* < <../../index.htm> Main Page <../../index.htm>* * Chapter 5* Cults and Rituals Archaeologists tend to suggest that anything they do not understand is ritual, whether it is a monument or an artefact, but this practice should not be used as an excuse not to try to understand what might be meant by the term in the particular context. Ritual can mean any habitual activity and may not be religious in the sense that we use the word nowadays. Veneration of the ancestors involves ritual: nowadays it can be bound up with patriotism and involves rituals like saluting the flag, laying wreaths at memorials and singing the National Anthem. There are rituals connected with football and cricket and other sports. The 'Ashes' for instance or the Olympic flame are examples. So we should not immediately associate ritual with religion in prehistoric contexts. Prehistoric religion was an immensely complicated business and whenever we try to understand it, we inevitably simplify it and lose most of its sublety and possibly most of the significance that it had for early people. Presumably, the change of susistance/life-style undertaken by Neolithic people brought with it at a change or, at least, a modification of belief into something that could become visible to us as an integral part of man's way of life during the period. One important cult concerned the very basis of existence. Hunting and/or farming depended for their success on natural forces or whatever it was that controlled these natural forces. Because of their lack of knowledge of these natural forces, man?s method of getting to grips with them was to personify and deify them. After that, it required sustained effort on man's part to forge and cement a successful relationship with these deities. Evidence of this can be seen in the use of fana during the earlier Neolithic period and later in the construction of monuments that needed immense labour and time to build. This later effort seems totally out of proportion with the economic prosperity of the times. Whether we shall ever be able to understand the functions of these monuments is a moot point. First of all we must make an effort to understand the impulses that prompted the construction of many of these monuments. One can suggest that they were the result of two impulses: !. The need to identify methods of communication with these natural forces/gods. 2. The need to negotiate a contract (an understanding) with these gods. Both would have involved sacrifices or deposits accompanied by rituals. For these to be effective they would have required the establishment of an especially sacred spot where these practices could most effectively be carried out. The sacrifices would have been in the nature of down-payments for benefits that the gods would bestow in future like success in animal husbandry and prosperous harvests. Deposits would have been in the nature of an indication of the sort of blessing the supplicant desired. Neolithic monuments like causewayed enclosures could have been sites for both these activities. If this was so, their locations would have been chosen by the religious leaders and their interiors tailored to the rituals that took place within them. Distribution of the causewayed enclosures is predominantly a southern and eastern one, areas where one finds the lighter soils that the Neolithic cultivator could cope with, and perhaps it defines the approximate limits of the earliest Neolithic agriculture in Britain although, of course, the monuments did not appear until people had been settled for a many centuries. Religious leaders were the intermediaries between men and gods since they had acquired or assumed the wisdom that enabled them to decide what rituals would best propitiate the gods and the knowledge to interpret the gods' demands. How they ccame to be credited with this wisdom is difficult to understand. Their rituals were traditional and probably only gradually changed with time and so perhaps brought about modifications/changes in the designs of the monuments. We know that not all of the later ritual monuments were constructed and left unchanged. Some were modified, like Stonehenge that was rebuilt or added to on several occasions, and presumably these phases reflected changing rituals and/or beliefs that occurred over the centuries. A surprising number were never finished (Stonehenge and Silbury Hill, for example) and this may reflect change of religious belief or political inclination or very slow building programmes that were not completed during the lifetimes of the beliefs which gave rise to them. What part death and burial played in religion at different times is open to interpretation. Nowadays most people treat them as indivisible from it but do not need to be. In earlier neolithic times there was probably no link even though the cult of the veneration of ancestors resulted in the construction of the large ossuaries we call earthern long barrows and megalithic barrows. Veneration of the ancestors seems to have been widespread in the British Isles, judging by the almost universal distribution of these monuments. Variations in size, plans and materials, described in the last chapter, prompt one to think that within this creed there were a large number of sects, living cheek by jowl, each with its own version of the sepulchre. In Britain the occurrence of grave goods in formal burials commonly only begins with the period of the late-neolithic Beaker burials and seems to suggest a hope for life after death and therefore some new direction in religious thinking but it is difficult to know how this could be linked with the prevailing belief in the sanctity of natural forces. Only important people appear to have been eligible for continued existence so perhaps it was initially a cult restricted to the well-off that only gradually percolated down to lesser folk. Clearly, even when religion is in an early stage of development it does not mean that it is easy to understand at this remove in time nor is it at any time uncomplicated or free from variations in belief even within the same society. Such subtle diversities are probably beyond our reach. Later on, particular gods became identified with certain communities (like Jehovah and the Jews) who looked after the particular interests of their people. This becomes evident at least as early as the Iron Age in Britain when evidence such as the Brigantian tribe naming themselves after their goddess Brigantia appears. With the coming of the Romans to Britain, religion became both a personal matter and (for Roman citizens) an official observance. Each Roman citizen could choose his or her own personal deity as long as they also paid lip service to the gods of the Roman state. The Roman state religion was universal and inextricably entwined with Roman imperial power so it was the adoption of Christianity by the Roman authorities to replace the earler state religion during the fourth century AD that ensured the survival of the Church and its dispersion throughout the western world as both an official belief and a bureaucratic and centralised organisation. **** ** <../../Templates/onlinetexts-index.htm>************ * The Monuments of the Early Farmers in the Landscape ** <../cap.htm>* * * * main page <../onlinetexts-start.htm>* ** <../onlinetexts-start.htm>** * Craftmanship * * * *** ** *