adjustment and control of himself and
the world, so that religion, culture, and the arts are, if not
preponderantly his road to "happiness," most useful and welcome
companions of pragmatic scientific conduct. Alone or together, the
sciences and the arts cannot create a creature other than Homo
Schizo. Even if they could, the monsters would be limited to some
portion of their own envisioned ideal that they could agree upon,
and they would promptly regret having made such a substitute for
the unrealized larger portion of their ideal.

I should not try to explain the full theory here, not when two
volumes about it are available elsewhere. However, it is appropriate
to comment that Deg began his development of the model of Homo
Schizo to test the Freud-V. theory that historical traumas produced
a character who simply had memory problems but was otherwise
"rational" by nature. As I said, Deg was already prejudiced against
this idea, and it was no accident that he almost immediately placed
the idea of the intelligent evolving savage into a restricted
enclosure. He searched instead for the larger meaning of
catastrophe, now quantavolution, that formed a different creature to
begin with. Primordial man was now catastrophized in two senses,
first genetically and second in the sense of reinforcement through
repeated catastrophic experiences.

The latter, the reinforcement process, gave Deg no trouble; there
was ample evidence of a "law" operating whereby the intensity
and duration of an experience (read "catastrophe") determined and
varied directly with the amnesia and compulsive sublimated
recapitulations of the experience. Further, therapy of such a
condition (control over it, that is) was exceedingly difficult, whether
of the individual or of the collectivity.

More difficult was the establishment of the genetic basis of human
nature. Here Deg found his way, first by undermining the case for
gradualist darwinian and anthropological evolution, and second by
discovering uniquely human variances in current research on the
structure and operation of the central nervous system. He came to
attribute humanness to a brief glitch in the stimulus-response

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system, which I mentioned above. How he visualized it becomes
crudely clear in a note from his files, entitled "Making a Chimp
Talk: a Suggested Research Project on a key element of Homo
Schizo."

MAKING A CHIMP TALK

Premises

1.       Homo Schizo theory says that mankind became
human and is human today in connection with a millisecond
delay interfering with instinctive response.

2.       The delay a) diffuses (displaces) percepts,
concepts, and memories widely because of lack of
immediate response, b) forces the being to sense itself, that
is, at least two selves, c) activates existential fear
mechanisms because of lack of control of a) and terror from
lack of control of b).

3.       To tie itself (itselves) together, the being
communicates with itself and the result of this
communication is inner language, the basis for external
language.

4.       External or social language occurs as the being
continues its inner operations by external means, employing
whatever it can, such as gestures, utterances, and other signs
and signals.

5.       All of 1. to  4.  above occurs with little relation to
the size of the brain, with some relation to hemispheric
symmetry, and with relation to other possible delaying
mechanisms. A person can be raised to behave normally in
speech and behavior with 1/10 of the brain matter normally
encased in the cranium provided that all elements of the
brain are represented by proportional fractions.

6.       A chimpanzee brain is within the human functional
limits so far as size is concerned. Its vocal apparatus and

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other symbolizing mechanism are adequate. It is highly
sociable animal, so "presumably would like to
communicate." Chimpanzees and other non-humans can
learn many isolated symbols... "but they show no
unequivocal evidence of mastering the conversational,
semantic, or syntactic organization of language." (H.S.
Terrace et al. 206 Science 23 Nov. 1979,891).

Thesis: Chimpanzees do not speak because they do not
undergo an internal electro-mechanical compulsion to speak.

Corollary: Chimpanzees would speak if their instinctive
brain operations were continuously and unconsciously
blocked for milliseconds. [thus supplying the compulsion]

Experiment

Baby chimpanzee Abel is subjected to partial
commissurectomy; insulin injections to arrive at constant
10% higher blood level; and background human videotape
television plus human handling as of normal babies of up to
26 months of age.

Hypothesis : Abel will at the age of 26 months emit 50%
(rather than 20%) of the expansive adjacent utterances of
human infants of the same age (and proportionately more
than chimpanzee 'Nein' of that age -- in the Terrace et al.
experiment).

Corollary hypothesis: Availability of the conditioned
animal will permit application of a full range of tests of
humanism, including intelligence, self-awareness, self
images, artistry, aggressiveness, persistency (obsession) in
task performances, memory and recall, with special attention
to the generation of the several components of
schizotypicality, including various tests of insanity.

Here I think that Deg is downright ignorant regarding the
possibilities of Dr. Frankenstein's experimentation with apes. The
ape is a massive system of unique organic connections and resultant

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behaviors: unless you get into the gene system and perform a
systemic mutation there, you will get nowhere by monkeying
(excuse the expression) with the post-natal resultant. He proposes
to cause artificially a totally ramifying system of displacements,
fear, and ego split when all the settings of the ape's organism are
deadset against alteration. The animal will simply die. That is a
much more logical and simple response than to undertake the
enormous burden of behaving like a human.

Deg's archive carries many another note of different kinds --  
sketches, designs, critiques. They begin as a broadly spread- out
and miscellaneous aggregate, and then come together as the book is
written, but many of them are locked out in the end. Here are three
of the excluded ones, let to view:

Deg's Journal, December 20, 1968

In pregnancy, especially during the last three months, when the
placenta is largest, the placenta manufactures a large amount of
blood ceruloplasmin.

1.         Ceruloplasmin alleviates many cases of schizophrenia

2.         Women with schizophrenia are alleviated towards end
of pregnancy

3.         Relapses and initiation into schizophrenia may occur
following pregnancy, i.e. post-natal schizophrenia is common.

4.         Schizophrenia is 'split personality' disease
traditionally, although Hoffer and Osmond deny this definition,
saying there are not two persons, despite hallucinations and
feelings of persecution. They are in a major sense right.

5.         The correspondence of high C production with the
period at which a woman faces the traumatic need to split her
baby from herself makes me think that the body protects itself
(or the 'mind') from the effects of this traumatic experience
by exuding into the blood a specific defense against
schizophrenia.

About this time there occur also various petulant scribbles on his
readings viz.:

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Glancing through The Scientific American's handsome
volume on Human Variations and Origins, I see many errors
behind the skillful graphics. There is Eiseley's idiotic article on
Lyell, for example. The 'distinguished' academician knows
much about his man's surface and nothing about his dynamics,
nor does he understand the real conflict between uniformitarian
and catastrophic evolution. Eiseley's reputation comes from a
deadhead riding the commonplace, uttering mystic words.

Later in the book I see all manner of speculations treated as
facts, simply because they come from scientists. Man's spotty
history is given a coherence by rhetoric, not data or even good
theory.

I see a picture. I read a caption. It shows an extremely tall
negro and a short, chunky Eskimo. The first's height is
supposed to be an adaptation to heat, more surface per pound;
the latter's chunkiness is supposed to conserve heat. But
whence the Swede? Whence the many fleshy Africa Negroes?
The Ibos, Pygmies, etc. Doesn't moisture and dryness of the
air matter, etc.? I have seen pictures of chunky short Indians of
the Amazon and Orinoco tropical jungles.

The theory of evolution is full of hopeful guesses. I am working
with a sample survey of attitudes and experiences of the U.S.
population right now. I am, as always, acutely impressed by
how the first relating of variables can mean nothing and always
means nothing unless one is satisfied that all the other factors
are interpreted and counted. Women have the same accident
incidence as men: fine, but that's the end; afterwards all
manner of crosscutting forces changes the character of their
accidents and incidence when compared in sub-groups.

The defensive scientist retorts irritably: 'But this is only
popular science! We don't make such errors in our real inside
work. Nonsense. Every specialist is carried along on these so
called popular currents, not to mention that he likes to call
'popular' anything that he doesn't find agreeable or true.
There is the beautiful image Merton and other students of
science, who are admirers of the image, employ: 'We are but
pygmies, standing on the shoulders of giants.' We should also
say, 'We are giants standing on the shoulders of pygmies,'
Or better, 'We are monkeys, swinging carelessly along a
dizzying network of vines mysteriously placed and oriented.'

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Sometime in 1970, Deg met biologist Dr. Karl Schildkraut of the
Albert Einstein Medical School through Dr. Annette Tobia. He was
interested in Deg's University scheme and they talked a couple of
times about heredity. Perhaps these contacts brought about a note
foreshadowing some of his passages on evolution:

...Unless one resorts to an immense number of mutations
(practically begging the question whether uniformitarian or
catastrophic), it impossible to conceive of the complex intra
organism adjustments (changes) that must accompany an
organic innovation, that is, 2n where n = affected parts: if brain
convolutes by mutation, then how many elements of the body
must adapt immediately ?

If all chromosomes and genes are linked, then there must be a
chemical 'universal element,' bringing about a total viable
system change.

Note, too, the received evolutionary doctrine offers in evidence
the numerous similarities of all living cells. The same fact of
universal similarity is applicable to the doctrine of simultaneous
systemic mutation, both regressive and progressive.

Deg sent an early version of the theory of Homo Schizo to
Lawrence Zelic Freedman of the Institute of Social and Behavioral
Pathology at the University of Chicago at the suggestion of Harold
Lasswell. Freedman raised two issues with the theory, issues that
Deg addressed in the final work: Could man have been
catastrophized other than by natural disaster and could a
catastrophe strike into the hominids en masse. Freedman wrote:

...The notion of contemporary man as a schizotypicalis is one
which I find easy to accept, and your adumbration of the
contemporary social and psychological dilemmas of knowing -
if not understanding -- man, magnificently expressed... the
elemental catastrophe of separation and confrontation with
hostile elements during the process of birth might be the
individual equivalent of the massive conformation with
overwhelming stress which the model catastrophe hypothesis
demands.

Deg considered that human birth is not much more traumatic than

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anthropoid birth, hence, if it has a greater psychic effect, that is
because of a prior genetic constitution which has to be explained.
Freedman raised a second major issue: "the high probability that
significant elements in the general population would escape the
pathogenic influences of the hypothesized catastrophe."

Deg worked out of his dilemma by devising a primordial scenario
in which a radiation turbulence, causing millions of mutations,
altered the physiology of a given hominid such that full
schizophrenic behavior was promptly induced in its descendent
and, by virtue of the powerful capabilities of the individual, within a
thousand years produced a multitude of operative humans spread
over a large territory. Alternatively, owing to a catastrophic
turbulence, a changed atmospheric constant might have constituted
in effect a genetic change by continuously, "ever after,"
conditioning a new hormonal state in a pre-potentiated hominid
species, in which event, the humanization process would have been
speedier. That both processes, genetic mutation and a changed
critical gaseous constant, could operate sympathetically was also
foreseen.

Deg sent the same early booklet to his friend at the University of
Haifa in Israel. Professor Ernst Wreschner, who found the Homo
Schizo theory especially vulnerable in regards to its catastrophic
scenario and the short time allowed for humanization:

I accept that Pleistocene upheavals, cosmic tektonic -- a
combination of fire and water -- must have been for
generations of homo erectus, Acheulean man, Ante
neanderthals, Neanderthals as well as for some Cromagnon,
and whatever names archaeologists give to them, an experience
of realities that were outside their powers of coping with
mentally. It is feasible that by these very experiences
mechanisms could have been developed which enabled men to
survive more or less sane during times of the twilight of the
gods. But I also believe that the very principle of natural
selection could and did cope with the possible influences of
catastrophes or cosmic radiation escalations. Either in the
mutational sense or in the mentally adaptive or both. Which
would mean in biological and cultural fields. (...)

The postulation that catastrophes were always global and had

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overall consequences is untenable, as is the date expounded for
a decisive point in human history such as 13,000 B.C. (...) The
deep dualism in the human make up developed and existed in
their "animal context" becoming mentally or psychologically
pronounced when selfawareness could fathom them. But this
happened in a process of culturisation and this forced men to
deal with them, even without catastrophic catalysts. (...) And
language is also not a sudden creation. Many factors worked
towards it, biological (anatomical and cultural ones). Man is by
nature an experimenter, based on the mammalian trait of
curiosity. It was 400,000 years ago that he experimented with
fire and limonite to get a result which was the red color mineral
hematite. Many others after him, either independently or by
diffusion, hit on the same. Many thousands of years passed
between these experiments. And those with the developed
brains put the red color to symbolic use, when other beliefs
needed a carrier for associations connected with life and death.
Thus with the first burials the red color in the form of ochre
appears and afterwards red color symbolism in many forms
spread and you find it ever since in variegated ideational
meanings, in burial practices, myths, rituals, legends and
ceremonials.

In reply, Deg seeks to explain their basically different ways of
looking at human evolution:

25 December 1977

Dear Ernst:

Don't look now, but it's Christmas Day, It's cold and rainy.
Saturn has come down with his disastrous reindeer from the
North pole. I am hiding out, for a couple of hours, nursing my
cold, which is true, but also releasing my soul from the
desperate festivities, which I shall rejoin soon enough, and my
appetite for turkey will be sated. I shall try to behave with the
appropriate jollity. I shall try not to be ironic, and not to make
too many anti-materialistic or even learned remarks. I have
become incapable of joy "on order" though I am quite eager
for joy when I am in the mood. The holidays in our current
world have become twistings and turnings of human relations
in an attempt to find some traditional form that is quite alien to
the form that they assume during the rest of the year. Ah, well,
for the moment it looks as if we might have peace in the Near
East this next year, owing to that remarkable Sadat who is

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neither Jew nor Christian, and probably not even a member of
the CIA.

Both Kronos and the Review of the Society for
Interdisciplinary Studies (England) have asked me to publish
my Homo Sapiens Schizotyicalis and I think it will be done. I
am suggesting to them that they ask you to prepare a
commentary from your letters and other thoughts, if your time
permits, thinking that you will have half done the job already.
Strangely, I think you have understood my theory very well but
you have not understood the weaknesses of your own
conventional flooring quite as well. If you will permit me to say
so, I would assert that time after time you (and that means a
flock of learned gentry of evolutionary persuasion) will employ
sloganized concepts and terms to bridge whatever has to be
crossed. Like the word "cope" as "the principle of natural
selection could and did cope with the possible influences of
catastrophes and cosmic radiation escalations." or employ the
phrase "decisively influence" in place of "created" to deal
with the change in mind. That is, you have no mechanism for
the changes that occurred, but rather words that are accepted
and unquestioned. And you say that symbolism is created by
the adequate faculties of man --  then and now -- to explaining
things rationally. But why does he have to explain? Why
doesn't he just let the matter go by? None demands that he
explain, except himself, and this he does because he must
control himself, and thence the gods and others. That is, the
reason for human reason is not reasonable, that is, functional in
the sense you put it, but he is compelled to a certain kind of
reason by his very being that has been changed, and the change
is not reasonable but is simply the kind of change that produced
the new kind of being.

I have been reading the book by Walter Fairservis, called The
Threshold of Civilization, as I have thought about your letters,
and I can see him to be unconsciously evading all of my major
points. He systemically lays out the division of societies into
hunting gathering, agricultural, and civilized (using useless
terms), prettying up the old evolutionary sequence. But how
much hard evidence exists that hunting came before
agriculture? I think that they came together and that later on
perhaps when a society became strikingly one or the other,
secondary differences occurred. To me, it seems logical that the
earliest Homo Schizo went on for a moment of time grabbing at
all the bugs, carrion, and plants he would find, but discovering
right away that by escalated sign behavior and organization he

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could do immeasurably better than before. That is, the gestalt
of the certain permitted breakthroughs culturally along the
whole front of life. Think of what the Renaissance in Tuscany
did with a few ideas; it penetrated every shore of culture and
did it within a few years. This was the Renaissance Gestalt.

From time to time, too, you mention long temporal periods as
elapsing between events and I can see that unless one frees
himself mentally from the long-term evolutionary fame of mind,
the aggregate of events that I say happened almost
simultaneously cannot by definition have happened. So one
must hypothesize the collapse of time, understand the dynamic
that would then be possible, and thereafter go back and look at
time to see whether it is conceivable that we are wrong in
believing it to have been so stretched out. I realize that the
odds seem impossibly great against a short-time measuring rod.
All I can say at this stage is that I have spent some time with
every method of measuring time that exists and in every case
maybe found some Achilles Heel. To give one instance, it is
possible to make a case for Olduvai events to have been
contemporaneous with the destruction of the Cities of the Plain
-- geophysically, anthropologically and in legend. Not a good
case, to be sure, but there has never been a study with this
hypothesis in mind. And what I have discovered is that the
whole world of rocks, skies, nature, and culture can be twisted
into a short-term frame, hypothetically, scientifically, to where
a whole series of studies could without fantastic efforts give the
"yea" or "nay" to the general theories at stake...

***

Given so heretical an idea of man's origins and nature, we cannot
expect less heresy in Deg's religious views.

I think that Deg's troubles with religion and his carping at gods
was because God is a Hero. Deg did not like heroes, saying
"Heroes are foreseeable accidents that befall a following." Let us
say that at the least he wanted a hero he should control, which is at
least an ambivalence if not a contradiction. This in turn had
something to do with his early childhood, when there was a
benevolent, authoritative father and a brother older by a couple of
years who was always excelling, frustrating, lending help
diffidently. Harold Lasswell in an impromptu speech at a banquet

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one time, when both brothers were present, referred to 'Al' as
generated out of 'sibling rivalry.' I suppose that Deg had tried to
manage Lasswell, that great god of many social scientists, over the
years and did the same with Velikovsky. There were other gods as
well, and probably he escaped being some great man's Boswell or
Harry Hopkins because of his persisting ambivalence or simple
bivalence; it is not an uncommon trait, especially among women,
with whom Deg always felt at ease and in touch.

At one time he made the following note:

It should be an offense for anyone to speak in the name
of gods, or to say that gods speak to him, or to call upon

gods to intervene in the world, or to treat anyone in the

name of gods, or to assign to gods human traits.

V. and Deg talked little about, and hardly searched for, religion and
god. V. had no religion and had never intended to possess one. Deg
had no religion, always intended to discover one, but seemed never
fully to get down to the search; meanwhile he was forever peering
into the crevices where people kept their sacred idols and their firm
or faltering notions, and he acknowledged the value of religious
discussions. V.'s indifference to religion annoyed him. "God is an
open question" was Deg's saying, and he stuck it into lectures and
books and conversation, meaning not only that God is in doubt but
that God was in essence an Open Question.

In November 1972, he makes a note to himself: "Reconcile V.'s
intense jealousy of God as a Jewish invention and V.'s expression
to me of his belief in plural gods, and Yahweh as Saturn." [
Actually V. thought Yahweh was Zeus, and Elohim was Saturn.]
"I do reconcile them by saying that V. changed too. His original
belief changed even though the momentum of his original routine
drove him on. Compare him with the creationists, for example,
Bass, Ransom, and others not known except through writings (e.g.
Donald Patten) who became quite good and imaginative in
scientific and humanistic work on a new secular plane." Here Deg
is saying in effect that he was sympathetic to and enjoyed the
creationists, whereas V. thought that they were wasting their time.
Judaism was the tool of Zionism, so far as V. was concerned. It had

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little other value but to claim additional authority for Isreal
skywards as well as landwards. Martin Sieff, studying V. from a
distance, came to the same conclusions, which he expounded at an
SIS meeting:

Velikovsky's life's record clearly identifies him as a Jewish
cultural nationalist, his youthful experience in the Moscow Free
University, his great work in producing the Scripta
Universitatis in Jerusalem and in Berlin, his pioneering in the
settlement of Palestine in the 1920's all fit firmly into this
pattern. It is likely that he was early influenced by the Russian
Jewish Zionist writer Ahad Ha'am, who died in Tel Aviv in
1925, shortly after Velikovsky himself had moved to Palestine.
It is important to note here that such a cultural nationalist
identity stood very well clear of any religious commitment.
Believers may search Velikovsky's published works in vain for
any mention or acknowledgment of God. The most they will
come up with is in the Theophany section of Worlds in
Collision, a carefully oblique reference which may be taken
different ways, to "the great architect of the universe" This is
what makes the pseudo-scientific attacks on Velikovsky, by
people who have not troubled to read his books, so ironic.
Velikovsky himself is in no sense a fundamentalist. His
tampering with the biblical texts as they stand and his antipathy
to several of the major biblical heroes, as well as major stands
of the Hebraic religion, testify to that. Did Velikovsky believe
in god? In his very revealing 1967 interview with the Yale
Scientific Magazine, one of the few occasions when
Velikovsky really lets has hair down, he stayed very well clear
of this issue, stating: "people are looking for something in my
works, and they cannot find it." It is doubtful, I would
speculate, that Velikovsky was an agnostic, and I very much
doubt that he was an atheist. The sense of moral destiny, or
right and wrong is too strong in his books for that. At the same
time, however, just as Freud quailed before Moses, Velikovsky
gives us the imagery of Ahab and Saul quaking before the
prophets of God, and his sympathies are clearly with the sinner
kings.... Velikovsky kept some orthodox Jewish practices
rigorously, but insisted that he only did so for the sake of his
wife. As they enjoyed 57 years of sympathetic accord in their
marriage, this may seem somewhat spurious rationalization... as
George Orwell wrote of Tolstoy, for both men, Freud and the
later figure who was so influenced by him, their attitude
towards God was rather that of two birds in a cage, suspicious
of God as posing a rivalry to their own dominance.

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Psychoanalysis was God, cast for Freud in the image of
Oedipus, and the devil -- reflection of his own repressed
frustrations. For Velikovsky, God was in the image of the
planet god that brought purpose and terror, judgment and fire,
to the peoples of the earth.

Deg recollected, when he read a copy of Sieff's speech, a remark
that V. had made at Lethbridge. He found that it had been kept
through several revisions that delayed its publication for several
years. "The noises caused by the folding and twisting of strata.
Noises of the screeching Earth described also by Hesiod -- the
Israelites heard in them a voice giving ethical commands." There
can be little doubt on the matter. In this work, which Milton happily
entitled "Recollections of a Fallen Sky" (V. did not like the title,
but Deg ran interference for Milton on its behalf), V. speaks from
his view of all manifestations of divinity, that they are natural,
material, and that they promote delusions.

His few passages on religion in the posthumously published
Stargazers and Gravediggers are scarcely revealing. He lumps
together religious and scientific dogmatists; melodramatically, he
writes "were it possible to burn my books and their author
publicly, then most probably the councils of the church and of the
scientific collegium would have fought for the privilege of taking
hold of me and would have dragged me, each out of the grasp of
the other, to its own stake."

In the same work, he declares that "to my way thinking, these
books of the old Testament are of human origin: though inspired,
they are not infallible and must be handled in a scientific manner as
other literary documents of great antiquity." Well, one man's
`inspiration' is another man's delusion.

His public stance on religion is disclosed in an interview for
Science and Mechanics magazine (July 1968) :

...I answered only once when a group from prison in Illinois
wrote to me that this occupies their minds very much and they
debated and would like to know how I stand. To men in such a
distressful situation, I felt that I owed an answer and I wrote to
them. But generally, I keep such things to myself because it's

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just the same as asking whether William Conrad Roentgen,
who discovered X-rays, believed that X-rays were created by
God or not. The problem is not whether he was a churchgoer
or an atheist; this is not the question at all. The fact is that he
discovered X-rays. Now you can approach it from the
philosophical viewpoint and say "this is the creation of the
Lord," and you would be perfectly right. If you are a
disbeliever and claim that X-rays are the result of a soulless
Nature, you are consequently correct. But you should not
confuse historical and scientific questions with theological
considerations.

There was incidentally, little of moment in the letter to the
prisoners. Try as he would, Deg could not remember anything in it.
When I checked with the Velikovsky Estate to verify the letter,
Sammer and Heinberg denied its existence. They agreed that it was
written in longhand and no copy was preserved. Possibly Deg
remembered V. telling him what was in it, and there being nothing
tangible, forgot what it was. We can be sure that V. did not send
the prisoners to the Bible, and one of the most persistent and risible
of canards raised against V., especially by the humanist movement,
was that he was an anti-scientific Biblical revivalist. Many
scientists picked up this idea, too. That he was often used by
evangelists cannot be disputed, but in such cases Velikovsky was
not a Velikovskian.

V. could not be pinned down on God (as Deg noted in 1972 "I am
certain that he does not believe in God.") but he would use the
Hebrew Lord to belay others. The most revealing passages of V.'s
view came at the end of Oedipus and Akhnaton at the expense of
Freud, whose book on Moses and Monotheism he denounced;
Freud, he declared, had done his people a great disservice by taking
monotheism from them as an original invention (again the idea of a
"claim"), making of Moses an Egyptian, and of Yahwism a
primitive cult; Freud, he actually wrote, was neurotic. His anger at
Freud overflowed onto Akhnaton so that this magnificent free
thinking Pharaoh, who tried to liberate a great culture from priestly
and traditional thralldom, became now psychotic, deformed, a
nudist, monolatrous (not monotheistic), incestuous, homosexual
(bisexual), a pacific bungler of his country's affairs, and, if not a
wife-beater, a wife-banisher.

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V. harbored the thought that Moses was not a monotheist, that true
monotheism did not come to the Jews until the time of Jeremiah,
whom he regarded as the first to formulate the idea. He never
expressed himself publicly, for the same reason that he had
criticized Freud for publishing Moses and Monotheism. Too many
Jews would be upset, he said onetime privately to Wolfe, Milton,
and Rose. He believed that late editors of the Bible and Jewish
rulers had refashioned Moses into a monotheist, and that not until a
few years before the Babylonian Captivity did the Jews become
officially and fully committed as a group to monotheism.

V.'s secret can be deciphered in Worlds in Collision, however,
where, although he mentions the facts behind his theory, he gilds
them by speaking of a striving to attain monotheism from the time
of Moses onwards. Like other honest scholars, and ordinary people
too, V. could not conceal his discoveries of "truth" even though he
felt morally justified in doing so, and actually believed, with some
guilt feelings, that he had succeeded. Still, his attempts at
concealment had also a political angle, for he was enabled to deny
that Akhnaton was a monotheist, and to call him an idolator of the
sun, while letting stand the convenient notion that Moses, who
came before Akhnaton in his reconstructed chronology, was
monotheist.

The reader will readily recognize in the Illinois prisoner incident
that V. had picked up the typical American pose to avoid trouble:
keep religion out of discussion -- separation of church and state
carried to ridiculous lengths. Elisheva was telling Deg proudly of
V.'s position; evidently she, too, not only used the excuse, but was
self-congratulatory about it. She was taken aback when Deg said
that it was irresponsible: how can a person write so much about
religion, realizing full well that defenseless people are being
affected by what he is saying, and then shut up like a clam when the
consequences of his statements are under inquiry? This is especially
the case in a free country, where unlike in police states, one loses
little by honesty.

I agree, and it is proper to say that V. lacked original ideas about
contemporary religion. He was materialist. a Proto-marxist

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(rebuffed by persistent anti-semitism ), a Jewish nationalist who had
to reconcile himself to the powerful Judaic orthodoxy within the
state of Israel and within his family, an orthodox freudian believer
that psychoanalysis can free the mind, a believer in science as a
realistic and rational ordering of the universe, and a shrewd evader
of religious controversy, which, if he had entered upon it, would
have alienated half of his public support.

***

Deg's position was quite different. He was pro-Jewish anti-Moses,
even though a profound sympathy for Moses is apparent in his
book on God's Fire, and, I might add, he felt, too, profound
sympathy for Karl Marx as a mind bursting with social reality and
grim wild hopes, even while being a life-long antimarxist. He felt
dreadfully sorry (remember what I said earlier about his empathy
with historical figures) for those Jews, often in the majority, who
tried to wrest human and civil rights from Moses-Aaron, Miriam,
the Golden Calf worshippers, the wanderers who heard "the call of
Egypt." the Scouts, and the intercultural revelers of Beth Peor.

Deg's idea of religion could not develop fully until he had
successfully framed the problem of historical religions and satisfied
himself of the essence of human nature. You have to find these two
keys to the history of religion and man. The first key he discovered
by pursuing man's interest in things sacred back as far as possible,
back to humanization or creation it seemed. It appeared that all
gods were alike, that all men were religious even when atheist, that
all religions were alike, that all religions were psychologically at
least polytheistic, and that a succession of changing gods was a
reflection of catastrophic cycles of nature and culture. All religions
were basically similar: they ritualized celestial and natural
phenomena in human terms; they sacrificed, they slaughtered
people; and they secured and protected them. Their historical
behavior was basically schizoid.

There were two ways of finding the divine, both almost
inaccessible to Homo Schizo; one was to open up oneself to one's
innermost depths in order to know whether some part of oneself is
divine. The other was to examine the universe outside to see

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whether the divine must exist there and whether it is manifesting
itself. This was a futuristic theology, to be sure. It was anti
rationalistic, that is, anti-Aristotelian. If more words need be
applied, it was a phenomenological pragmatic, existential approach.

In 1965, there occurs a mention of the idea of entropy, and Deg's
view of religion may be said to have emerged from his reaction to
this "law of nature."

The world of the second law thermodynamics -- the dying
world -- is the product of a dying mind. When the mind ceases
to die and begins to live, the second law of thermodynamics
will be replaced by an equally valid and scientifically acceptable
law of creative evolution or creative condensation or creative
intensification of specialized activity. [This ultimately ended in
the theory of theotropy thirteen years later.]

He remembers, of course, the aura of publicity that had attended the
work of Norbert Wiener and cybernetics, and a kind of gloominess
associated with the notion of entropy, merged with the character of
Wiener who, he thought, might have committed suicide in
Stockholm. Not long afterwards he came upon a book of Melvin
Cook in the New York University library stacks: published in 1966,
this difficult technical work on geophysics was by all odds the most
competent and confident assault upon the premises of long-time
geochronometry to be found. Cook's model of crashing ice caps
and slitting continents set up the basis for Deg's geology. The main
problem was to reconcile his own exoterrestrial first causes with
Cook's Earth-based scenario. Beside this, Cook, in a few
paragraphs on negative entropy, rendered Deg sensitive to a
possible place in theology for a new process. As the time
approached to write The Divine Succession, the negativism
inherent in his destruction of history was unexpectedly counteracted
by a positivism from this source.

Deg's Journal, July 10, 1979

End of my generation begins. [I cannot deduce what he means
by this.]

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NEW PROOF OF THE EXISTENCE OF GOD

If our model of the solar system is correct, with therefore a
time 1 to 15 million years and if the universe is large and
populated as it presently seems to be, the manufacture of
negative entropic features of short duration should be
occurring with much greater frequency than now conceived
(although if time is infinitely regressive then the speed of their
creation is inconsequential). However, in either case, the
probability of say 1020 intelligent (negatively entropic)worlds
is very high. Now there is no reason to use mankind as the
measure of the 1020 intelligent world. Whereupon I postulate
an X number of worlds where the creative dynamics of
negative entropy produce beings of such intelligence and power
that they may be called 'gods.' If these are defined as
'beings with n times the intelligence and power of mankind
(and they may be aggregates as well as individuals), one of
them may be considered to be of such Intelligence as well as
individuals), one of them may be considered to be of such
Intelligence and Power that it may establish control over the
universal process. In that case, we have the traditional concept
of god exercised in new form of proof of omniscience and
omnipotence -- that is, one who is created by the universe
working towards that goal (by its essence) and who ultimately
turns around and controls the Universe. If the chances of such
a One having appeared. If the chances of such a One having
appeared are low, and such a One surviving temporally in
addition to all his other powers (i.e. 'God is external') sets
up a chance that One existed but no longer does, then the
Universe may still go on and on in the expectation that sooner
or later it will create its eternal, omniscient and omnipotent
master, where upon truly he universe will be intelligently (as vs.
the present chaos) ordered and in which the far-flung parts will
be compelled to cooperate.

However, ideas were converging from all quarters. The theories of
Homo Schizo and Divine Succession went along together and
interlocked without difficulty or even awareness.

September 9, 1972

I am going to Princeton today, expect to see Velikovsky. Have
continued to probe his work though I have a mountain of tasks
before me for the Fall. Am continuously tempted to rewrite his
theories in my own language, to test them, to add to them if

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they test out, to explain their importance, and to put them into
a logical psychological historical framework that cannot be
ignored. I am scarcely prepared for the task, in time, resources,
information, so keep nibbling at the edges (one would hope like
the Martian rats that destroyed the army of Sennacherib,
according to the Egyptians).

At this moment, am reading the scarifying Babylonian poem to
Ishtar (W. in C. p. 200). I note the line 'O furious Ishtar,
summoner of armies,' that concludes the poem. Again this
works two ways: Ishtar causes the people to wander and fight:
V. says catastrophes engender migrations, flight, armies
clashing in the dark. Agreed. Many corresponding events in
Greece, Near East, etc. ca. 1500 and 8th-7th century.

But comes another reason for the armies and the clashes. When
people are fearful, they assemble. In numbers there is strength
and comfort. They do not disperse as 'logic' would tell them
to. Any combat officer will tell you how difficult it is to get
men to scatter for cover when under attack; they want to
huddle together, even though the collective 'good' lies in
spreading out.

The rationalization of huddling; the assembly of armies, the
summoning, is that the enemy is One, its intentions are
unknown, the collective judgment of the tribe or people is
needed (the greater the roll-call the better, the more secure the
judgment) and the enemy may be the friend, who, it is
desperately hoped, will be impressed by one's forces or lead
one's forces against our enemies, indeed, demand to lead
them. "I am your god, your leader. Why are you not gathered
to greet me. Why do you run away; your running is suspicious.
I demand that you assemble for My Coming!" All of this is not
withstanding that in some places and areas people would in fact
scatter to the caves and clefts, as the premonition of disaster
came to them.(cf. W. in C. 212-3).

Deg's Journal, Oct. 10, 1972

I showed Sebastian several pages of V. dealing with ancient
China. He was moderately impressed. I asked about Tao.
Sebastian holds the unconventional belief that the Chinese
notion of 'heaven' is animated. It is a Being. I have that hook
to hold on to. What set me to thinking was this: Tao seems like
a refutation of catastrophism; no bloody gods. But in the

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beginning it relates the stories of heavenly conflicts. I was
baffled. Tao seems so benign, calm, apathetic. Then the
thought came: but perhaps Tao became Chinese
uniformitarianism! Centuries ahead of the West. Perhaps Tao
came to soothe mind and restore calm to the heavens. Really it
wasn't long after Mars-Ares-Huizilopochtli-Nergal that Plato
clamored for laws vs. disbelievers in celestial harmony. But
now see: the West remained unsettled of mind. The gods did
not go away carrying catastrophic theory with them.
Humanists, historians and scientists interrupted the movement
towards uniformity and celestial serenity until the 19th century
and then the latter triumphed for only a century. Is it that
Judaic Christianity carried the Bible, whose catastrophism
would not be denied or effaced, right down through the
centuries in the face of all amnesiac needs in religion, society,
and science? Is this why the Western world (including the
Muslim) has been so turbulent and aggressive? What is behind
Tao? Do we now have a third amnesiac development out of
catastrophe: Greek pantheons, Judaic chosen tribe and
monotheism, and Tao calm reflectiveness?

Deg's Journal, New York City, 1 A.M., 24, 1973

Just awakened by a call from Jack Martin, Baptist Missionary
in Bangkok, regarding Paul. You cannot give up hope for man
or woman, knowing that, if you do, the next moment will bring
you a person who will reveal that you are wrong.

EPILOGUE TO THE SETTLING OF HEAVEN

If one has stood amidst a burning city, been shaken in an
earthquake, or watched the throes of death, or looked down
yawning chasms or into the ocean depths, or heard artillery
shells scream and strike, each 'with my name written on it,'-
then one can better ponder the awful predicament of our
ancestors who over thousands of years suffered disaster
manifold and many times over. They cannot be gainsaid their
fears and plaints, and the qualities of their gods, those deeply
involved companions of humans who became ever more human
as they took the gods into themselves and ever more diabolic as
they sought to master the games of the gods.

The gods have retired into new forms. But they still operate
through the busy humans whom the poet Rilke called 'the
bees of the invisible.' They are everywhere and scarcely as
remote as our scientific texts would have us believe. They are

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in astrology, in fortune-telling, in magic. They fly to the scenes
of disaster. They augment the forces of authority. They heal
and console. They scare. They make anxious. They set the
rituals for many as they have done since the age of Ouranos.

They assume their own negations: for they argue with
themselves in Natural Law, in Bureaucracy, in Dogmatic
Materialism, in Reified Words, in Mummified Heroes, in Time
and Worlds without end. They let themselves be molded into
One, and the One obliges his necessities by becoming Many,
Beyond all, they stand at ease waiting for Armageddon and the
Day of Judgment. Then they will don their armor and rally their
hosts.

The gods have retired, yes, but it still takes rare courage to
contemplate all of their continuing manifestations and to resist
the invention of their negations. There is yet nowhere else to
go. And few who would follow.

By skating along on the ice of the cerebral cortex,
mathematical astrophysics or another such exercise may
sublimate the gods. Dumb bestiality may be equally functional
in sublimating them. We think that of all ways of facing them,
the best is to look at them everywhere, contemplate their every
manifestation, anticipate their reappearance, but do no more. If
there is any question of human madness, it is erased when one
pretends to be divine. Our human destiny is an open question.
We deny our humanity if we try to close it. We belittle
ourselves if we plead with the gods to answer it at any cost.
Here we shall have to leave the matter rest.

Deg's Journal, Stylida, Naxos, July 3, 1978

The Old Testament of the Bible has been much on my mind
this summer, because of my study of Moses and the Exodus,
because of several interesting articles dealing with it by
Sizemore, Greenberg, et al. that have come to hand, and
because Ami reveals herself in a new light as once a child who
has remembered prodigious amounts of the Bible from the
nuns' school in Mulhouse that she attended.

I have come to look upon the Old Testament as a great
mountain range that has yet to be explored in regards to its
effects upon the human mind, history, education, and anti
semitism, politics and society in general. Just as there is no
good book on the Jews -- sociological psychological, and

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behavioral -- so there is none on the Bible.

The early scientific rationalists of the Enlightenment (and their
socialist successors) thought that merely to expose the Bible as
a typical unscientific and superstitious document would be
enough to put it onto the shelves of dead religions,
anthropology, myth. They treated it as a discrete entity that
could be taken off like a suit of clothes.

***

What did our homo schizo Deg do socially with his polyego while
inventing it? Personal affairs were not easy with him over much of
the seventies. The daughters peeled off the family stalk into Bryn
Mawr, Smith, and the University of Chicago. The four boys broke
off prematurely. They split in every direction. Only Carl went
through a university, held on at the Peabody School of Johns
Hopkins University by a devotion to music and a character too
irritable to knock about abroad. He did spend a while on Naxos,
composing extemporaneously at all hours on a piano in the middle
of the OldMarket section. The others went here and there in the
world: wherever the newspapers were speaking of "endless
Summer," of places where the action was, of Denver, Bangkok,
Florence, Amsterdam, Australia, Cuba, Morocco, Istanbul and San
Francisco, word would also come from them.

Jill decided upon a separation or, perhaps more accurately,
redefined her relationship with Deg around 1970 and Deg came
thereafter as a visitor to Linden Lane in Princeton and then to his
mother, on which occasions he would also see Velikovsky and
Sebastian and maybe Tom and Rosalyn Frelinghuysen. The split
was not abrupt or devastating; it was a drifting away that he felt less
distressing because he was immersed in tides of preoccupation. It
was like a pattern that stretched until unrecognizable, and then tore,
or like the string tricks people do with their fingers, when with a
single movement of the fingers the strings slip into a new form.

Following upon his relatively flushed income of the sixties, when
what he wanted to do coincided with what agencies with money
wanted him todo -- investment brokers, publishers, Bill Baroody's
American Enterprise Institute, the war establishment -- his finances

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fell into poor shape during the seventies. Despite ordinary and
extraordinary family expense, and his contributions to his mother's
welfare, he took leave from his University and spent all of his
savings and gave his library to the Alpine college. He gave up
trying to publish his works on world government in America and
published them in Bombay, where his friend, Dr. Rashmi Mayur,
was building an Institute. Deg was insisting that a Kalotic World
Order movement should come out of Bombay or Istanbul, not the
United States.

He stayed at Washington Square when in New York, became
intimate friends with Nina Mavridis who lived in his building, he
taught his courses, wrote steadily, and put together the college in
Switzerland with the help of several students. Nina was generous,
but could hold her professorship at La Guardia College for only a
year. They married after a time but separated after several years of 
being together, and she moved to Berlin. He moved from
Washington Square Village to 110 Bleecker Street, where he spent
little time. He stayed with Dick Cornuelle, he moved into Ken
Olson's loft in Little Italy, and he visited happily with Donna
Welensky for a while.

In Europe he lived in Switzerland and in Naxos. He was close to
many people during the seventies. Although a gypsy he gave the
impression of being fixed somewhere and of soberly pursuing a
reasonable plan -- people knew not exactly where -- except that the
where was not where they were. One month he would be in
Vietnam, then he would be staying for a week at a little hotel in
Sion where the barmaid and he became fast friends and at odd
hours he would tell her of many things and she would tell him of
her Algerian mother and what the people of Valais were like and
how they regarded her. Then he would be in Naxos, buildings
without the means to build, fixing with crude tools, and writing.
Friendship would be struck up with those who came by his isolated
place and people would come from town and he would go to town.
Sandy came from Australia and might even have swum from there,
a blond eel, and he heard of culture and society "Down Under,"
and they traveled together to America; he laughed to watch her
tapdance. Sigrid Schwartz came from the Black Forest with her
little boy who carved the surface of his marble table with a neolithic

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flint while Sigrid told of her mother who asked to be carried to the
grave with a jazz band playing "The Saints Come Marching
Home," and so it was done. He spent a good deal of time
underwater in a diving mask and knew the bottom like his own
land, and could pluck a bit of pottery out of its rock fastenings any
time and give it to a pleased Hamburgian, Londoner, or
Trondheimer.

Wherever he went in the world, he never truly wandered, but was
always bent upon something to do with study, business, politics,
education, and everything else seemed to be related. He was
sometimes impatient, pressed by perceived obligations, but never at
odds with himself. And wherever he went, half of his baggage
consisted of folders, full of reprints, chapters in progress,
manuscripts, proofs, correspondence and notes, never less than
thirty pounds of these, including the folders that dealt with the job
he was on. Hence he was never bored, nor even idle when he
wanted to be idle, for he could hardly wait for the day to dawn in
New York, London, Tokyo, Saigon, Bangkok, Bombay, Cochin, or
Paris so that he could write and read in order to write.

Many were the occasions, though, when the needed piece of paper
had been left behind or a needed book was on a faraway shelf. Nor
could he half control the crazy-quilt appearance of his work in
progress, paper of different sizes and quality made in different
countries; handwriting altered by different writing surfaces, some
on vehicles in motion; writing in pencils and pens of blue, black,
red and green.

His psychological counterpart, Jean-Yves Beigbeder, would turn up
or he would find Jean in Paris or at Nevis in the West Indies, and
they would celebrate life and make great plans, until one day Jean
slipped into the sea from a stalled motorboat off St. Kitts to swim
ashore for help and was lost into the night and forever. So he had
many friends, good friends, he thought, most of them going
unnamed, like Carl Stover, Rashmi Mayur, Kevin Cleary and his
gang who hated their enemies more than they loved him and
wounded the college, Jay Hall, Barbara Schmidt, Christine Ressa,
Peter and Annette Tobia, Charles Billings, Carl Martinson, Phil
Jacob, Ken Olson, Levi Fournier, Dick Cornuelle, Jay Hall, Savvas

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Camvissis, Stephanie Neuman. Even to mention them is not fair to
his wishes, for he will complain bitterly that each person means
everything to him when they are together so that he cannot stand
seeing them on a list, where they may seem like numbers of the
days on the calendar of a long-gone year, deprived of all the riches
that they presented to each day.

Life carved its channel more narrowly after Anne Marie Hueber
came upon the Naxos scene. They lived in comfortable poverty,
traveling irregularly and eccentrically, along the path of
Washington, New York, London Paris, Alsace, Florence, Athens,
and Naxos. Great energy now went into the Quantavolution Series,
while she wrote her novels and lent him a hand.

All this I wanted to say, though briefly; creativity is always in
context -- whether Marco polo in his vast Asia or Immanuel Kant in
his little garden -- and I fear not so much being irrelevant as that I
will convey neither the context nor the created substance, whether
in themselves or as they meshed together. Whatever he was up to
and wherever he was, by the late sixties, Deg, like many another
but in his personal style, was radicalized. He not longer believed in
small solutions -- whether laissez-faire in economics, gradualism in
politics, or incrementalism in biological and cultural development.
Pursuant to many early signs, holospheric quantavolution took
possession of him.

175

PART THREE

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CHAPTER NINE

NEW FASHIONS IN CATASTROPHISM

Deg's Journal, November 24, 1967

Rereading carefully V.'s Earth in Upheaval, I read the
sections on the age of waterfalls this morning and, as I poured
coffee beans into the coffee grinder just now I wondered at the
marvelous parallelisms or analogies of force -- an old
observation of course -- cascades great and small, all the same 
- what makes them "different"? Man's size? -- which
separates everything in the world into big and small? Time is
such too. Easy to see and believe the existence of gods who
pour Victoria Falls as I pour coffee beans.

Think if all the world would be reduced to the same
proportion, Would we then get a marvelous set of insights into
hitherto baffling problems ? Would suddenly the rich world
become dross and dull?

Another entry, several days later :

Velikovsky came by for a few minutes, left a couple of items,
and loped off saying "I have left too much for the last mile."
Too many interruptions, many of his own causing: too many
projects, too. At least he has gotten reliable Juergens to edit his
"Ten Trials" for publication [it never happened].

We talked of Livio Stecchini who is working on ancient
measures and geography. His writing may never see the light.
Why? "He cannot bring things to fruition," I said. "The idea is
hard," said V., the inception." I added "The conception."
"The conception is a pleasure, the birth is painful," said V. and
he left it at that. He went to the library. He loves it and works
unceasingly and effectively there. The sky in Princeton is low
and the air smells of snow. Scholar's weather.

Velikovsky's Earth in Upheaval assembles "the testimony of

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stone and bone." "Wherever we investigate the geological and
paleontological records of this earth we find signs of catastrophes
and upheavals, old and recent." It gives an old-fashioned sense of
the geology of the last century, before jargon swamped its
literature. The feeling is deceptive. The plain speech was deliberate,
both because little technical language was required to make his case
and because his large audience could not be embraced if jargon
intervened between the writer and reader. He also avoided
exoterrestrialism, so as to show that you do not need to introduce
comets in order to prove that catastrophes had befallen earth.
However, he allowed many implications to be drawn from
geological data pointing to astronomical reorientation of the Earth.
And in his conclusion, he made the point forcefully that "The earth
repeatedly went through cataclysmic events on a global scale, that
the cause of these events was an extraterrestrial agent."

He did not deal with electrical phenomena, a strange omission for
one who preached an electrified cosmos. (It entered into a
supplementary paper that was printed with the book itself.) That
much material on electricity could have been considered was
shown by William Corliss, who began compiling it during the
1970's; and by V.'s friends, especially Ralph Juergens in the
1960's then too Eric Crew in England, Milton, and Deg.

Nor did V. take a radical position on geochronometry. He refused
close combat with the giant, Time. To defeat macrochronic
arguments he carried forward the order of catastrophic topics, still
valid, with new evidence from biostratigraphy. Although he
advanced catastrophic evidence into prehistorical and even
historical times, he hardly advanced the theory and methodology of
time determination. He did not attack the long-time conventional
view of Earth history. The best work on short-time geology or
microchronism was done by Melvin Cook. V. rejected continental
drift and his arguments against Darwinism were those well
elaborated by creationists and scientists of "saltationist" persuasion
long before.

Nonetheless, the work has solid merits; Harry H. Hess knew it
well; he could find no falsehood or factual errors in it, only a theory
which he could not accept or announce ex cathedra; and he

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recommended the book to his students in geology at Princeton.
There was much to be learned from it that a student could
otherwise obtain from no single source. It was controversial; the
geologists dismissed not only its style but also its catastrophist
ideas. V.'s scheme to make headway among geologists by
presenting a "clean" book, without assistance from legend or
astronomy, failed. Yet, today, after 27 years, his book can hardly be
called controversial. It is advanced, not avant-garde.

Still it is more complete, logical, exact, clear, and secular than any
other work in geology that considers catastrophism. The
comparable next best work, privately published and quite unknown,
was completed at the same time by geologists Allan Kelly and
Frank Dachille. That is: Target Earth: The Role of Large Meteors
in Earth Science. Also more daring and provocative, and also
highly professional in method, is geophysicist Melvin Cook's work
that I already mentioned, Prehistory and Earth Models, published
obscurely in England a decade later, which employed purely
terrestrial forces in explaining Earth's features. Both books are
superior in method to Velikovsksy's book, more complex and
more original. Both books. I hardly need add, are practically
unknown and not cited among geologists and general scientists;
indeed, they were not common currency among cosmic heretics
because V. neglected to admit them.

When a true believer is excommunicated or goes apostate from a
charismatic cult he is, if let go scot-free, inclined to start his own
cult, and in science or art, there is every reason to wish the apostate
or excommunicant well. Robert Stephanos left V.'s circle and
found a new interest, another cosmic heretic, by then deceased.

William Comyns Beaumont is hardly known today but was a top
ranking English editor and a brilliant catastrophist. His work turned
ever more to the -- quite mad -- idea that the Egyptian dynasties up
to the 13th century B.C. ruled in South Wales and that Jerusalem
was originally located in Edinburgh; this plunged him into
obscurity, even among catastrophists ! Stephanos resurrected
Beaumont, located what was left of his materials, and formed a
committee to promote his work. He prepared a list of his ideas,
culled from Riddle of the Earth (1925), The Mysterious Comet

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(1932), and The Riddle of Prehistoric Britain (1946); he sent them
to Deg who verified the list. Beaumont, on evidence not at all
execrable, positioned Atlantis on the British platform and accepted
what the Egyptian priests told Solon, that their ancestors had been
at battle with his Athenian forebears when the great Island sank
amidst frightful tumult.

Here were Beaumont's more "reasonable" propositions:

1.     The geology of the world's surface is largely catastrophic.

2.     The catastrophe was caused by a cometary collision.

3.     All geological formations were shifted as result.

4.     Cosmic lightning played a major role.

5.     Hydrocarbons were present in cometary tails.

6.     Ancient chronology was several hundred years too old.

7.     The Ancient calendars had to be revised because of the
catastrophe.

8.     Many species were extinguished catastrophically.

9.     Religion was born in cometary worship and tied to phallic
forms because of the shape of comets.

10.    Fear of cometary collisions is inherited by mankind.

11.    Vermin were deposited by comets, which also provoked
plagues.

12.    Deities from Egypt, Greece, Meso-America, and elsewhere
were identified with planets.

13.    Pyramids were both astronomical observatories and "air
raid shelters" for nobility and kings.

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14.    Planet Saturn, as a comet, caused the Noachian Deluge.

15.    The Atlantis date (ca 9500 B.C.) given by Plato had to be
shortened.

16.    Extensive legendary evidence pictures the "hairy,"
"bearded," "blazing star" symbolizing comets.

17.    Stonehenge, Avebury Circle and similar monuments were
astronomical instruments.

18.    Central American legends (and cultures) were
contemporaneous with those of the Old World.

19.    The intercalary "five evil days" were cursed because they
coincided with a world disaster and the ending of an age.

20.    The serpent, dragon, winged-globe, caduceus, and other
ancient symbols are traceable to cometary catastrophes.

21.    Religious festival are dated by cometary catastrophes.

22.    Cometary conflagrations are the origin of coal deposits.

23.    The ancients had a true 360 day year.

24.    The planet Venus underwent great changes in color,
diameter, figure, and orbit in the time of Ogyges.

25.    Quetzalcoatl (Coculkan-Hurakan) commemorated the
cometary dragon for the Meso-Americans.

One significant thesis that V. could not have gotten from Beaumont
was that the disturbing comet was Venus, although both identified
Quetzalcoatl with the comet.

The list appears to be defensible by the criteria of quantavolution.
But once one goes into the books behind the list one enters a jungle
of brilliant entangled foliage. Beaumont find innumerable
bewildering geographical, geological, theological, and historical

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analogies between the regions of Great Britain and the Near East,
particularly Palestine, such that the history of the two can be
merged into one from the time of the Golden Age of Saturn until the
Emperor Constantine (312 A.D.) of the Roman Empire. "The
history of the Old Testament is the history of Atlantis," he writes.
"Constantine ("born in York") had definite motive for transferring
the arena of Jewish history and that of Christ to another region
altogether." (Britain: Key to World History) Obviously, to enter
Beaumont's world is a pleasure allowed to few.

The reader may have noted that most of the theses occur in
Velikovsky's, and also de Grazia's books. It is easy enough to
explain the similarities in the case of de Grazia for he drew heavily
upon Velikovsky, and cites all of his sources. It is not so easy to
explain the parallels between Velikovsky and Beaumont.
Velikovsky never mentioned or cited Beaumont. Could Velikovsky
have read and forgotten Beaumont's books? His method of proof
is entirely different; practically everything -- style, format, language,
method, and evidence -- is different; only the conclusions are the
same. And I should stress that when Deg came into possession of
the Beaumont materials, he found them mostly unusable for
methodological and theoretical reasons; Beaumont's stress upon
Thoth, however, helped convince Deg that a catastrophic age ought
to be assigned to the god Hermes and the Planet Mercury.

Moreover, with regard to both Velikovsky and de Grazia, too many
of Beaumont's conclusions are the same as theirs to explain them
as sheer coincidence. I guess that either in the 1920's or 1930's
when V. was in Palestine, the books, published in England and
dealing with matters of interest to the Near East, made an
appearance in the bookstores and were seen by V.

A second possibility is that during the 1940's V. met with the
books at the Columbia University Library where he spent
thousands of hours in research on his own books. The Columbia
University Library possessed of Beaumont's relevant works only
The Riddle of Prehistoric Britain which was published in 1946, By
this time Worlds in Collision had been written. V.'s library time
during which he achieved his major beliefs relating history and
geology to exoterrestrialism had been spent in the Columbia

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University Libraries.

However, a note exists in his archive, mentioning having read
Beaumont's 1932 book; the note dismisses the work. Yet V.
expresses his wonder whether Beaumont had gotten his (V.'s) ideas
by telepathy. V.'s memory was prodigious. Could there have been
a 'Bridie Murphy Effect?' This case, it will be recalled, involved
a Colorado woman whose accounts of "another life" in Ireland
were substantiated by investigations of her "home family and
neighborhood" in Ireland; it developed that she had been
unwittingly retailing material conveyed to her by her Irish nurse in
early childhood and duly registered in her memory.

V. had an unusual interest in mnemonic phenomena. One time Deg
was visited by a nurse from India accompanied by a high official of
the Indian Foreign Ministry. She possessed a rare factual and
numerological memory. Given any long set of numbers, she could
recall them and reorder them. She could also do tricks such as
supplying a person's year of birth, knowing the day and month.
When younger, she had possessed only an ordinary mind, then had
global amnesia following her mother's death, and afterwards had
been led slowly by her father to relearn everything. Despite her
prodigious abilities, she was a modest person of ordinary
intelligence.

V. came to meet her and a seance was held. Deg's term for the
type was "idiot savant." V. did not use the term, and he was
unusually taciturn, leaving Deg wondering whether V.'s mind
possessed a similar competency.

***

V. one day confides in Deg that he has discovered in the course of
his research certain geographical locations where oil and gas were
exuding in ancient times. It might be profitable to explore there.
They talk again and again about the information, and Deg draws up
an agreement which they both sign. If they can interest an oil
company in purchasing their knowledge, they will divide the
proceeds. V. chooses a location. It turns our to be in Turkey. Deg
buys maps of oil concessions and wells for the area and finds that

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the spot mentioned stands seemingly outside the boundaries of
existing rights to drill, although quite surrounded by concessions.
Better Turkey than Syria, certainly, they think. However, Deg
knows the problems of Turkey, political and bureaucratic, the
tangle of laws, the high cost of concessions. All that they have to
sell is a dozen words. Given away without guarantees, and the
project explodes. So Deg talks to friends, and telephones to
experts. He speaks to his friend Robin Farkas, who is Treasurer of
Alexander's Department Stores and who has friends engaged in oil
speculations. The situation is ridiculous: there is no way to proceed,
except by trusting strangers; give them the information and if they
can persuade the most appropriate corporation or government
agency to spend half-a-million dollars drilling, and if they strike oil
they might be counted on someday to compensate the "owner" of
the magic words. V. writes Deg, who is somewhere is the Near
East, on August 12, 1968:

Dear Alfred:

Enclosed is the contract [for a book, never signed]... Ralph left
on a cross-country trip...

As to oil in Italy, I shall write you separately but I would also
like to know how would you like to proceed if we come to an
agreement as I hope we will...[Is] the Italian monopoly holding
oil company entitled also to off-shore exploration and
exploitation?...

And what is new concerning Turkey?... a concession there?
In the matters of Cosmos and Chronos [etc.]...I assume you
have received my former letter (or letters), last to Samos.

I wish to think that you have achieved many goals during his
trip as also piece of mind and serenity that usually eludes very
active minds -- though you may be an exception.

I look forward to a letter from you and shall answer speedily.
With warm regards.

Yours,
Immanuel

Deg is nonplussed, and heavily occupied. He cannot figure out an

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easy way to get in and out of an oil arrangement. He had the same
kind of difficulty once before when he wished to engage the Xerox
corporation in a system of information retrieval. There seemed to be
no assured way of handing over useful knowledge. Perhaps it
would be best to publish the information for the benefit to all those
interests that might want to scramble to profit from it. Or give it to a
friendly government, or to a friendly corporate officer. Or hire
someone to run around among the oil companies and venture to the
historical locations; such a person would need funds, must be made
a partner, and had to be trustworthy.

Nothing more was done, and the several indications of petroleum
rest in their ancient sources. In recent years, oil explorers have
come to hire dowsers, several of whom claim to be able to sense oil
locations simply from maps. Deg asked an Exxon official whether
the company might not profitably set up or contract for an office,
which for a million dollars could carefully read every ancient
document that exists to discover relevant references. After all, to
dig a hole costs half a million dollars. Deg wrote a memo about it.
The idea seemed to Exxon rather odd. (They hadn't yet heard
about dowsing.) So Deg quit trying to sell information from ancient
sources.

By 1970 there are intimations that Deg would be moving into the
field of geology. Typically, he notes some striking fact and then
reviews his life experience to weigh its significance. Then he moves
out in a number of forays, both intellectual and operational, some of
which lead nowhere, others foolish, still others abandoned midway,
one or two coming to a conclusion. But meanwhile, like a beaver's
dam, the sticks begin to make a frame, the holes are plugged up, the
waters are stemmed and a structure manifest itself. Folders begin to
collect notes and ideas. Years may pass, during which time little
that is directly relevant and purposeful happens in the field, for he is
occupied with other writing, or with education, politics, war, and
personal concerns. Still, a cluster of opinions begin to form and he
is infected by the specific ambition. He has fantasies of a message
to be conveyed with fierce logic and compelling force but is already
telling himself in a small closet of the mind that he must be
respectful and persuasive.

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Then he foresees an opening of Time and feels inspired to create a
book. He recorders his ideas and notes in a dozen successive
outline; several introductions appear and vanish; meanwhile he
writes one after another the chapters. A bad chapter is washed out.
A bulky chapter is broken into two, and a section of it is floated
into a new position somewhere else. The writing is heavy labor and
becomes increasingly furious and fluent. What ends up as The
Lately Tortured Earth, written in seven months of 1982, began as a
note on strange ashes, following a reading of passages from
Schliemann's report of his discovery of "Troy."

Deg's Journal, Stylida, July 7, 1970

Early in World war II, the Germans air-bombed Rotterdam as a
terrible 'object-lesson' to the Dutch to obtain their surrender.
Then late in World War II, the British and Americans bombed
Hamburg, Dresden, and other cities, using many thousands of
incendiary missiles. In no case, despite high buildings, much
wood construction, and inflammable objects, did the immense
fire leave thick layers of ashes.

How do we explain, then, the heavy compressed layers of ashes
that cover so many ancient cities. I cannot go along with the
many experts who casually assigning these remains to an
invasion, the loss of a battle, or accidents. They are really
"playing with fire." Schliemann's pretty little story of his
discovery of "the treasure of Priam" is a case in point. He
implies that somebody carrying a large casket of good objects
and other precious goods had to abandon it suddenly during
the final stage of the siege because he or they were pursued
hotly. Over a copper shield "lay a stratum of red and calcined
ruins, from 4 3/4 to 5 1/4 feet thick, as hard as stone." He
nevertheless could extricate the shield and the casket of articles
associated with it by employing 'a large knife.'

He [Schliemann] writes, "It is probable that some member of
the family of Priam hurriedly packed the Treasure into the chest
and carried it off without having time to pull out the key
[whose wooden handle was gone]; that when he reached the
wall, however, the hand of an enemy or the fire overtook him,
and he was obliged to abandon the chest, which was
immediately covered to a height of from 5 to 6 feet with the red
ashes and stones of the adjoining palace." How remarkable that
this kind of reading of the ruins has prevailed to this day! And I

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have noted others from stories of the Near East, Etruria, and
Meso-America.

All references to ash layers in ancient times need to be
collected. The levels should be recorded, along with the normal
data on what is above, below, and the site location. Of course,
C. Schaeffer has done something like this in the Middle East
and Velikovsky had added some other reports. A special study,
however, is lacking. It should also be noted that the original
layer must invariably have been much thicker than the final
layer as discovered by archaeologists. This was mentioned by
Nicola Rilli in his book on Etruria; yet he persisted in speaking
of a Ligurian invasion and other mishaps, not associating the
ashes with natural catastrophes or the deluge that he believes
overcame Tyrrhenian civilization. The Pompeiian,
Herculaneum, Krakatoan ashes should also be measured.

Ultimately, we should sample the ashes to determine whether
their origins were local or distant, terrestrial or celestial (this
may be possible now that we are beginning to know the
geological composition of Moon's surface and perhaps soon
of Venus and Mars; they must, or course, be dissimilar; if
similar, we may be stuck).

In 1973 he goes to work seriously on the case of the Trojan ashes.
The literature of what he calls paleocalcinology is nil. He prepares a
memorandum and sends it to several experts, asking them for
citations and an opinion about the possible sources of the heavy
calcinated debris of the "Burnt City" of Schliemann. They give him
other names, until he has a score of informants, practically all of
whom are curious and helpful insofar as they have something to
offer.

Graig C. Chandler, Director of Forest Fire and Atmospheric
Sciences Research for the Federal government, wrote him a letter
that might serve as a model of scientific altruism. I quote it at
length, for that reason alone, even though its contents are in
themselves fascinating:

Dear Dr. Grazia:

Forgive me for taking a whole month to "reflect briefly" on
your letter of February 8. The delay is even less excusable since
I have come up relatively blank on the citations you requested.

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I do however have a contact who I know is quite interested,
and deeply involved in archaeological investigations of past
natural fire history.

You should contact:

Dr. Edwin V. Komarek, Sr.
Tall Timbers Research Station
Route I, Box 160
Tallahassee, Florida 32301

All the half dozen references I have been able to unearth that
deal directly with prehistoric charcoal and ash deposits stem
from Ed Komarek, so you will undoubtedly get them, and
more, directly from him.

I found your manuscript fascinating. However, there are some
points you should understand before going too far with a
theory that credits wood fuels, either forest stands or urban
constructions, as a source for 15 to 20 feet of ash fall.

A natural forest can easily meet or exceed the 200 ton biomass
figure quoted by Kelly and Danchille. However, in a living
forest, only the material less then one-half inch or so in
diameter is ever consumed by fire, regardless of the fire's
intensity. This practically never exceeds 30 tons per acre unless
the fire has been preceded by some other catastrophic event
such as massive insect kill, logging, or exceptional weather
anomaly.

The "ash" residue from the complete combustion of wood
ranges from 0.1 percent for white pine to 2.2 percent for
western hemlock. Actual residues from naturally occurring fire
are much higher, ranging from about 10 percent in low
intensity fires down to the proximate analysis value in
firestorms. Thus, there would be less than 3 tons per acre of
"ashes" produced by the burning of the densest forest. This is
an amount about 10 times as great as the fertilizer you spread
on your lawn in the spring.

There is an abundance of practical experience on distribution of
ash from large forest fires. The Peshtigo Fire of 1871 burned
more than 300,000 acres completely surrounding the town of
Peshtigo, Wisconsin. Contemporary accounts mention "ashes
piled nearly an inch deep in the streets." I have been in several

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forest fire where newspaper accounts played up "ashes falling
like rain." In every instance with which I am personally familiar,
the resulting deposit could be measured in millimeters.

Cities, of course, have much heavier fuel loadings than do
forest. But again, ash residue from the burning of a city is
measured in inches, rather than feet. The accounts from the
1906 San Francisco earthquake and fire are good evidence on
this point.

In firestorms, forest or city, there are no ashes left. Firestorm
winds scour the burned area clean.

Although it is completely out of my field, I would theorize that
the only possible way in which a deposit of wood ash many feet
thick could be produced in a single event would be to
mechanically reduce the wood to rubble (earthquake), cover it
with an inert material at high temperature so that the
combustion could not occur (volcanic ash fall), and reduce the
wood to charcoal and "ash" through distillation. I have never
seen "red ashes of wood" in natural fires, and the term spunds
much more like a distillation residue than a combustion residue.

I hope the above discussion is helpful. Please don't hesitate to
write if I can be of further service.

Deg's exchange with Ed Komarek may also be worth quotation:

Dear Dr. Komarek:

In an endeavor to pursue a number of baffling contradictions in
ancient and pre-historical times, involving the life and death of
ancient settlements and the development of various human
traits and customs, I have come upon indications of huge
conflagrations involving layers of ash deposits that to my mind
could never have originated, as the archaeological community
tends to believe, from the ravages inflicted upon the settlements
by conquerors with torch in hand. Several Strata of the city of
Troy (Hisarlik) in ancient Anatolia give evidence of inordinate
destruction, sometimes by earthquakes, sometimes by both.
Yet there appears to be no great volcano that might have
exploded or collapsed nearby. Although perhaps none has done
so, it appears to me that a chemical examination of these beds
of ashes of the different centers of exploration in Asia Minor
and the Middle East might tell us whether hand-set flames,

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volcanic fall-out or some other less familiar element may have
been involved.

May I ask about the nature of your studies and work in this
field, and whether you could put me on to some literature in it,
and further whether you know others besides ourselves who
might be interested in it? I would be most obliged for your
advice.

April 29, 1974

Dear Prof. de Grazia:

I am much interested in some of the comments you make. If
the sample of the ash could be examined under an electron
scanning microscope we might be able to tell a little bit about
where it came from. In fact, if you could ship me a small
package of it, I will certainly put it under an electron scanning
microscope and see what I can determine.

Under separate cover I am sending you several of our
publications, particularly one in connection with particulates
from forest and grassland fires. With this technique it might be
possible to pinpoint what type of ash you have found. Of
course many of these early cities had a tremendous amount of
woodwork inside of them and of course, these would burn
even inside of stone buildings. We certainly should be able to
tell the difference between volcanic particulate matter and that
from wood or grass.

[He goes on to describe the work he has been doing on natural fires
and the origin of cereals in Anatolia, and expresses interest in the
continuation of the Trojan project.]

May 28, 1974

Dear Mr. Komarek:

Thanks for your letter of April 29 and for the many materials
that arrived subsequently. I have been having a field day with
them.

The enclosed paper on "Calcination in Pre-historic and
Ancient Times" carries some of the logic that has led me to my

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present interest in the testing of ashes (and, I may add, mega
lightning or Jovian lightning, which, I think, may have been
almost qualitatively different and/or vastly more frequent and
destructive at some periods than during recent times).

I wish that I had samples of ancient settlement ashes to forward
to you so that the testing might begin. But I am afraid that their
collection awaits a field expedition of some complexity. I am
going to Greece and Turkey this summer, leaving June 23, and
may be able to arrange some permissions and even to scrounge
some samples. I am seeking support for the research as well,
although I fear that the novelty of the approach, its threat to
conventional theories, and the fact that my qualifications for the
work, whatever the distinction I may hold in other fields, are
not specific to the problem, will all handicap my efforts.
Apropos of this, may I say, in asking for help, that you will give
aid and consultation in the analysis of the obtained material?

Thank you again. Incidentally, I note that we did not miss one
another by much at the University of Chicago. I began my
studies there in 1935 with $50 that my father borrowed for me
and a trumpet that sounded a lot better to people then it would
now....

On Naxos, Deg had met Professor Georg Keller, geologist of the
University of Freiburg, and sought his advice as well. Keller knew
Aegean geology and assured Deg that there were no volcanos near
Troy, neither now or anciently. He doubted any possible source of
ash from Thera or elsewhere. Ash falls are not uniform, even on a
small island like Kos, where in one place he found 40 cm of Thera
ash while in many other cuts on the island nothing at all was visible.

Deg's Journal, June 3, 1973

Everything is understandable when it is simple and it is simple
when only or two things happen to it at given time -- and the
longer the time without their changing the even more simple is
the scheme.

Thus the mechanics of the earth seem understandable when a
presumed history's is said to permit only a couple of motions
and even these are under severe constraints.

However, when in fact, the real history of earth is shown to

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have involved large changes in not only a couple but in many
motions, then an exact explanation of what happened may be
impossible, especially so since no reliable observers reported
most the events.

One reason why uniformitarianism evolved rapidly and
persisted is that it created a simplistic history, evening out
things over time and subjecting them "normal" changes.

One reason why there are so many theories explaining natural
history is that each man can barely cope with possible effects of
his one favorable type of motion and change.

He ruminated about oil, about tectonism, about the Thera explosion
of 3,000 years ago, about the earthquakes that long ago shook the
now seemingly stable earth beneath Athens. Here he is at New
York University, noting a meeting with Professor Charmatz of the
geology faculty on Oct., 9, 1973:

Deg's Journal

Lunch with Prof. Charmatz of the Geology Department. Nina
came along we ate at the Faculty Club. I worked to minimize
threat, arrogance, conviction re our subject, the question of
how ashes of ancient times are laid down and composed, in
relation to Velikovsky's theories. I needed all grace and tact to
do so, for young Charmatz was ready to lecture me on my
foolish dilettantism. I could see; he was nervous and prepared
to give and receive aggression. He had hardly ordered lunch
before he blurted out that V. cited sources that could only be
found in some exotic library, that one good guess did not make
a theory right (he cited the surface heat of Venus), and that V.
was an astrologer. I let it all go by with sympathetic murmurs
and a soupHon of rebuttal. Then he smoothened out, and
began to talk to the point.

As usual, what seems simple is difficult to bring about in
experimental science. I did discover that no sure blocks
confront a set of distinctions among ash -- heaps of varying
chemistry, origins, duration, quantity. A crucial test is possible.
We need an interdisciplinary team -- archaeologists, chemists,
geologists, zoologists, geographer, engineer, mythographer,
and maybe even a social theorist or methodologist. Then we
need to find sites around the world where these ancient ashes
lay, analyze them, and try to explain their presence in depths

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varying up to an original 12 feet. Charmatz became quite
involved and is willing to go along with me into the possibility
of such a project. When he loosened up, he began to release
particular information of much value. We talked also of
magnetism, of what is to be found in the bottoms of old lakes,
and of petroleum. He declared that all (`not one exception,' at
my prompting) petroleum had been found in sedimentary rocks
from ancient seas. 'But not all sedimentary strata have oil?'
No 'And if we found one non-sedimentary pocket of oil, the
theory would be blasted?' 'Probably.' 'Tell me: is it
possible that only in sedimentary rocks where oil has been
found can oil collect? Or are there other formations that could
hold oil over time?' He seemed puzzled by this query. I
repeated it twice more, in between answers that were not
direct. I still do not know the answer, but it may be important.
For if oil can only be held in one kind of rock pouch, then it is
indefensible logically to claim that the oil and the rock are
generically related. If all my pockets have holes in them except
one and my money can be kept only there, it is incorrect to
reason that this pocket coined the money or witnessed its
coinage.

How helpful it is when scholars of different fields come
together on a problem. That is what a university community
should be. There is so little of it, however.

P. S. He began to ponder the fact that oil would decompose
everywhere; that ashes would decompose, geology cannot tell.

Now again he is searching for anomalies in archaeological reports
of ancient times, and writes in his Journal of January 21, 1973:

I am dismayed by the material that I must digest. This morning
I scanned Chronologies in Old World Archaeology. a fat little
encyclopedia edited by Robert W. Ehrich. I search for evidence
of clear breaks between cultures. The authors do not give
them. They classify but do not explain a multitude of changes in
strata and objects. In a couple of instances 'sudden'
stoppages are mentioned. Done in 1965, none mentions
Velikovsky, one mentions Schaeffer (he could hardly miss him
since Schaeffer appeared in 1948 and the author is specialized
in Northern Syria and Northern Mesopotamia.)

All are using R-C dating (adjusted) and grumbling about it.

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It is difficult to say whether the dates given reflect a sampling
of possibilities, e.g.:

If all the dates are put into a frequency table, would gaps show
up and would these point to a destruction over part or whole
areas? Is this statistically inferable?

Look up possible catalogue of all R-C and P-A dates for the
world and make a frequency table from them. If there is

1) any consistency of cluster or gaps?

2) any consistency in parts of the world; i.e. axis tilt or even
another disaster would hit certain parts of the world worse than
others.

Later, the whole picture could be slid into a true chronological
space.

All dates seem to be later than 10,000 B.C.

Then he is in Athens and has looked up Professor G. Marinos of
the University of Athens Geology Department:

Dear Professor Marinos:

The Doxiades Organization informed me that you were
supervising the analysis of the core drillings being made at a
number of sites in Athens in connection with the proposed
subway route....

I am interested in any evidences that your drillings may show of
levels of calcination in the historical and pre historical
stratigraphy of the area. By calcination I mean burnt debris, ash
coverings, and earth subjected to heavy thermal stress. At the
same time I would be interested in concurrent evidence of
flooding on a large scale, associated with or independent of the
burning.

Professor Marinos is happy to oblige and introduces him to the
engineer who is drilling beneath the city. The engineer takes Deg
on a tour of the drilling sites, and shows him profiles of many cores.
The drilling is too crude to tell him what he wants to know: what
comes up is an already infinitely fractured Athens schist; no way of

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showing thin or scattered ashes. Athens must have shaken a great
deal in ancient time, he thinks, but no indications of flooding or ash
falls. Could the surface of Attica have been shaken, washed away
and blown away? Possibly. The Acropolis was originally part of a
larger mass, according to Plato, and to have been well-watered.

He sails for Naxos, whence he writes to his old friend, Richard C.
Cornuelle, in Manhattan:

...I have nearly concluded that the ocean basins were created
about 15,000 years ago, and promptly filled with the waters of
heaven. And I bought a beach ball, painted it white, and, with
much effort and complication, finally succeeded yesterday in
drawing upon it in crayon, a map of the all-land (Pangea) earth,
the old poles, the old ice caps, and the fractures that split and
drove apart the continents by an expansion of the globe. I had
hoped to sketch the book this summer but the problems have
come so hot and heavy that maybe another six months will be
needed just to outline the work so that people like you can look
at it and see that I'm not all that crazy.

There's a good little foreign crowed here this summer, writers,
artists, sculptors, teachers, drifters, even two (not one) belly
dancers (American). Wish you might visit. Can give you the
absolutely isolated stone cottage away from town where you
can dwell stark naked on the land and in the sea. Or send
someone you love.

I meant to go to Turkey to get a sample of Trojan ashes, but
the crisis, the out-of-pocket expenses, and other risk of the
adventure made me put the trip aside and I may get a friend to
do the job in the fall or come back in the spring, hopefully with
a small grant in hand, to do it myself....

It is clear that Deg was working to explain global morphology by
earth expansion. He had yet to achieve the idea that a lunar eruption
from the Earth would cause the oceanic fracturing and rafting of
continents, and explain many other mysteries at the same time.

Deg's Journal, Naxos, August 15, 1974

New war crisis. Turks are going too far. People around me
disturbed. How do I proceed with my strange far-away
thoughts and study?

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Met with Gerhardt Rosler for two hours today, three hours
yesterday. He wants to talk politics, I geology. We talk mostly
geology.

Today we figured out together the parallel faults between
Paros and Naxos. May be important. Whole strait between may
have collapsed recently. Very 'recent' fault, 'fresh,'
according to Gerhard.

Stylida is an everyday sight, by geological standards. The area
is not such as to excite the torpid theoretical tempers of
geologists. If I can say something about recent changes here, it
will show that one can go anywhere in the world with the aid
of catastrophic theory, properly framed, and find 'potential
support,' at a minimum.

Gerhardt dug up a note he made on a broadcast in Germany
when he was a high school student. It said x m 3 of hydrogen
per second struck the earth. Where did it go? Hydrogen is not
part of the atmosphere. Does it combine with O to drop into
the ocean as H2O?

He had made some rough calculations. It is enough to account
for all the oceans at 2 x 10 25 grams, we discovered, if E = 4.6
b.y. old Cf this with canopy theory. This held rings derived
aboriginally, therefore there is no need for the continuous flow.

But if hydrogen and oxygen met in a different gravitational
situation -- when Earth was in Uranus-Gigans [later designated
by Deg as Super-Uranus] complex and orbit -- they could
compose the rings. Then, relieved from Uranus-Gigans, the
rings fell and the stored H2O deposits with them. Now, since
then, water would be building up with them directly! Is this so?
Continental shelves -- have they been filling and dropping ?

Back in America to teach for the Fall Semester, on November 11,
1974 he telephones Dorothy Vitaliano, who, with her husband
Charles, worked as a geological team. Indiana University press had
recently published her Legends of the Earth, the aim of which was
to establish uniformitarian interpretations of both catastrophic
folklore and of geological sites assertedly catastrophic. Her book's
sales were disappointing. It is not so easy to sell anti-quantavolution
books; although well-received by editors and professors, they lack

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an enthusiastic audience.

As an example of her method, she presents an Arancanian Indian
legend according to which in ancestral times two serpents made the
sea rise. Earthquake and volcanism were followed by a universal
flood. The survivors took refuge on a mountaintop which floated up
close to the sun. Ever thereafter, the Indians repeated their climb up
the mountains, carrying bowls (to protect their heads from the sun,
they say), whenever an earth-quake occurs. There must have been
numerous similar earthquakes and tsunamis, claims Vitaliano, to
perpetuate the legend and its associated behavior.

The myth and associated actions are, in fact, rather clear examples
of universal responses to a universal flood, preceded by violent
quakes and volcanism. The "Sun" was probably Saturn gone nova
(the infant Horus and Jupiter). The twin serpents were twin comets
either from a second confused catastrophe or debris from the nova.
The bowls are means as protection from fall-out of all kinds. The
continual repetition of the behavior is a form of compulsion,
whether it occurs during "normal disasters" or in celebration of the
anniversaries of the primordial disaster. The concept of illud
tempus (the First Great Day, so to speak) that Mircea Eliade, the
famed comparative ethnologist of the University of Chicago,
employs, explains the psychic nature of such events. Deg's Homo
Schizo I transfers the concept from a solely psychic complex to a
complex based upon primeval experience.

Now, at this point in time, Deg and the Vitalianos' should have
gotten together to discuss their findings and differences. Not at all.
Scientific development seems at times to proceed as a series of
missed encounters and perpetuated misunderstandings. A small
problem in business --  say a sentence in an annual report -- as Deg
could observe among his friends in government and corporations,
will arouse a rich system of conference telephoning, airplane rides,
Xerox fireworks, and overnight express mail. Not that the scientists
need to have agreed, but they might have erased 50% of the
differences and retire, both enlightened.

Often impatient of delays, and often pushing things to conclusion -
not always qualities either pleasant or helpful -- Deg was poignantly

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conscious of the defects in scientific and intellectual business:

Talk about Pop and Mom grocery stores! The intelligentsia is
driven to work at the lowest support level of technology and
economy. And is brainwashed besides to accept its lowly
status. There is a mythical complex of incompetence and
insufficiency which are inextricably rationalized and justified as
a single process usually called creative or scientific, and
worshipped as a whole. Yet how can you be sure that they
would not waste the technology if you gave it to them. Every
other occupation does, the military, the bureaucracy, the
corporations, everybody except Mom and Pop. There's the
paradox: the least efficient is the most efficient, the least costly
is the most effective. We can't all be Mom and Pop, but
everything else is worse in its own way!

The Vitalianos were part of the Thera volcano study group, a
combined geological-archaeological effort at understanding the
explosion that tore apart a thriving island in the Aegean. The
peculiar shape of the remaining land excited suspicions as to its
history but no historical reference to it occurs. At first, therefore,
modern volcanologists assigned it an old age. Then Spiridon
Marinatos excavated cultural remains of the Bronze Ages; finally a
town of Late Minoan Age was uncovered, Akrotiri.

The geologists followed Marinatos in assigning the destruction to
about 1500 B.C. and tying it into both the Exodus and the sinking
of Atlantis. Eddie Schorr, a graduate student of the University of
Cincinnati, working for Velikovsky, showed (contra-Velikovsky
and all concerned) that the event could not be of 1500 B.C., but
rather must have occurred around 1100 B.C. or later, and also that
it could not be Atlantis. Deg adopted Schorr's view, even though
he would have liked to see it dated at 1500 B.C., when there was a
felt need to discover universal destruction surrounding the major
Venus disaster. The others went merrily along writing books and
articles to profit from the glamorous Atlantis and Exodus
connections, which I think shows how readily 'hard' scientists
will buy meretricious goods. V. was silent, though his voice,
correcting his error and endorsing Schorr, would have carried
weight. Schorr should have been granted his doctorate promptly
upon the publication of this brief piece and his two articles
disposing of the Greek Dark Ages (hence 500 years of supposed

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time) that appeared at the same time.

Such was not to be. Indeed, he published the articles under the
pseudonym of Isaac Isaacson, so fearful was he of being evicted
from the Ph.D. program of his University. V. was disposed to
support his fear; movements are made of martyrs.

Deg could not figure out how justified was their fear, but was
concerned with the self-destructive aspects of it. V. had paranoiac
tendencies which fueled even stronger and similar suspicions on
Schorr's part. Good for one another intellectually, they were bad
for each other emotionally. Schorr was highly regarded at
Cincinnati. Yet he finally left the University and retired to his
family's business in Houston. His research continued privately, and
he remained in touch with several other heretics if only through
letters that are extremely long, brilliantly correct on Aegean history,
and malevolently critical of practically everyone, including his
correspondents.

In one of these letters to Greenberg he attacked Deg's articles on
Troy first for not crediting him enough for his advice and counsel
(in what name he should have received credit was not made clear),
secondly, for small errors that could and should have been
corrected in a letter to Deg or to the publishing magazine, Kronos.
Greenberg passed the letter to Deg saying, you see, here is what I
have to deal with (for the rest of the letter was furious on other
matters as well), or perhaps he was saying, see here, I am not the
worst of the Furies. Efforts were made by Elisheva and others,
following V.'s death, to consolidate Schorr's unpublished work
on the Dark Ages into V.'s lean manuscript on the subject, to no
avail.

Deg offered to speak to the Cincinnati authorities on Schorr's
behalf, but he was warned against doing so; the prophecy went on
to fulfill itself. I cannot say, however, that word of the
pseudonymous scholar did not leak to the Cincinnati network, for
Deg told his daughter, Dr. Catherine Vanderpool, who dwelled in
association with the Athens terminus of the network, of Eddie's
predicament; and when Eddie put Deg in touch with Professor
Cadogan of the University of Cincinnati, surely he must have been

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tempting, or even admitting, self-disclosure.

Deg, we recall, was on the trail of Trojan ashes. One day he was
working at the library of the American school of Classical Studies
in Athens, and found in one of the volumes a remarkable sentence
to the effect that samples from numerous levels of Trojan debris
had been collected by Blegen's team in the 1930's. Yes -- Jerry
Sperling, a visiting scholar from Cincinnati told him, who had
worked on Troy and was at the Library at the same moment -- this
showed the thoroughness of Blegen; no, he said, I do not know
what they are or where they are.

Deg had friendly access to James Caskey, head of the archaeology
department at Cincinnati, through Cathy's father-in-law, Professor
Eugene Vanderpool, a friend, and highly reputed as the "Grand
Old man" of the School of Athens. Yes, the samples were in bags
still, and were about to be analyzed by a geologist, Professor
Bullard. So said Caskey. And Deg spoke to Caskey of his interest
in the calcinology of the debris.

On September 18, 1974, Deg called Reuben G. Bullard who, it
developed, had left the University to join the faculty of the
Cincinnati Bible Seminary. Deg found him well-disposed and even
willing to undertake the work from his new position. The sample
were contained in about 400 cloth bags in the attic of McMicken
Hall. Deg wrote to Caskey and meanwhile reported to his friend
Bruce Mainwaring, another cosmic heretic who also on occasion
dug into his purse to help move along a publication, "very
enthusiastic about your idea for an 'ash' project...and hoping to
try to organize a program which embodies some of Eddie's ideas
as well..."

Then Caskey decides the same action should be taken; he writes
Deg:

3 Nov. 74

Dear Professor de Grazia,

Thank you for your letter of October 22. I am interested in the
project, but must ask for a bit of time to inform myself further.

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It was a shock to me to hear that Bullard is no longer at the
university. I shall be leaving Greece soon but shall be in
Cincinnati only shortly before the Christmas holidays.
Therefore I'll take up the question -- as soon as possible -
after the opening of the winter quarter in January. It is
important. My colleagues and I shall give it careful and serious
consideration.

With apologies for the delay and, again, thanks, I am

Yours Sincerely,
John L. Caskey

There is no recognition, here or otherwise, that Deg might render
theoretical or operational assistance. Deg sent a copy of his
manuscript on paleocalcinology and Trojan ashes to George Rapp,
whom Dorothy Vitaliano had recommended as having had an
interest in Trojan geology. Deg now applies to the National Science
Foundation and is turned down. Time passes. On May 12, 1976,
Deg called George Rapp, who is at the University of Minnesota in
Duluth, and notes down the substance of their discussion:

Conversation with Prof. George Rapp
Department of Geology
University of Minnesota at Duluth
1200 hrs. May 12, 1976

Has rec'd NEH and NSF grants to study the 350 sample bags
from Troy. Is applying a range of chemical analyses to all bags.
Has found some pollen and wood that can be 14C analysed.
No reports yet and possibly for another year or two. (Students
asst is going away for summer on job.) He is expecting to look
at the terrain himself in December. No signs of vitrification in
the samples. Visual inspection cannot often reveal ashes, but he
will know whether there has been fall-out from volcanism or
local incineration from torch or accident.

I asked him about the scottish vitrified forts. He never heard of
them. I described the findings of a century ago and said that the
theory called for brush or log fires set outside the walls to
harden them. He questioned the temperatures, as did I. 1000
degrees needed well focused,[sic] as is done in ceramic baking
(with help of venting.) When I told him that the fusing had
entered a couple of feet into the crevices, he dismissed any

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brush fire. So one more important detail is cleared away. The
vitrified towers are definitely of unusual origin. I asked him
whether the soil of Hisarlik contained the same kind of
ferruginous clay that we were talking about and he said he did
not know but would look see when he visited the site. (He had
been there before but had not noticed.) He said that the
vitrification would be noticed by the archaeologists at Troy but
none mentioned it. I am not so sure they didn't. What was the
calcination if not vitrification? But the copper and lead deposits
would have performed the same lightning attractive functions
as the ferruginous clay. Hislarlik is a lonely tell and
promontory, also attractive.

I told Rapp that I would rap with him come fall to see if
anything new had happened. He said he doubts if anything new
will have happened. He said he doubts that he will ever have
final answers.

On June 15, 1977 Eugene Vanderpool writes to Deg:

Dear Al,

Here is Caskey's reply about the Troy samples, written from
Kea.
About the Thera conference sponsored by Galaopoulos and
scheduled for July, I am told by Jerry Sperling that it has been
postponed until next year. He heard this from George Rapp.

All well in Pikermi,

Yours,
Gene

J.L. Caskey to E. Vanderpool June 14, 1977

Work on the Troy samples is proceeding, very thorough, under
George Rapp of University of Minnesota at Duluth, progress
satisfactory. I am told. The results are to be put together in
1978, with the plan that they be submitted then as a
supplementary Monograph in the Cincinnati TROY-Series
(Princeton U. Press) [actually the results were published in
1982] Slow, but I trust worth the time and effort (and money).

If you are in touch, tell Prof. De G. I'll try to write to him one
day but am not sure just when. I haven't got the facts, and

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probably could not understand them if I had. Nothing definite
has been reported yet, in any case.

In 1982 the report finally appears, dedicated to Caskey who had
deceased, extravagantly published by the Princeton University
Press, and offered at a price of $52.00. Deg who has been
following closely its production calls his friend Jerry Sherwood of
the Press. She invites him to sit down in their offices and go
through the book. He is disappointed. There are no findings of
consequence from tests of the debris. The only organic elements of
significance are from the straw used in making bricks. There is no
indication that any of Deg's hypotheses was considered, even if to
refute them.

What could be concluded from this study that occupied several
years and cost a hundred thousand dollars? Either nothing unusual
had occurred beyond the man-caused or accidental burning and
earthquakes, or the proper tests were not employed, or the samples
were defective to begin with. Schliemann's burnt City remained a
mystery, so far as Deg was concerned.

Only some of the samples were used. He argues that the remainder
stand for future investigation. Regardless of the sinister hypotheses
of strange fall-outs or electrical-thermal emanations from
underground, there are other more conventional hypotheses that
would be worth further study. An outside team, say, such as Blumer
of Woods Hole Oceanographic Center led when he was alive,
might be asked to evaluate the samples on a much wider range of
tests, seeking gases, polycyclic hydrocarbons, lightning residues,
and volcanic tephra.

On the one hand this may seem to be the suggestion of a crank who
is never satisfied by proofs against his pet theory; on the other hand
this may be one of those cases (so well-known in the record of the
U.S. Food and Drug Administration, for instance) where decades of
one-sided proof turn out to be bad and new theories and tests bring
about retraction of the "proofs" and significant new discoveries.

***

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At Chapel Hill, North Carolina, Deg was visiting fire-dance expert
and archaeoastronomer Elizabeth Chesley-Baity, and paid a
courtesy call to the Political Science department. Professor Andrew
Scott was cued in to Deg's quantavolution and suggested he get in
touch with his relative, John William Firor by name, who was
Director of the National Center for Atmospheric Research. An
exchange of letters followed. One notes that the inquiry strikes into
two lines of study: the possibly catastrophic origins of mankind and
geophysical catastrophism. Firor's letter stuck in Deg's mind as
he wrote the chapters on exoterrestrialism and the atmosphere in
Lately Tortured Earth.

June 3, 1976

Dear Dr. Firor:

As I was explaining my present studies in the origins of human
nature to Andy Scott recently, he came up with the suggestion
that I address you on one type of problem which I've
encountered. In my scenario of practically instant creation of
the psychocultural human from a closely similar homo sapiens
anatomy, I have had to set up models of genetic change,
cultural traumas, and atmosphere change (plus combinations).
In the atmospheric context, one major question is whether
there occurred a radical change in some atmospheric constant,
which then assumed a uniformitarian guise and which is not
observable presently therefore, but yet is producing
distinctively human behavior.

For instance, what are the limitations (low-high) of the gases
and particles or combinations thereof that an essentially human
physical type can absorb or endure without expiring and
secondly what mental and anatomical operations would be
continuously altered by the different possible mixes?

High altitude deoxygenation, nitrogen bends, oxygen
poisoning, carbon monoxide poisoning, x-ray and ultra-violet
effects are some cases of relevance. I wonder whether certain
gases can affect the endocrines continuously; I postulate this
because a constant heightening of endocrinal output will result
in pathological exaggerations of typical behavior.

Among the hypothetical constructs for abrupt change in
atmospheric constants might be included increase or decrease
in oxygen; CO2; ambiant ionization; x-ray; solar particles;

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heavy volcanism and gases over centuries. I have not
mentioned changes in barometric or in atmosphere mass
weight, nor of the effects of high, heavy ice-water rings or
canopies that were removed in a series of cataclysms. The
chain of causation may be complex, e.g., a life span increase
(decrease) brought on by changed gas mixture promotes longer
training and group memory and skills.

Perhaps I haven't provided enough detail even to permit
considering the subject. If so, please tell me. If this suggests to
you some ideas of studies that you would care to relate to me, I
would be most grateful. I call my field revolutionary
primevalogy; the atmosphere which may be the most delicate
of all ecological factors, is part of it.

8 July 1976

Dear Professor de Grazia:

I have given considerable though to your June 3 letter asking
whether there has occurred any radical change in some
atmospheric constant. There are three areas that I can comment
on: atmospheric composition, climate, and ultraviolet radiation.

The present notions concerning atmospheric composition do
not suggest that there have been sudden changes. Those who
have thought about the history of the atmosphere take as a
starting point a gradually cooling earth which has exhaled a
good deal of carbon dioxide. In this situation, some sort of
primitive plant life begins and the plants themselves begin to
produce oxygen. When the oxygen content reaches some
particular level, then animal life becomes possible and it too
begins its long evolutionary chain. I am not an authority in this
area, but my reading tells me that no one has yet proposed any
cataclysmic changes in composition. There is some notion that
we have reached an oxygen content which is self-regulating,
that if plants produce enough oxygen that the atmospheric
content tends to increase, the likelihood of lightning -- starting
forest fires and other events would increase enough to burn up
the extra oxygen and bring it back up to its regulated level. I do
not know how accepted this notion is, but if anything, it works
against what you are looking for, that is a sudden change.

There are sudden changes known in the dust content of the
atmosphere as a result of major volcanic eruptions. When the
Agung Volcano erupted in the early 60s, it's well established

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that the dust in the stratosphere went all over the world and
stratospheric temperatures changed for a year or two
afterwards as the dust only gradually washed out. However, no
ground-level effects of this process were measured and, hence,
nothing that might easily fit into impacting a Homo sapiens
anatomy.

The climate does change. The northern hemisphere warned up
between 1890 and 1950 and has cooled off since that time by a
similar amount. The changes are larger in some parts of the
northern hemisphere than in others. This particular change is
not particularly large and perhaps not cataclysmic enough for
what you are looking for. There are suggestions, however, in
the paleoclimate record that larger changes have occurred more
rapidly. Around 500 B.C., evidently, in the space of a day, or a
month, or a year (after this long a time, it's hard to tell the
difference) the climate of Europe cooled strikingly, clogging
certain well-known mountain passes with snow, changing the
dates of which harbors were free of ice, and producing
dramatic effects on the trade arrangements, travel patterns and
so forth of the time. There are other tantalizing bits of evidence
of sudden changes in climate -- a rodent in Canada found
frozen in thousands-of-year-old ice-covered terrain. Climate
change and climate theory is a very active area of study just
now and I would suspect a rapid accumulation of new
information in this area in the next few years.

Finally, ultraviolet light. Recently, we have found that a sudden
stream of fast particles from the sun on one occasion struck the
high atmosphere of the earth, produced nitrogen compounds
that in turn destroyed some of the ozone and suddenly admitted
more ultraviolet light to the surface than before. The effect
went away fairly quickly as the ozone layer healed itself and
indeed the effect was rather small. But it suggests that if during
the changing patterns of the earth's magnetic field there
occurred a moment when there was no general field of the
earth, hence, no magnetosphere to protect us from solar
particles, we might have an era in which the atmosphere would
have much less ozone and, hence, the ultraviolet radiation at
the surface would be considerably larger than today. It is hard
to say how rapidly such a situation might begin. I suppose one
could also not rule out the possibility of a major and sustained
emission of particles from the sun which would begin
essentially instantaneously and diminish the ozone layer for
weeks or months, but we have never observed that much solar
activity. Very recently you may have seen an article in Science

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magazine written by a scientist here at NCAR in which he
pulled together many lines of evidence to indicate that during a
70-year period in the late 17th century, the sun seemed to be
free of sun spots and the character of solar activity was very
different from anything we have known in modern times. This
fact at least holds out the possibility that sustained changes in
solar activity was very different from anything we have known
in modern times. This fact at least holds out the possibility that
sustained changes in solar activity can occur and I would
suppose if they can occur negatively, that is the vanishing of
sun spots of solar activity, one might have eras of higher than
normal solar activity. The carbon-14 record, which was used in
the Science article as corroborating evidence, suggests that the
changes in cosmic rays producing carbon-14 and controlled by
the sun were of the same relative size of that occurring during
the sun-spot-free period in the 17th century.

I hope these rather crude thoughts are some help to you in
thinking about revolutionary primevalogy.

Sincerely Yours,
John W. Firor

***

The ancient Roman Encyclopedist Pliny mentions that the Etruscan
city of Volsinium had been destroyed long before him by a
thunderbolt from the sky. None paid serious attention to the remark,
except the cosmic heretics. Deg, who had campaigned during the
War in the region, would have liked to investigate Pliny's claim, a
pleasant location for a critical test of the veracity of legend and the
activity of Zeus the Thunderbolter or another god.

After he had become aquainted with an authoritative figure of
Italian geology, Professor Piero Leonardi of the University of
Ferrara and the Academia Nazionale dei Lincei, he wrote Leonardi
about Bolsena and received a disappointingly assured reply:

10 March 1977

...I read with interest what you said in your letter about the
Lake of Bolsena and the publications of your friend Juergens
on the possible attribution of the craters and 'sinuous rilles'

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of the Moon and Mars to enormous electrical discharges, but I
must confess to you that the arguments of your friend do not
convince me, for a complex of considerations shared by almost
all planetologists. I am sending you separately a work of mine
on the origin of the 'sinuous rilles' in which you can discern
my opinion on the matter...

He voices, too, his opinion that meteoroid impacts and volcanism
can account for the craters.

So far as concerns the Lake of Bolsena, one is dealing
undoubtedly with a normal volcanic structure, and I do not
believe at all that its origin can be attributed to extratellurian
phenomena.

He goes on to address himself to a query of Deg concerning a
nineteenth century report of human bones and pottery found in
Pliocene deposits and deposited at the Museum in Florence, and
says that the report was probably made before proper stratigraphy
was carried on, thus permitting a mixture of materials of different
epochs.

Naturally Deg was not satisfied. Comyns Beaumont had written
many year earlier of the erratic nature of volcanic eruptions and
suspected that meteors and volcanos transacted
electromagnetically. Stephanos found a striking instance of this
reported by the noted oceanographer Beebe on the ship "Arcturus"
approaching a volcano at Albermarle Sound. In one day, two
brilliant meteors came out of the sky and shot into the crater of the
volcano. Noting that Flaugergue's Comet preceded the frightful
New Madrid, Missouri, earthquake in 1811-1812, Deg figured that
a correlation between comets and meteors on the one side and
volcanos and earthquakes on the other side might well be
significantly positive.

Deg is also corresponding with Professor Ernst Wreschner at this
time, inquiring whether he has news of the discoveries at Ebla.
Wreschner on March 30, 1977 responds:

"...On the Italian digs and tablets. There are two possibilities
for the destruction of the town, 1) A natural catastrophe, 2) A
man-made one. The time: ca 2200 B.C. I do not think that a

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natural catastrophe destroyed the town and left the tablets
intact. The short-lived semitic (Jewish?) Kingdom of Eber had
powerful neighbors in what is now Iraq. The time is also
known as the beginning of the Hittite expansion..."

Other cosmic heretics are alert to the fate of Ebla. Its destruction
occurs in Deg's Mercurian period, a highly electrical period. The
nations are in turmoil; the natural forces of the Earth -- volcanic,
seismic, aquatic, atmospheric -- respond to exoterrestrial forces,
attributed often to the planet Mercury and his identities as Thoth,
Hermes, et al. Deg laid down the challenge: that no exceptions will
be found to the catastrophic destruction of settlements of this
period. Concurrently, radar engineer M.M. Mandelkehr published
his first study, this "An Integrated Model for an Earthwide Event
at 2300 B.C." that extended Schaeffer's Near East investigations
to demonstrate on all continents "a global catastrophe caused by
an extraterrestrial body." He worked quite alone, contentedly so,
apparently; Deg and Sizemore visited him on one occasion,
inasmuch as he lived not far from Trenton. Philip Clapham made
his debut as a cosmic heretic in 1983 with two articles in
Catastrophism and Ancient History on Ebla, fitting it into the
catastrophic chronology of the Near East.

***

One of the most promising ventures of the mid-seventies was the
little magazine that Hans Kloosterman, a Dutch geologist, put out
from Rio de Janeiro. The Catastrophist Geologist went on for two
years and subsided, but not before it had brought to light materials
of German and Russian catastrophists quite unknown to the
English-speaking heretics, and of a high degree of sophistication.
Noteworthy especially was Otto Schindewolf, a paleontologist who
had begun his publications in 1950. He favored the hypothesis that
fluctuations in high- energy cosmic radiation caused the periodic
extermination of most species. He contributed the essential concept
of anastrophism, the positive side of catastrophism, attributing the
birth as well as the death of species to radiation disasters.

Deg heard first from Kloosterman in May of 1977 and replied to
congratulate him. He absorbed material from at least half of the
contents of the journal into Lately Tortured Earth.

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Kloosterman removed himself a priori from an association with
Velikovsky, a step sincerely taken which would perhaps help to
bring a new line of contributors to the field; however, it also put
him out of touch with devotees of Velikovsky and actually incited
antagonism to his work. He knew that catastrophists were few,
without realizing perhaps how very few. He and Deg never met,
and Deg would get snippets of news about him from Dutch
heretics. The journal, which could have matched Kronos and SISR
had it continued, brought in professional geologists, an element
conspicuously absent in quantavolutionary circles.

***

What Deg meant by ideological features of geology and science
generally was amply explained in a note later on:

As I moved from the theory of human behavior into the study
of Nature, my intellectual baggage included the concept of a
"scientific fiction" which had given me good use for many years
and which may be hypothesized when encountering phenomena
that are unproven or lead too far afield to explain, yet are
needed to move ahead with an exposition.

I discovered surprisingly that most natural scientists are not
skeptical about some major guiding concepts, conceding to
them the 'hardness' of reality (reality itself being a fiction of
undeniable universal utility). Several scientific fictions can be
named, however, that may be losing some of their utility and
therefore should when employed should be watched for what
they are doing to one's mind and the facts being ordered.

Practical fictions of Science:

a)      the Ice Ages
b)      Natural Selection
c)      Continental Drift
d)      "In the Beginning," "primordial melt," the primitive
solar system," "as the Earth was being formed," "illud
tempus."

Such a fiction includes:
a)      the indexing function

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b)      the classifying of material
c)      an explanation of phenomena
d)      defense mechanism phenomena
e)      license to work (freedom)
f)      acceptance (reward)
g)      allows one to conjecture freely

All may have in common defense mechanisms vs.
catastrophism.

May be analyze with similar concepts articles in Nature before
1970 and several Sci. encyclopedias' usages of these terms.

Cf. Hans Vaihinger Philosophy of 'As If'

When no longer functional, these may and should be reviewed
to pass muster.

***

All the while the cosmic heretics were sure that the planets and the
Moon would display catastrophic effects along with the Earth.
Planetary and satellite geology was carried on actively in the pages
of Pensée and subsequent media of the heretics. The high heat of
Venus was the central topic of the debate, but V. kept extending his
list of claims to other planets and the Moon.

For instance, in a letter to H.H. Hess, July 2, 1969, he wrote:

Some nine thousand years ago water was showered on Earth
and Moon alike (deluge). But on the Moon all of it dissociated,
hydrogen escaping; the rocks will be found rich in oxygen,
chlorine, sulfur and iron.

Velikovsky had not then or later a fixed idea of when the Noachian
Flood, which he is talking about, occurred. Here it was 9000 B.P.
Sometimes he said 4000 B.P., at other times 6000 B.P., and it was
this last date that Deg also chose when the time came to postulate a
catastrophic calendar.

Unlike V. and other heretics, Deg accepted the theory of
"continental drift" that triumphed in geology during the postwar
generation. He went far beyond it, pulling the Moon from the Earth

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at the beginning of the continental movements, in proposing that
then the drift was a rapid "trot," assigning the total quantavolution
to a large passing sky body which he called Uranus Minor.

24 December 1981

A Merry Christmas and Happy New year to SIS and yourself!

The Editor, SISR
Dear Sir.

Dr. Peter Smith's "Open Earth" (V SISR I 1980-I 30-2) is not
open enough to some tastes. If, as he rightly says, "The only
certainties are that our sphere of ignorance is huge...," then he
should let some quantavolutionary theory squeeze through
along with the gang of speculations about continental drift. I do
not call if "drift" but "rafting." (See Chaos and Creation,
155) In fact, I considered calling it a "trot." Its course has
followed a negative exponential curve since its catastrophic
beginning. The simplest explanation of the mosaic of jostling
crustal pieces is an initial set of heavy shocks from a passing
body that wrenched away half of the crust, cracking the
remainder and sending it sliding hither and yon toward the
great basin exposed by the lost material.

For the moment, geophysicists are enchanted by the shivers of
movement and the designation of the creeping pieces as major
and minor plates. I have seen the most marvelous
reconstructions of the Earth going back "half a billion" years;
one is published by a University of Chicago paleographic
project under Alfred Ziegler. In my view, the original plate until
a few millennia ago was the whole earth covering the globe.
What we can chart now are the millimeters of creep of the long
uniformitarian tail of the exponential curve of decline from the
original precipitous outburst of crust.

To accomplish their uniformitarian infinitesimalism, most
geophysicists have taken refuge in billions of years; thus can the
curve be smoothened out. This imaginary flat curve they then
prove by elaborating geological and radiometric tests of time,
the very foundations of which were destroyed by
quantavolutions. But, too, tests of time aside, if Dr. Smith
would provide us with a single study proving subduction of
frozen mantle back into the molten depths -- carrying with it
light crystal material or, worse, where is all the stuff dumped

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along the shores? -- or if he can supply any other type of hard
proof that the continental plates move under an Earth power
that is sui generis and not originally extra-terrestrial, we should
be most obliged.

On the other hand, I do not intend to support Dr.
Velikovsky's view of continental drift, which was always to
my mind a non-view, "fence-straddling" (to allow an American
political expression). As he says, "My position on continental
drift was (and is ) intermediary between..." Between what -- an
orange and a banana? Maybe he did not want to hurt Harry
Hess' feelings, Hess having fathered the plate theory, for Hess
was one of the few establishment leaders who treated him with
a full hearing. Had Wegener's life not been cut short, he might
finally have come upon the best explanation of continental drift,
for he already had unblinded himself of major geological theses
and had the basic components of continental rafting
mechanisms in mind.

I hope that Dr. Smith's youthful journal, which you advertise,
will open up to articles employing condensed time scales and
depicting external forces playing upon the terrestrial globe.

Sincerely yours,
Alfred de Grazia

Deg's theory of recent lunar fission began in long fits of staring at
the physiography of the globe. He was attracted by Carey's
advocacy of a considerable global expansion as the basis for the
globe-girdling fractures, but then put off by M. Cook's comments
that the heat of such an expansion would have dissolved the Earth.
Still, invoking exoterrestrieal help, he worked up first an expansion
model, as is related in his letter to Cornuelle of August 1, 1974;
then, after a year of worrying that expansion great or small could
not explain the actual disposition of the continents, he decided upon
an explosion-expansion model. Only Milton actively endorsed the
concept. The cosmic heretics, who could visualize Venus flying by
the Earth 3500 years ago, balked at picturing the crust of the Earth
exploding into space to form the Moon a few thousands years
earlier. But Deg found that the model, proposed in Chaos and
Creation, of a binary solar system, recently disintegrating, could
accommodate lunar fission along with every major features and
dynamic of the natural and biological sciences, together with the

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earliest grand legendary themes of mankind.

When he finally got down to writing at length about geology in The
Lately Tortured Earth, the work came easily. It was simply a
matter of taking up in turn the elements of the biosphere,
lithosphere and hydrosphere and applying to them all the material
that he could gather about exoterrestrial forces playing upon the
Earth. The more he wrote, the better he felt about the possibility of
adapting conventional gradualism to quantavolution.

It seemed to him that the scientific fields were still far behind,
needlessly so, even when they were boldly led. After he had
completed the book and sent it off to India for production, he
became aware that a striking conference had been held at the resort
town of Snowbird, Utah on October 19- 22, 1981. Sponsored by
the National Academy of Sciences and the Lunar and Planetary
Institute, and funded liberally by several foundations and
institutions, scores of experts gathered to report upon their
separately supported and conducted researches in "Geological
Implications of Impacts of Large Asteroids and Comets on the
Earth." Deg was of course unknown and uninvited; he recognized
having met personally only one of the participants! Their papers
were published a year later by the Geological Society of America.

The conference would have been a practical impossibility a
generation earlier. It displayed contemporary geology doing what it
could do best, technical variations on a theme: given unmistakable
traces of the occurrence of certain meteoritic falls, how might these
be distinguished and measured, what excavations could they have
caused, what chemicals could have been scattered about, what
animals and planets would have died -- all of this tightly bound up
with uniformitarian experience and highly mathematicized. One
searches hopelessly in the volume for an enlarged philosophical and
cosmogonical inquiry.

Many topics went unaddressed, among them the possibility that
important exoterrestrial transactions of the Earth involved pass-bys
of large bodies without impacting; that planets might have played a
role in cosmic disasters; that the measures of time employed might
not be infallible; that the Earth's tortured crustal morphology might

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in its most general features be an exoterrestrial effect; and that
heavy fall-outs of non-exotic material such as water and gravel
might have occurred. When Deg examined the papers, he felt
keenly the ambivalence and loneliness of a front-runner in the
course of thought. The elation of being far ahead was countered by
the fear of being disoriented and by the longing to be moving
forward amidst a body of kindred spirits.

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