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*/Michael A. Rappengl?ck/*

*THE CLAVIFORM P-SIGN A TIME UNIT? *

*INTERPRETING A PALAEOLITHIC SYMBOL*

While studying Eurasian Palaeolithic cave art the focus of interest is
often set only at the beautiful representations of the animals. The
enigmatic signs however, scattered here and there above, below and
between the beasts, are mostly disregarded. But looking on a particular
type of sign – the claviforms – much closer, their may be a first
approach to understand a little bit more of their meaning.

One rather distinct group among the signs are the claviforms (type S1 H
in fig. 162; B.II.1.1 and B.II.1.2 in fig. 163; V c in fig. 164, Sauvet,
1993: 225-230, and figs. 162-165). Till today they are found only in
parietal and not in mobile art. In general they consist of a line with
an attached half circle, a triangular form or a loop. The protruding
part can face to the left or to the right side. In most cases it is
situated at the upper part of the line, but it also can be placed in the
middle of the stroke. The line itself in the lower part is often bent
slightly to the left or to the right side. Thus the claviform reminds
one of the letter „P“ of the Latin or Cyrillic alphabet (or the inversed
form). It therefore could be simple called the „P“-sign (ill. 1). The
claviforms are painted in red (ochre), seldom in black colour, and
sometimes they are engraved too. The P-claviforms are to be frequently
found in a limited region in today’s Spain and France, reaching from the
Cantabrian Spain across the Pyrenean area to the Dordogne and Ard?che
valleys [Leroi-Gourhan, 1958a: 320]. They mostly belong to the
Magdalenian epoch (17,000 –12,000 BP), except of one example coming from
the cave of Chauvet[1] <#_ftn1>, France [Clottes, 2001: 62, fig. 55],
which is much older. This claviform (ill. 2), painted in red ochre, was
discovered in a part of the „Salle Brunel“, called „Le Sacr?-Coeur“,
near the entrance into the grotto. With respect to the 14C-dating
[Clottes, 2001: 32-34], the claviform can be placed between 22,800 ± 400
BP (Ly-6879) and 32,900 ± 490 BP (Gifa 99776). The discovery of the
P-sign in the Chauvet cave clearly proves that the P-Sign belong to a
very old tradition.

In the research, based on their peculiar shape, these claviforms had
been interpreted as boomerangs, clubs, axes, stylised female figures,
rods with attachments [Beltran et al., 1966: 164, LXXXVIII, 82 C;
Leroi-Gourhan, 1958b: 388]. But this considerations by themselves don’t
lead on. It is necessary to take some other aspects into account.

Sometimes the P-signs are standing apart. But often they are closely
associated to sets of dots, nearby arranged into peculiar patterns (ill.
3a, 3b). Or they are combined with single strokes, which reminds one of
the today used symbol for the constellation “balance” (ill. 4a, 4b).
They too are frequently related to certain animals mostly the horse and
the bovine, and, however considerably less, to the hind, the doe and the
goat [Casado, 1979: 265; fig. 4]. Often claviform signs are iterated
(ill. 5). Concerning this iuxtapositions and series its seems plausible,
that they denote a kind of counting. This idea gains much more
probability, regarding the close relations of the claviforms to certain
animals: It looks like a sort of “commentary” added to the depicted
beasts, which “informs” about a “countable” characteristic of the animal
(ill. 6).

Already Marshack [1991: 327-28, 393-395] stated that this type of
claviform seems to be closely related to time-factored processes: He
proposed, that these signs may “represent units of some sort, obviously
not day units, but units that are additive and cumulative”. His research
showed, that the P-signs are somehow related to a hunter-gatherers
perception of animal and human pregnancy. They could express a kind of
seasonality, which may have been connected with certain myths and rites.
In particular the renewing of single signs in a series or the
accumulation of them step by step in a sequence would indicate the
temporal meaning of this type of signs.

It is striking, that very similar shaped signs (ill. 7) are known all
over the world as referring to time-factored processes [Wirth[2]
<#_ftn2>, 1936a: 646-675]. In particular they are connected with the
Moon's monthly and the Sun's annual course. Sometimes they appear in a
pair opposing to each other (ill. 8) – a kind of “Janus-figure” or a
“portal”, in which the celestial bodies indicate a time of change. Often
the pair of confronted P-signs seem to denote the turn of the year at a
solstice or equinox [Wirth, 1936a: 646-675; Audin, 1956]. A late, but
nevertheless nonetheless prominent symbol, which belongs to the same
tradition is the P-X-sign of Christianity, which hands down an archaic
cosmogram and consist of the two solstice diagonals and the equinoctial
line attached by a symbol for the rising Sun [Audin, 1956]. Thus the
claviforms in Palaeolithic cave art may probably denote the Sun or the
Moon somehow related to time-reckoning. There are some other pieces of
evidence, which support such an idea.

At a Selkup shaman’s drum Sun and Moon are drawn at the left and at the
right side of a world-tree [Hopp?l, 1994: 158, fig. 220 B]. The
pictogram of the Moon is very similar to the P-signs in Palaeolithic
cave art (ill. 9).

Another approach to decode the claviform signs was made by means of a
semiotic analysis [Sauvet, G. and Sauvet, S., 1979; Sauvet, G.: 1988]:
Based on the phenotype they may be formally related to simple graphic
characters, used in the ancient Sumerian, Hittite, Egyptian and Chinese
cultures [Sauvet and Wlodarczyk, 1977: 556, table VII]. The very similar
pictograms (ill. 10) symbolize an animal’s rip, a boomerang, a seashell,
a fish scale, fire, but at the same time also the Moon and the Sun. Thus
the claviforms in the caves may denote either the Sun or the Moon, or
both, depending on the context of a painting or engraving.

If the prominent P-signs are regarded only, then the results concerning
a possible “meaning” are much more clear: The pictogram denotes an
animal’s rib, a boomerang and the moon. It is interesting that the
claviforms already had been compared with “boomerangs” [Leroi-Gourhan,
1958b: 388]. In addition the Aborigines of Cape York (Australia) tell
about a giant boomerang, which was thrown into the sky and transformed
into the Moon [D'Arcy et al., 1994]. The Aborigines also relate the
waning Moon, shortly before New Moon, to a bone, which transforms itself
into the nautilus shell, which is the Full Moon [Bernd, 1948: 18-19].
Similar conceptions of a “moon-bone” are known from many other people
around the world. The Bushmen (Africa) deliver the myth of the Moon,
which is cut by the Sun’s knife – the solar rays – up to a thin slightly
sinuous line, the “back bone”, which is the thin waning crescent
[Schmidt, 1933: 558]. The Winnebago Natives (North America) associate
the Moon with a bone (a bear’s rib), because during waxing or waning the
bright “bone” (the thin Moon) shows the attached dark part, the meat
[Radin, 1990: 238, 390, 392]. The biblical story of Eve’s creation from
Adam’s rib [Schilling, 1963] hands down a hint on an original
association of the bone (rib), the Moon and the woman, which is clearly
based on a concept of cyclical fertility. This also bases the idea that
the claviforms, in particular the P-signs, could be derived from a
stylisation of the female, pregnant body [Marshack, 1991].

The shamans of the Jakuts (Asia) used an iron staff with a fastened
round Moon head to start the period of the waning Moon, during which he
is carved up [Schmidt, 1954: 288, 380]. Considering this rod with an
attached Moon-protuberance, other examples, coming from the Assyrian
culture are very interesting. Several seals show the rulers holding a
staff, with an attached half ring (or a staff and a full ring). There
are hints, that the rod and the ring is related to a measurement
instrument, to the Sun(-god) and Moon(-god), and served as a symbol of
power [Ascalone and Peyronel, 2001: 7-8, and fn. 20]. P-signs (ill. 7,
8), which are very similar to the Palaeolithic forms, are handed down by
the Sumerian culture [Wirth, 1936a: 672-673, 1936b: 333, 2, 3, 5, 11,
12, 13, 14, 15]. They are closely related to the ruler’s and god’s
authority. And they seem to be associated with celestial bodies, mostly
the sun, and the equinoxes [Audin, 1956].

Well, some of the dot- and claviform-associations give clear hints on a
relation of a possible relation of the P-signs to parts or a complete
lunar cycle. In the cave of Le Portel[3] <#_ftn3>, France, a P-sign
(Galer?a IV Breuil, El camar?n; ill.11) is associated an ellipsoid
pattern of 13 black points at the right side above the claviform. Two
curved rows of dots (28/29?, 16?) and one other sequence (55/56?) are
painted at the left side and below [Beltr?n et al., 1966: 164, LXXXVIII,
82 C]. In the cave of Niaux[4] <#_ftn4>, France, two P-signs [Black
Salon, Panel 6; ill. 12], showing the curve to the right side, are
associated with three rows consisting of 26 red points [Clottes, 1997:
119, ill. 145]. And in the cave of Lascaux[5] <#_ftn5>, France a row of
26 points shape a P-like sign [Diverticule axial; ill. 13] closely
associated with a horse. Considering this cases, it seems probable, that
the claviforms may have something to do with the lunar cycle. As a kind
of a “meta-sign” probably denote parts of him or the whole lunation.

This idea is clearly confirmed by an engraving in the cave of
Trois-Fr?res[6] <#_ftn6>. In this cave exists a strange picture (ill.
14), which can be used as a key for decoding the meaning of the
P-claviform signs. Very next to the famous panel „Dieu Cornu“ the rock
wall shows an engraved horse, looking something sketched. Across the
animal's body a curved line of P-claviforms can be recognized. 12 such
signs show the half circle of the „P“ facing to the right side. Then
follows such a sign, looking to the left side and then again a sign
facing the right side. Thus the two last „P“-signs are arranged
symmetrically to each other. This superimposition isn’t made by chance,
but intended [Sauvet and Wlodarczyk, 1977: 554]. According to Marshack
[1991: 395] this representation also may b related to a seasonal and /
or biological rhythm, which he believed could be a part of a conceptual
calendar. Koneckis [1994: 167-170] suggested, the pregnant horse would
symbolize the old year, in its final stage, which carries the unborn new
year in his womb. Then the 12 P-signs would represent the number of
synodical months in a solar year. Each claviform would denote the first
quarter of the moon in a month. The 13th inversed P-sign would indicate,
that 12 synodical months correspond to 13 siderical ones. The difference
of 10-11 days between both would be expressed by the last P-claviform,
which is something clumsy incised and the two vertical turned V-signs,
which would symbolize two hands (equally to 10 fingers). This is a fine
idea, but Koneckis didn’t support his intuition by other scientific
arguments apart from counting the P-signs and speculating. Nevertheless
his idea is pointing the way.

As shown above the P-signs have something to do with time-factored
processes related to the animals seasonal fertility. They are in general
related to the sun or the moon, with a significant weighting on the
moon. They may represent a sort of time unit, which is clearly not the
day. This unit is additive and cumulative. It is associated with sets of
dots, which may represent a subgroup of units. Therefore it is plausible
that the P-sign may denote a lunar month and the associated dots days.
The associated animals (horse, bovine and others) may then indicate
bigger time units, depending on the fertility cycles and seasons of the
beasts. It is important to see that the P-signs in no case show a
complete calendar, but rather work as a kind of date in the context of
the rock pictures.

Keeping the above stated results in mind the depiction of the horse in
the Trois-Fr?res cave can be examined once more. Marshack [1991:
327-328] has shown that the first 12 of the 14 P-signs had been made in
one series, and then two opposed claviforms had been added. This
indicates a “year” of 12 lunar months plus a certain time unit at the
end of this cycle. In contrary to Koneckis it can not be immediately
derived from the engraving, what kind of lunar month – a synodical or
siderical one – is depicted. To take some conclusions it is necessary to
look on the depicted animal. The horse may be pregnant [Marshack, 1991:
328]. And a second back, a second and third tail, and a second and third
abdomen are added, indicating a process of renewing [Marshack, 1991:
327]. It is known from several scientific studies, that the pregnancy
period of the horse played an important role in Palaeolithic
time-reckoning [Rappengl?ck, 1999: 194-195]. The mare of the wild horse
(Equus przewalskii) has a gestation period of 340 days on an average
[Hofmann, 1988: 186]. If the horse indicates a comprehensive time-unit
and the series of P-signs plus the additional pair of claviforms denote
12 + 1 (= 13) lunar months, then the length of such a month would be
about 26 days. This number appears repeatedly in the sets of dots
associated with the P-signs and in the P-shaped row below the horse in
the “Diverticule Axiale” of the Lascaux cave (ill. 13). It’s nearly a
siderical month of 27/28 days, using integers, as it was usual in the
time-reckoning of ancient cultures.

As shown above, the pair of two P-signs (ill. 14, ill. 8), facing each
other with their protuberances, works like a Janus-ideogram, which
denotes the change of time, in this case the turn of the year related to
the pregnancy period of the horse. In addition 14 such months with a
length of about 26 days give a result of 364 days, which is about the
number of days in a solar year (365/366). Thus the paired P-signs may
depict the 13th and the 14th month in a solar year, which “frame” a
special point in the year, perhaps a solstice or an equinox. The
engraved horse with the 14 P-signs probably indicates just an important
point in the course of the year and the biological rhythm of the animal.
Looking on a mare, there is a period of 50-70 days during December and
January – around the winter solstice – in which the animal’s ovary is
inactive (anestrus). Starting with springtime and continuing through
late autumn the mare is “in heat”. Equine veterinary research has shown
that there is a seasonal trend in the beast’s fertility, which makes the
Full Moon around summer solstice (June) the best suited time in the year
for mating (Kollerstrom and Power, 2000). During Ice Age epochs the peak
of the fertility optimum surely was higher, because of the very short
summer time. Thus it is very probably that the double P-sign at the
horse indicates the summer solstice time of heat and some weeks before
of foaling. This is supported too by the renewals of the animal’s
outlines, which are obvious [Marshack, 1991: 328]. The doubled angle at
the hindquarter (ill. 14), pointing to the last P-claviform, surely has
a meaning, but to really decode this, would need a further study of
similar signs (ill. 15) in association to other animals and type of signs.

With respect to the above presented interpretation of the P-signs other
depictions in the Magdalenian caves of Spain and France and in
postglacial rock art can be recognized too as a sort of time indication
(ill. 16, ill. 17). In this short study they couldn’t analysed in
detail, because of the available space.

As a conclusion this study suggests to recognize the P-claviform as a
kind of meta-sign for the time-unit of one lunar month, consisting of
about 26 days. It is associated to the biological rhythms of certain
animals and may be used for fixing dates and time-periods.

*References*

*Ascalone, E. and Peyronel, L.*: 2001, Two Weights from Temple N at Tell
Mardikh-Ebla, Syria: A Link between Metrology and Cultic Activities in
the Second Millennium BC? – Journal of Cuneiform Studies 53: 1-12.

*Audin, A*.: 1956, Dianus bifrons ou les deux station solaires : Piliers
jumeaux et portiques solsticiaux. - Revue G?ographie de Lyon 31: 191-199.

*Beltr?n, A., Robert, R. and V?zian, J.:* 1966, La cueva de Le Portel.
Zaragoza: Seminario de Prehistoria y Protohistoria, Facultad de
Filosof?a y Letras (Caesaraugusta. Anejo,1). p. 198.

*Beltr?n, A., Gailli, R. and Romain, R.:* 1973, La Cueva de Niaux (=
Monografias Arqueologicas XVI). Zaragoza: Talleres Editoriales Librer?a
Geberal. 274 p.

*Berndt, R. M.:* 1948, A ?W]nguri-?Mand?kai Song Cycle of the Moon-Bone.
– Oceania 19 (1): 16-50.

*Breuil, H.:* 1933-1935, Les Peintures Rupestres Sch?matique de la
P?ninsule Ib?rique. 4 vols. Paris: Imprimerie de Lagny.

*Clottes, J.: *1997, Niaux: Die altsteinzeitlichen Bilderh?hlen in der
Ari?ge. Ed. Gerhard Bosinski. (= Thorbecke Spel?o 4). Sigmaringen: Jan
Thorbecke Verlag. 178 p.

*D'Arcy, P., Sutton, M., Towney, S.:* 1994, The Emu in the Sky: Stories
about the Aboriginals and the day and night. Canberra: The National
Science and Technology Centre. 20 p.

*Hofmann, H.: *1988, GU Naturf?hrer: S?ugetiere: Die wichtigsten Arten
Europas kennenlernen und bestimmen. M?nchen: Gr?fe und Unzer. 255 p.

*Hopp?l, M.:* 1994, Schamanen und Schamanismus. Augsburg: Pattloch. 185 p.

*Kollerstrom, N. and Power, C.:* 2000 The Influence of the Lunar Cycle
on Fertility on two Thoroughbred Stud Farms. – Equine Veterinary Journal
January 2000.

*Koneckis, R.*: 1994, Mythen und M?rchen: Was uns die Sterne dar?ber
verraten. Stuttgart: Franckh Kosmos. 204 p.

*Leroi-Gourhan, A*.: 1958a, La fonction des signes dans les sanctuaire
pal?olithique. – Bulletin Soci?t? Pr?historique Fran?aise 55: 307-321.
1958b, Le symbolisme des grand signes dans l'art pari?tal pal?olithique.
– Bulletin Soci?t? Pr?historique Fran?aise 55: 384-398.

*Marshack, A*.: 1991, The Roots of Civilization. Revised and Expanded.
The Cognitive Beginnings of Man's First Art, Symbol and Notation. Mount
Kisco, New York: Moyer Bell Limited. 445 p.

*M?ller-Karpe, H.*: 19772, Handbuch der Vorgeschichte. Erster Band:
Altsteinzeit. M?nchen: C.H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung. 389 p.

*Radin, P.:* 1990, The Winnebago Tribe. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press. 511 p.

*Rappengl?ck, M*.: 1999, Eine Himmelskarte aus der Eiszeit? Ein Beitrag
zur Urgeschichte der Himmelskunde und zur pal?oastronomischen Methodik,
aufgezeigt am Beispiel der Szene in Le Puits, Grotte de Lascaux (Com.
Montignac, D?p. Dordogne, R?g. Aquitaine, France). Frankfurt/M., Berlin,
Bruxelles, New York, Wien: Peter Lang Europ?ischer Verlag der
Wissenschaften. 531 p.

*Ruspoli, M*.: 1986, Lascaux: Heiligtum der Eiszeit. Freiburg, Basel,
Wien: Herder. 208 p.

*Sauvet, G.:* 1988, La communication graphique pal?olithique (de
l'analyse quantitative d'un corpus de donn?es ? son interpr?tation
s?miologique). - L' Anthropologie 92 (1): 3-16. 1993, Les Signes
Pari?taux. In: L'Art pari?tal pal?olithique - Technique et m?thodes
d'?tude (Minist?re de l'Enseignement Sup?rieur et de la Recherche,
Comit? des Travaux Historique et Scientifiques), Documents
Pr?historique, p. 219-234. Paris: ?d. Du CTHS. 427 p.

*Sauvet, G. and Sauvet, S*.: 1979, Fonction s?miologique de l'art
pari?tal animalier franco-cantabrique. Bulletin Soci?t? Pr?historique
Fran?aise 76: 340-354.

*Sauvet, G. and S, Wlodarczyk, A.*: 1977, Essai de s?miologie
pr?historique (Pour une th?orie des premier signes graphiques de
l'homme). – Bulletin Soci?t? Pr?historique Fran?aise 74: 545-558.

*Schilling, O*.: 1963, Das Mysterium Lunae und die Erschaffung der Frau
[nach Gn 2, 21 f.] Paderborn: Ferdinand Sch?ningh. 36 p.

*Schmidt, W*.: 1954, Der Ursprung der Gottesidee. Eine historisch
kritische Studie. Band XI: Die Religionen der Hirtenv?lker. M?nster i.
W.: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung. 734 p. 1933, Der Ursprung der
Gottesidee. Eine historisch kritische Studie. Band IV: Die Religionen
der Urv?lker Afrikas. M?nster i. W.: Aschendorffsche
Verlagsbuchhandlung. 821 p.

*Vialou, D*., 1986: L’Art des grottes en Ari?ge Magdal?nienne. XXIIe
suppl?ment ? « Gallia Pr?histoire ». Paris: ?ditions du Centre National
de la Recherche Scientifique. 425 p.

*Wirth, H*.: 1936a, Die Heilige Urschrift der Menschheit.
Symbolgeschichtliche Untersuchungen diesseits und jenseits des
Nordatlantik. Band I: Text. Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, p. 783 + 196.
1936b, Die Heilige Urschrift der Menschheit. Symbolgeschichtliche
Untersuchungen diesseits und jenseits des Nordatlantik. Band II:
Bildatlas. Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, p. 429.

*Ill. 1 **Spain Pyrenean Region Dordogne others*

*Illustrations:*

Ill. 1: Claviform and P-signs (after Sauvet et al., 1977: 546, tab. I)

Ill. 2: The P-sign in the Chauvet cave (after Clottes, 2001: 62)

Ill. 3a: Two P-signs connected with a 2 x3 matrix of dots in the cave of
Niaux (s. fn 4), b: P-signs associated with dots in the cave of Fontanet
(Com. Ussat Les Bains, D?p. Ari?ge, R?g. Midi-Pyrennes, France; ?:
42°49' N | ?: 1°38' E ; 12770 ± 420 BP LY2184), a: after Leroi-Gourhan,
1958b: fig. 3, 155. b: after Vialou, 1986: 38, fig. 3 III.

Ill. 4 a, b: Claviforms looking like the symbol for the constellation
“Balance” (after Sauvet et al., 1977: 546, tab. 1)

Ill. 5: Six P-signs associated to two clouds of dots in the cave of
Pindal (Ribadedeva, Asturias, Spain; ?: 43°23' 50” N | ?: 0°50' 30” W
Madrid) probably Magdalenian epoch (after Leroi-Gourhan, 1958b: fig. 3, 156)

Ill. 6: A horse surrounded by 80 P-signs in the cave of Tuc-d’Audoubert
(s. fn 6), after Marshack, 1991: 394, fig.237).

Ill. 7a, b, c: Sumerian P-signs (after Wirth, 1936b: 333, fig. 11, 2, 12
and commentary in 1936a: 672-673, 1, 11, 12)

Ill. 8: P-sign denoting the Moon on a Selkup shaman’s drum (after
Hopp?l, 1994: 158, 220 B)

Ill. 9: The shape of the claviforms are similar to certain pictograms
used in the writing systems some ancient cultures (Sauvet et al., 1977:
556, tab. VII).

Ill. 10: A P-signs an rows of dots in the cave of Portel (s fn. 3)
(after Vialou, 1986: tab. XVIII, 5)

Ill. 11: Two P-signs associated with 26 dots in the cave of Niaux (after
Leroi-Gourhan, 1958b: fig. 3, 157)

Ill. 12: A P-shaped row of 26 dots closely connected with a horse in the
Lascaux cave (s. fn. 5) (after Ruspoli, 1986: 108, 45-46)

Ill. 13: A horse with 12 single and one paired P-sign in the cave of
Trois-Fr?res (s. fn. 6), after Marshack, 1991: 327, fig.196)

Ill. 14: A bison with six associated P-signs, three dots, one angle-sign
and two other signs in the cave of Pindal, Spain (after M?ller-Karpe,
1977: tab. 152, B, 4)

Ill. 15: A complete ”narrative” composition of P-signs, arranged dots,
and animals in the cave of Niaux (after Beltran, 1973: 173, fig. 117-123)

Ill. 16: A composition of two paired crooks (similar to that on the
hindquarter of horse in ill. 13), 6+13+12=31 dots around a conical
stroke and an indeterminable sign coming from La Silla (Abrigo Grande,
Sierra de Hornachos, Bajadoz, Spain; ?: 39° N | ?: 7°W), after Breuil,
1933-1935).

Gilching, Germany

------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] <#_ftnref1> Com. Vallon Pont d'Arc, D?p. Ard?che, R?g. Rh?ne-Alpes;
?: 44°24' N | ?: 4°24' E; 14C-dates in Clottes, 2001: 32-34.

[2] <#_ftnref2> Herman Wirth had supported the ideology of the National
Socialists in the early 20^th century. Therefore its is necessary to
treat his scientific results with caution. But nevertheless his rich
collections of original material remain a valuable resource.

[3] <#_ftnref3> Com. Loubens, D?p. Ari?ge, R?g. Midi-Pyr?n?es; ?: 43°1'
N | ?: 1°36' E; 12760 ± 170 BP (GIF2943). 12180 ± 125 (AA-9465), 11600 ±
150 (AA-9466).

[4] <#_ftnref4> Com. Niaux, D?p. Ar?ege, R?g. Midi-Pyr?n?es; ?: 44°35' N
| ?: 2°4' E; 10150 ± 200 BP (GIF1940), 10100 ± 150 BP (GIF1939), 9850 ±
130 BP (GIF1937), 5650 ± 200 BP (GIF1938).

[5] <#_ftnref5> Com Montignac, D?p. Dordogne, R?g. Aquitaine; ?: 45°4' N
| ?: 1°10' E; 14C-dates in Rappengl?ck, 1999: 45-48.

[6] <#_ftnref6> Com. Montesquieu-Avant?s, D?p. Ari?ge, R?g.
Midi-Pyrennes; ?: 42°59' N | ?: 1°8' E; 14C date from the adjoining cave
of Tuc-d’Audoubert 14350 ± 160 (Gif 5867).